Wrapped in Flames: The Great American War and Beyond

Chapter 129: Grasping at Thrones
Chapter 129: Grasping at Thrones

January 30th, 1867
Solitude Plantation, Mississippi, Confederate States of America


The plantation house showed remarkable little trace of having been burned in the war. Despite the slaves having run off when Pope’s forces had marched for Grenada in 1863, and Union foragers burning the home as they passed, the home looked well weathered. For all that Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar had done well in the post-war years. Briefly the envoy to Russia after a long period in Europe from 1863-66, he had returned home to find many friends and family dead, his home ruined, and his wife, son and daughters living out their life with a single slave. He had been able to count on a generous salary from the President and slowly rebuild his home and expand the plantation thanks to foreign investments which had paid back handsomely and he had sent home. That had allowed for success and rebuilding.

Lamar had wanted to host the president earlier, but he had been perennially embarrassed until the house was completed. Davis mused that had he known how poorly most homes above his on the Mississippi looked, he would likely have been less embarrassed. Davis himself had toured much of the route through the lands the Great Disturbance had scorched under guard. He’d quickly discovered who his friends were, and who his enemies were. Some had thanked him as he’d commiserated with him, and he suspected some had only been restrained from violence by the presence of his cavalry escort. He was only glad Varina was back in Richmond and far away from all this.

“It’s a fine house, I think, your family will prosper here,” Davis said pleasantly.

“In time, Mr. President, in time. They had hardships while I was in Europe,” Lamar’s eyes briefly were far away. “They all did.”

Lamar had been an enthusiastic advocate of secession, far more than Davis had been. They differed on some items politically, but unlike many policy makers in Richmond, Davis respected Lamar. It must have been quite a shock for him to come home and see so much of his home state burned by the war. Davis himself had been heartbroken, and his fellow Mississippian was equally upset. The past year seemed to have sucked some of the fire from Lamar’s rhetoric, but he was still a fiery presence in politics. Especially on the foreign scene where he had helmed many discussions with foreign leaders.

“We have given them all a new future at least, one free of Yankee tyranny.” Davis said.

“Quite so, though we are approaching a pivotal event in our Confederacy,” Lamar replied.

“The upcoming election? What of it?” Davis couldn’t quite keep the amusement from his voice. “Everyone knows General Lee will run, and he will win. It is as simple as that. I don’t think anyone would be fool enough to run against him, save perhaps for Beauregard.”

“Do you really believe it will be that simple?” Lamar asked, barely keeping the surprise from his voice.

“General Lee will reveal little of his post-war plans to me, but he has heavily hinted he wants to retire. What else could a man of his national stature do in retirement? The Yankees seized his home, Arlington is a charnel house now by all reports.”

Lamar scowled. Each of them knew how far Washington, and the abolitionists especially, had gone to do their best to wreck Lee’s properties. Virginia had allocated him a plantation deeper in the state, in recognition of his good service. That, in Davis’s opinion, was the least the Confederacy owed him. Absent his hard work at Washington and then along the Potomac in 1863, then the crushing victories at Mine Run and Pipe Creek in 1864, the Confederacy might not have prevailed when Perfidious Albion had cut them loose.

Britain’s stature was not high in the Confederacy at the moment. Indeed, absent looking to friendly banking houses and taking British goods, little good was said of Britain. Davis felt slighted, and little banked his anger more than being slighted. He could barely stand to shake the new ambassador’s hand when he had come to Richmond last year. However, Davis was wise enough to realize that they needed at least a cordial relation with Britain to survive. He was much more friendly with the French at this moment. They at least were receptive to Confederate diplomatic overtures.

The new Emperor in Mexico was with them, or so it seemed. That always kept the French’s attention, and there had been subtle overtures of working together. That though, Davis thought with satisfaction, would be for his successor to deal with. And he was increasingly convinced it would be General Lee. Who else would run?

“When Lee becomes president he will be dealing with a group of men who can’t attack him with the same impunity they scorn me with,” Davis said primly.

“Some of them certainly would dare to,” Lamar said. “Toombs is the most fiery in his denunciation of the military. He has had a great deal ill to say of you.”

“He and that blasted Alexander can spread my name through the mud until Judgement Day, it doesn’t change they have been wrong about almost everything.”

“You are perhaps too flippant with your disregard. Toombs and Stephens have the same interest in our new nation as you do.”

“Their interest is in ruining it,” Davis snorted.

Lamar sipped his drink quietly for a moment. Davis felt suddenly abashed.

“I am bringing disquiet into your home after so much uproar has come upon it. I apologize.”

“These have been trying time,” Lamar said, gracefully accepting the apology. “Though what do you intend to do now that your time as president is ending?”

“I will return to Mississippi, manage my plantation, and stay well and clear of politics. Perhaps I’ll be a lawyer again.”

“After so much time in high office?”

“I never sought the office, but had it foisted upon me. I would hardly wish to inflict it upon anyone! No, I intend to stay out of the fray. Let future generations say I became like Cincinnatus, I did my duty and then retired to my farm.”

Lamar chuckled. “Quite the modest allusion.”

“I helped found this new nation, I can give myself some credit through history.”

The two men laughed and toasted the Confederacy. They spent time on idle chatter for a release from politics. Lamar needed a new overseer, and Davis needed more advice in the coming planting season. He had been six years away from his home, so much work would be needed for it to turn a profit. Horses and the opening of trade on the Mississippi was another point of discussion, with both men eager to make new investments through New Orleans. Lamar believed there was business to be opened in Mexico now that the nation was no longer under the rule of halfbreeds, but rather an enlightened European monarch.

Inevitably, it returned to politics.

“What then should men do, do you think?” Lamar asked.

“You should run for the Senate, you’re a good man. I’m telling my good men in the cabinet the same thing, especially Breckinridge, if anyone could help restore Kentucky it would be him. You could do the same for Mississippi! You’re reliable and have the interest of your state, and the Confederacy as a whole, at heart. Too many blackguards put their parochial priorities ahead of the good of the nation. We have to remember it is a Confederacy of states, not just a lobbyist group for Mississippi or South Carolina.”

“Some men believe that we act to defend the nation, but otherwise should the states should be left to their own devices.”

“Then the war has taught some fools nothing,” Davis grumbled. He knew Lamar agreed with that, and sadly there was too much evidence that some were happy to retreat to their plantations to watch the years roll by. If he could convince even a few people against such stupidity, Davis would consider his work complete. Until then, he had the final year of his term to complete.


February 11th 1867
Orizaba, Mexican Empire


Up on the high plateaus and well away from the malarial conditions which afflicted European soldiery, one of the premier bases of operation for French and European soldiers was set at Orizaba. Though garrisoned primarily by Mexican soldiers, it was augmented by French infantry who did not fully trust their erstwhile allies. Sitting at the bottom of the ascent up the mountains towards Puebla and Mexico City, then back to Veracruz, it was an important linchpin in the trade routes in the south. The snow capped titan of Pico de Orizaba loomed over the city, her smaller daughter hills standing like sentinels in the way of any advance. It had not been enough to stop the French in 1862, nor the march of progress onwards from the sea towards the capital. That was, at least, how Europeans and Americans saw it.

One American rider in particular, the reigns in his teeth as he flashed a wad of cash towards a porter, thought that was the case. He was much impressed with the way the streets seemed cleaner than they had on his last visit twenty years prior. They hadn’t run into any bandits on the road from Veracruz to Orizaba, and though there was much evidence of disturbance still, men hung from trees, cannonades mounted on the trains, it was altogether a much more pleasant experience than any he had endured in his last visit. Though, he supposed, to be fair to the Mexicans, he had been invading their country during a war.

Philip Kearny was now far less interested in invading Mexico rather than helping it prosper. It was the least he could do now that his own nation seemed determined to drive itself into despondency and ruin.

Dismounting in front of the hotel he had been informed local officers used, he handed his reins off to the porter and went to enter.

“Der is de rascal!” A strong German voice said. Kearny turned and put out his only good hand to a smaller man with a bushy moustache and a sword at his hip. The two men squeezed palms and Kearny stepped back to examine the officer in his new uniform.

“An aide-de-camp to the emperor himself? And here you were just a colonel when you mustered out of the Union Army in 1865 Felix!”

“Kaiser Maximilian has been very generous in rewarding good service,” Felix Salm-Salm said as he allowed himself to preen slightly for his friend. The two had met during the war serving in Virginia. Both men had a love for soldiering, and ironically both loved women named Agnes. The two wives were embracing one another in the background in the Mexican fashion. Kearny smiled, pleased to see his Agnes would have good company for their trip to Mexico City.

“I only hope he will be as generous with me, I did fight against his brother in Italy.”

Salm-Salm gave a mirthless laugh. “Ah but my dear Kearny, we are all allies now you see? Austrian and French bayonets each hold up the throne! How could be bare you any ill will? Indeed, he could not afford it.”

In truth, that was why Kearny was in Mexico. He had hoped the war would continue until treason was defeated, but the feckless and cowardly President McClellan was proving he was as inept at politics and diplomacy as he was at battle and maneuver. With a few choice comments directed towards Washington, Kearny had resigned from the army late in 1866 and been surprised to receive an invitation to go south into Mexico where there was a real need for experience in organizing Maximilian’s new army.

“Last I had heard the imperial army was growing,” Kearny said.

“Dis is true, ja, but who is using de army?” Salm-Salm said, a hint of exasperation in his voice. “General Bazaine is marching nord and sud, taking de best French soldiers to battle de juaristas while leaving de kaiser wit only Austrian and Belgian soldiers to support de Mexicans. Some of whom he, wisely, does not trust.”

“Ever a scheming lot it seems.”

“Let us say I would trust de rank und file wit my life, but de officers perhaps not as far as I could spit,” he put his head aside and spat for emphasis. “Dere’s a few loyal men, but schemers and malcontents abound. I trust de Indian Häuptling more dan a mestizo officer.”

“Precisely why us Europeans and Americans must show them what it means to be loyal and how to wage war,” Kearny nodded. In his experience the Mexican soldiery could fight well, but their officers were often hopelessly inept. If a proper academy could be established, then perhaps they could at last teach the Mexicans to hold their own. If only they pointed their guns towards Mexico’s enemies rather than its leaders.

“But de truth is, we need men who can help fight de banditry which plagues dis country. Whole regions are lacking in government and anarchy like doze German 48ers I met in your army desired is de norm.”

“And after reading your letter with such a generous offer, how could I refuse?” Kearny said. Maximilian was working hard to build an independent power base outside the French and the conservative elite, but to do it he needed men who would follow him and help enforce his edicts. Kearny might not be a politician, but he could train men and point them at the enemies of the nation.

Whereas many in Washington could not it seemed.

“Were you so eager to leave your country?” Salm-Salm asked.

Kearny shook his head. “No, but I could not sit idly by and watch my nation torn asunder when we had in our power the means to prevent it. I could not declare my allegiance to a man in Washington who was a coward during the war, and who now only looks to his own glory rather than that of the nation. Here at least I can do some good. I never was one for subtlety.”

Salm-Salm clapped him on the shoulder. “Den you are in de right place. Mexico is no place for subtlety now!”

“Miraculous that you are so accommodating to the man who your homeland fought recently!”

Salm-Salm chuckled. “I have no hatred to Austria for a war with Prussia, besides, we are all exiles here in one way or another.” Grinning he switched to French. “After all, this is the language of war, no?”

“It is the language of Napoleon, yes,” Kearny replied in French. Sometimes that was all one needed as a lingua franca among the soldiers of fortune he found.

“Then whether we like it or not we must help Maximilian establish a good government here and escape dancing to Napoleon’s tune. I am but a soldier, I do not set policy in Mexico, Vienna, Berlin or Paris, but I can fight to support a well meaning man when I see one.”

“Precisely why I fought for Lincoln, and why I won’t dishonor my sword by drawing it for McClellan. Let us find the ladies and toast to good men then!” With his good arm, he gestured for the hotel.

“Ja, let us find women, drink, and most importantly, the career we so love!” Kearny could wholeheartedly agree with that statement.
 
So is Lee going to be President? And I thought he was not interested in politics. Also, an interesting place Kearny has found himself in, but wasn't he a bad general, at least according to an article I read a long time ago?

From the above, it seems the Confederacy has a lot of friendly relations with the Europeans in stark contrast to the US having none as it is an international pariah (and the 1867 Emergency is not going to help matters either), although I'm sure that would change over the decades.
 
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So is Lee going to be President? And I thought he was not interested in politics. Also, an interesting place Kearny has found himself in, but wasn't he a bad general, at least according to an article I read a long time ago?

Lee has no interest in politics, but everyone thinks he does. That's going to mess with the planning for the 1867 election in the Confederacy as anyone who planned to run was assuming that they would probably just be a placeholder while Lee simply walks into the Confederate White House. Instead, Lee will get annoyed and announce to legions of reporters and political office seekers he will not be running, belatedly getting the first real election in the Confederacy spinning off the ground and no one is prepared.

From the above, it seems the Confederacy has a lot of friendly relations with the Europeans in stark contrast to the US having none as it is an international pariah (and the 1867 Emergency is not going to help matters either), although I'm sure that would change over the decades.

That's definitely overstating the case a bit. The Confederacy is friendly with a few powers (France in particular, the Dutch a close second) but the United States is far from being a pariah, and has a few friends. Russia immediately springs to mind! Otherwise they have more fraught relations. The Italians would normally have good relations, but they're pissed about the ironclads seized in 1863, and the US is pissed back about the recognition of the Confederacy. Then relations with France, Spain and Britain are largely abysmal, with the rest of Europe somewhere in between.

Mending fences across the Atlantic will take time.
 
Lee has no interest in politics, but everyone thinks he does. That's going to mess with the planning for the 1867 election in the Confederacy as anyone who planned to run was assuming that they would probably just be a placeholder while Lee simply walks into the Confederate White House. Instead, Lee will get annoyed and announce to legions of reporters and political office seekers he will not be running, belatedly getting the first real election in the Confederacy spinning off the ground and no one is prepared.
So, this means that the next President will either be a massive demagogue who can rely solely on his charisma (as everyone either does not have a political structure or has a very localized and haphazard one put together in three minutes) or an ultimate insider who has so many connections that all he needs to do is to weave them in an orderly manner.
 
I largely agree that Lee would probably never run in 1867 if given the chance, even if people think he would at the time.

Of course this leaves the 1867 election wide open. I have seen quite a few depictions of a CSA election of 1867 over the years here on the board and one thing most of them agree on is that, with no clear partisan structure like in the USA, it could get messy pretty quickly. I am interested to see how you end up handling it.
 
So, this means that the next President will either be a massive demagogue who can rely solely on his charisma (as everyone either does not have a political structure or has a very localized and haphazard one put together in three minutes) or an ultimate insider who has so many connections that all he needs to do is to weave them in an orderly manner.

Essentially yes! With most of the former Confederate politicians being Democrats, the only political machinery would be geared towards their former party, which is inconvenient to run against itself! And with no one expecting to even have to organize for an election, then that's going to be tricky. Finding someone with truly national standing will be an issue since the war didn't have anyone besides Lee, A. S. Johnston, and maybe Jackson who really captured national prominence. Of them Lee would not run, Johnston TTL is alive but sickly, while Jackson seemed to view politics as an inconvenience.

That leaves other, regionally, prominent soldiers or statesmen who would be trying to build things from the ground up. The highest office in the land is essentially up for grabs to the most duplicitous or ambitious.

I largely agree that Lee would probably never run in 1867 if given the chance, even if people think he would at the time.

Probably the most easily foreseen moment for people to be caught flat footed.

Of course this leaves the 1867 election wide open. I have seen quite a few depictions of a CSA election of 1867 over the years here on the board and one thing most of them agree on is that, with no clear partisan structure like in the USA, it could get messy pretty quickly. I am interested to see how you end up handling it.

It's basically a free for all. Without a national party structure, then there's no real machinery for candidates to get the message out, and with no one planning for it...well that's another problem! There's going to be more than two hats in the ring for certain. Some with more of a chance than others.
 
With hindsight, I should think that McClellan will be seen as a catastrophe. Many timelines will be written that edit him out.

McClellan's only consolation is that he's going to be seen as slightly preferential in comparison to his successor. Otherwise he gets close to being one of the worst in history, depending on who you ask and how you do the ranking. TTL will see Buchanan be even less favorably by historians considering how the war turned out.
 
With hindsight, I should think that McClellan will be seen as a catastrophe. Many timelines will be written that edit him out.
Many in universe alt hist timelines will just have him get domed by a random Mexican sniper during the Mexican-American war.
McClellan's only consolation is that he's going to be seen as slightly preferential in comparison to his successor. Otherwise he gets close to being one of the worst in history, depending on who you ask and how you do the ranking. TTL will see Buchanan be even less favorably by historians considering how the war turned out.
Honestly, to me that makes him worse, I predict he's only going to last one term and leave such a mess that a great president would have struggled to fix things, and from the sounds of things they're getting the exact opposite of that.
 
Yeah, but in fairness given the current political climate which even has the possibility of Confederate sympathizers gaining political positions in Washington and that a 'Cursed Amendment' gets approved that would have repercussions for American politics for years, I can't think of any great President after him that can fix all this until most of the old guard either die or retire. We might have to wait a decade or two ITTL (IRL might take 2 - 5 years and that's me being generous).

Just a bit of a side note, but the historian who coined the term 'Great American War' is named Arthur Chambers, and the closest I found is an Anglo-American boxer with the same name. Is it the same guy but with a different career path?
 
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Many in universe alt hist timelines will just have him get domed by a random Mexican sniper during the Mexican-American war.

Oh so many...

Honestly, to me that makes him worse, I predict he's only going to last one term and leave such a mess that a great president would have struggled to fix things, and from the sounds of things they're getting the exact opposite of that.

The historiography of the upcoming New Men (Roughly 1880-1912) is going to take an extremely dim view of the 15th through 18th United States presidents for a reason. Modern scholarship will push back on that, but Lincoln's legacy is going to be contentious in universe for a very long time.
 
Yeah, but in fairness given the current political climate which even has the possibility of Confederate sympathizers gaining political positions in Washington and that a 'Cursed Amendment' gets approved that would have repercussions for American politics for years, I can't think of any great President after him that can fix all this until most of the old guard either die or retire. We might have to wait a decade or two ITTL (IRL might take 2 - 5 years and that's me being generous).

Currently the upcoming presidents are not going to be well received. McClellan's successor is going to be rated as one of the worst for reasons which will probably be obvious when I introduce him. Then his successor is going to have a mess to try and clean up. 1867 currently is one of the pivotal years, followed by 1868, and then we're running pell mell through 1869 and into the 1870s.

My sincerest hope is to get 1867 polished off this summer, then the 1868 election done before Christmas. But we will see! Without meticulous research into the minutia of a war my pace has quickened incredibly!

Just a bit of a side note, but the historian who coined the term 'Great American War' is named Arthur Chambers, and the closest I found is an Anglo-American boxer with the same name. Is it the same guy but with a different career path?

Very fictional fellow. I did not have a historian in mind for that when I was writing it. I've now moved to mostly real historians who have influenced my work, but overall I do retain some fictional ones. I have quite a few alt-people being born.
 
Since Lee is not running for President, who do you think would be the CS President? It would be funny if it is States Rights Gist (he died in battle in 1864 OTL but I'm sure he's alive ITTL) so future historians would call him President States Rights, and people not in the know would think that is his title rather than his actual name.
 
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Since Lee is not running for President, who do you think would be the CS President? It would be funny if it is States Rights Gist (he died in battle in 1864 OTL but I'm sure he's alive ITTL) so future historians would call him President States Rights, and people not in the know would think that is his title rather than his actual name.

Oh my God, I do indeed have the opportunity to do the funniest thing ever! Though upon looking at him, it seems it was his cousin who was political while he was a military man. Hmm, he doesn't have much of a following, but I do need to work him into the narrative somewhere. That name is just too damn funny to pass up. I mean, unlike OTL where States Rights died (both literally and metaphorically) he and the concept are alive and kicking.

He's definitely a potential contender post 1867, but the last minute candidates of '67 are sorted out!
 
Chapter 130: Plots in Motion
Chapter 130: Plots in Motion

“The greatest spy of the Victorian age came from somewhat humble beginnings. Thomas Billis Beach was born the second son to a cooper’s family in Colchester, the son of John and Marie Beach. Little is known of his early life, save for his apprenticeship at the age of 12 and that he had attempted to run away twice as a boy. He would remain apprenticed for four years before once again running away at 16, this time to Paris. Working for an English language publishing company for a time, he once again grew bored, but once news of the outbreak of the American Civil War broke out, he became excited and took the first boat for New York he could…

Arriving in August 1861 he passed himself off as a French citizen and used his smattering of learned French to introduce himself as Henri Le Caron. He enlisted in the 8th Pennsylvania Reserves, joining to fight against the Confederacy and slavery. The sudden onset of the crisis with Britain in November 1861 however, put young Beach in an emotional struggle. He was still a son of Britain, his family lived there, and he had little emotional loyalty to the United States. To that end, he made a decision would would dramatically alter the course of his young life. Playing the part of a patriotic Frenchman to the hilt, he demanded to be transferred to a unit which would fight the British.

Impressed by the youth’s moxie, Colonel Hays of the regiment offered to send him to the 55th New York regiment, a primarily French speaking unit. Knowing that he would most likely be found out, Beach instead asked for a direct transfer to the first regiment he could find going to the front. The 61st New York had needed a draft to fill its compliment, and so Hays sent Beach as “an eager soldier filled with fire for our cause, conscientious of his duty and a credit to the regiment” to serve there. Arriving he took his place with the men…

Beach would thus take part with the regiment at the Battle of Lacolle, risking his life storming British entrenchments with the regiment and somehow surviving to charge ahead where he was captured by British troops. Interrogated after the battle, he revealed his birth to a rather stunned British officer who at first accused him of treason, where Beach agreed he was risking being shot to help the British government in a time of war. He was passed up the ranks until he appeared before Edward Wetherall and Frederick Ermantinger. Both men were, overall, responsible for intelligence gathering for the Army of Canada, and Ermantinger already had a network of Canadian agents working for him spying on the Yankee advance, however, a man inside the army was an asset. He was thus allowed to ‘escape’ after a month’s confinement and returned to great acclaim amongst his fellows.

From there on out he spent 1862 leading patrols into Canada East, passing on intelligence to British agents, and general trusting local guides, who in the most infamous occasion led his own regiment into an ambush[1]. However, his own skill at leading small companies and then on patrol for not being seen showed great promise to his superiors, who promoted him through the ranks. In December 1862 he was a sergeant, rising to Lieutenant in early 1863 when he was, to his own disappointment, transferred west to Canada West where the brewing insurgency was placing great strain on the resources of the American occupation forces. But it was here he would make the most lasting connection of his life.

Amongst the men transferred north and west to help the occupation forces, a certain Captain John O’Neil made his mark. O’Neil was a son of Ireland who had lived through the Young Ireland Rebellion in 1848 and immigrated to America not long after. He first joined American service in 1857 for the abortive Mormon War, seemingly deserted, and then ended up in California with the 1st US Cavalry as a sergeant. During the war he served with distinction as an aggressive officer, but immediately left the 1st Cavalry to enlist in the 5th Illinois during the invasion of Canada. Serving at Delaware Crossroads, then with the skirmishing through Canada West, he participated in the capture of Toronto and then along the army’s supply lines.

In 1863 he was taken under Phillip Sheridan’s wing and served in his Detached Brigade to combat the Canadian guerillas. He would meet Beach, who struck up an acquaintance with him, and became friendly. Their knowledge of one another was cut short when O’Neil was wounded in a skirmish with Canadian guerillas, taking a shot to the leg which would leave him both an eternal ache and a lasting hatred of Canadians in general. O’Neil resigned the service in 1864 after the Treaty of Rotterdam, while Beach continued serving with distinction[2]…

In late 1865, while working in Maryland, Beach was once again introduced to O’Neill who had been on a tour of the United States and Confederate States Irish border communities stirring up support for the Fenian cause. From there the two men would take a brief sojourn to New York where in January 1866 he would introduce him to leading members of the Roberts wing of the Fenian organization, including General Sweeney, the secretary of war. Though not privy to the plans for the 1866 raid, O’Neil was practically eager to tell his old comrade in arms that “something” was afoot, and Beach would write that to his father who would pass the news on in a letter to his MP, John G. Rebow. Rebow quickly found himself impressed with the level of access the man had to the Fenian cause, and passed on the correspondence to the Home Office.

In December of 1866 when Beach was on a business trip in London, he was approached by Rebow and directed to a secret meeting with Robert Anderson, a civil servant attached to the office of the Irish secretary. Anderson recruited Beach as a paid agent and would then serve as his principle link with the British government. Beach was instructed to return to North America and ingratiate himself with the Fenian movement, making contact with his old wartime handler Ermantinger. With the promise of steady pay, on top of anything the Fenians might give him, he returned to New York and approached the Fenian leadership about enlisting against the British.

While there was some initial suspicion, vouches of his duty against Britain and the Confederacy from former military comrades ensured his acceptance. He rose quickly through the Fenian ranks, becoming a formal manager for Fenian cells in Vermont and New Hampshire, and getting detailed information on the efforts to collect a force of 10,000 Fenians who would march up the Richelieu River to attack Montreal. He would duly pass this information on to the Canadian authorities and the Home Office, but crucially, he was not privy to other aspects of the Fenian battle plan, meaning that a number of important details remained a mystery to the Canadian authorities and British military in Canada…” - The Man of Mystery: Thomas Beach, Cambridge University, 2009


Major_Henri_Le_Caron.jpg

Thomas Billis Beach

“The plans for a Fenian rising in 1867 would become a trans-Atlantic crisis, nearly leading to yet another war between the United States and Canada. The Emergency of 1867, as it came to be known, was one of the most tumultuous post-war events in the history of Canada, turning portions of Canada into a battleground once more a mere three years after peace had been achieved…

…call for a March rising were almost summarily dismissed by Fenian organizers. Not only was “St. Patrick’s Day the least ideal part of the year for campaigning, but such obvious agitation would fall well under the scrutiny of British authorities” Sweeney would irritatingly tell his cohorts in mid February. Much more importantly, only 10,000 rifles of a promised 25,000 had been smuggled across the Atlantic in one of three former blockade runners purchased by Fenian agents. The need to send veterans who had volunteered for service in Ireland across was also a concern.

The Roberts wing was working from New York both to send supplies to Ireland, but also to ensure it had supply bases stocked at the points of entry they envisioned for the 1867 attacks on Canada. Material was being squared away at warehouses in Detroit, Buffalo, Albany and Bangor. These operations were increasingly difficult to hide from American authorities, and in many cases men were encouraged to use personal weapons rather than relying on the Fenian storehouses. Two raids by authorities were performed in Detroit which confiscated 1,000 rifles and over 4,000 rounds of ammunition. However, the information largely escaped the notice of both the State Department and the War Department, the latter of whom was complicit in the large scale sale of rifles to whomever was buying.

Still, such setbacks caused O’Mahoney to fret over the winter and spring of 1867, but he was encouraged by Sweeney not grow “so agitated that we act prematurely” in their planning. So far the scale of the Fenian operation was almost unknown to the American government, and it was estimated they had 50,000 men who would answer the call from across both the United States and the Confederate States[3]. The call would merely have to go out and Sweeney assumed an army that rivaled the whole of the British garrison could be assembled within two weeks to invade Canada.

Such details were discretely communicated with Stephens in Paris, where he was then attempting to organize the movement of material which would support the planned rising. This was done in such stealth that, even as British agents were able to intercept some information, they only know of ‘distractions’ planned in North America which were vague enough that the British War Office saw no cause for alarm as the plans were mooted across the Atlantic in March and April of 1867.

In Canada itself there was, after St. Patrick’s Day, a sense of relief. Macdonald and his advisors had genuinely believed that the greatest threat came on a day when “all the passions of the Hibernian might be aroused” as Cartier had put it in a letter to Ermantinger. But with the intelligence networks of both Ermantinger and McMicken[4] finding nothing but silence from south of the border, it became assumed that the crisis had passed. The militia who had been mobilized to guard the frontier in March were sent home, and many assumed that the fizzle of 1866 at the Aroostook and Grand Manaan had been the sum totality of the Fenian threat…

By the end of April, it had been decided that the mobilization for the invasion would begin on the 26th of May. The word sent out to the different units across the nation that the much discussed plan of attack on Canada was commencing. It would be enough time for rumblings to reach Britain, and hopefully begin dispatching soldiers to protect Canada. From there, the rebels in Ireland could organize and begin their own planned rising. With two letters from New York, O’Mahoney set in motion the events that would define two bloody weeks in Britain and North America…”
- The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

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1] He was slated to play a bigger role in 1862, helping win the later Battle of Napierville in a much more dramatic fashion. However, I decided that was pushing hard on the scales, and so give you his truncated career here.

2] For those interested, he served in the West with distinction, leading patrols and ambushes against the Confederacy, and continued to fight with Sheridan through the Overland Campaign. He resigns from the US Army in late 1865.

3] This is, roughly, the number the Fenains believed would turn out for the 1866 invasion of Canada. They don’t get that here either, but they get much closer!

4] The two intelligence chiefs from Chapter 8 if you forget! They keep their jobs post-war thanks partially to the Fenians, but also because there’s a genuine fear of American retaliation post-war. They were both OTL brought into the role of intelligence chiefs in 1865-68 to help counter Fenian raids.
 
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It is interesting that Davis, a man who has come to realize that high office is a burden to anyone who genuinely cares about one's nation, does not even consider that Lee would not want the burden.
 
It is interesting that Davis, a man who has come to realize that high office is a burden to anyone who genuinely cares about one's nation, does not even consider that Lee would not want the burden.

As someone who did chase power in one form or another, he considers other men to be as ambitious (or more ambitious) than him. There's a bit of a blind spot in people's ambitions he has. OTL he was very much a believer that you were either with him (and so helping his cause) or against him.
 
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