Wrapped in Flames: The Great American War and Beyond

Chapter 119: Locomotion
  • Chapter 119: Locomotion

    “Amid little fanfare in May 1865, the last spikes were driven home on the Saint Andrews and Quebec Railroad as the line was completed to Riviere du Loup. What had been seen as a major infrastructure project during the war, was now considered a connecting line to a small Maritime port. While it for now garnered some military importance, the end of the war meant that the investors could no longer count on British money and would be required to make the line economical. No time was lost in raising tolls and fees on the line, and despite the shortening of time for goods from Quebec, it was suddenly expensive to ship goods on the much touted ‘all Canadian route’ which had first brought British attention to the moribound project from 1836…

    Alexander Gibson, as was his wont, was swift to capitalize on the New Brunswick route for his own timber enterprises. He shrewdly realized, having put much of his own stock in the company, that for a time he could outcompete Halifax in the timber trade. Hence his desire to turn gains from the war into a booming economic empire on the new frontier. One of the few men to realize that New Brunswick could come to dominate the eastern timber trade in Canada in the short term, he was swift in putting up capital and leaping on land speculation in the occupied zone in what used to be Aroostook.

    Gibson was trailblazing the path that future railroad speculators would follow. He understood that until an intercolonial line was completed from Halifax to Quebec, there was money to be made, and even after, so long as he kept his finger on the railroad pulse of the nation, it was unlikely he would lose money. This kept him abreast of the work of Sanford Fleming…

    In Ottawa, Macdonald was pleased to have a short ‘all Canadian route’ in existence, but was grimly aware of the continued political discontent in Nova Scotia as it waited on its own railroad which would connect it to the interior of Canada. It was a continuous rallying cry for the early opposition to his ministry, and a pointed reminder that he had to invest national capital into the expansion of the infrastructure.

    This, as Galt made him all too aware, was an expensive undertaking. In Canada West, soon to be Ontario, the rail lines west of Kingston had been wrecked by both the little guerilla war, and Americans seeking to better subjugate the country outside their zone of control. Rebuilding, let alone expanding the lines, was proving to be expensive. Capital would have to be raised in Britain and investors placated. Importantly, nothing could produce a speculative bubble. Uncharacteristically, the capitalists of the kingdom would have to be strictly watched to prevent anything from further wrecking the as yet still shaky economy.

    Even so, expansion beckoned. The nascent kingdom looked West…” - A Spine of Steel: Creating the National Dream, Pierre Barton, Wolseley, 1998

    “...the vast terrain to the West had always been key for expansion. But crossing it was a contentious issue. Between 1853 and 1856 the War Department had issued numerous surveys to map a potential route which would connect the East and West via rail, but congressional fighting had frustrated any firm decision. In 1856 Congress had declared “The necessity that now exists for constructing lines of railroad and telegraphic communication between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this continent is no longer a question for argument; it is conceded by every one. In order to maintain our present position on the Pacific, we must have some more speedy and direct means of intercourse than is at present afforded by the route through the possessions of a foreign power.”[1]

    However, the sectional divide had made that a difficult issue. Northern and Southern routes were considered, and the Southern states eagerly pressed for a route which would lay tracks across the deserts of the Southwest, which they hoped would lay down the waystops which would expand plantations and slavery beyond the hills of west Texas. Northern route agitators however argued for a path that would go either across Montana and then to Oregon, or a central route which would end at Portland.

    These routes each had problems. The terrain of the southern route was harsh, remote, and filled with especially hostile and warlike tribes. The northern routes ran through territory covered in snow for the greater part of the year, which would cause a considerable impediment in construction, and connect to a territory with a small population and less than ideal port. The eventual decision favored a central route, one which would terminate at Sacramento, and thus link it to the great port at San Francisco. The secession of the more obstructionist southern states made this the chosen route in the Pacific Railroad Act of 1862…

    No construction had been carried out during the war years. The men and material simply could not be spared for it, and the state of California itself could hardly make the effort to begin the initiative from their end until the withdrawal of British forces. That left the project .anguishing in the minds of businessmen and politicians in 1865, but not for a lack of ambition.

    Though turned out of office in 1863, Stanford would use what remaining influence he had among the state legislators to continue the railroad scheme. He was joined by associates who supported Theodore Judah’s dream of a railroad across the nation. It was Stanford’s dream to wrestle his name from a failed political career to that of a successful railroad executive, helping to tie the nation together from east to west. That he might make a fortune doing so was simply a bonus. One he would exploit to the hilt.

    Post-war California was a bankrupt state, one where it would be difficult to raise money for investment, or so most who scoffed at Theodore Judah’s tireless vision scoffed. However, Stanford, and the men who would go on to be called “The Big Five” that would found the Pacific Railroad, would move heaven and earth to secure the necessary loans both from private investors in California, and from the government in Washington.

    In this they were fortunate, for McClellan and his Secretary of the Interior George W. Cass, both railroad entrepreneurs and engineers by trade. It was fortuitous that as the war ended, Stanford and Judah[2] were able to board a ship and cross the Isthmus of Panama bound for Washington and the final session of the 1865 Congress…

    McClellan, seeking something to burnish his presidency, was enraptured with the idea of connecting the nation by rail. Cass saw both practical and economic sense in the proposal. However, both admitted only limited government funds could be provided, and only if the capital could be raised in the east. The government could offer bonds, but both men doubted they could be gained under anything like ideal conditions in the current economic and political climate. This did not worry Stanford, who assured the gentlemen that he could make such connections, with the help of the power of the president. Judah sold them purely on the practical grounds of the matter. He sold his vision, one which could be obtained cheap, if only the proper will existed.

    Judah’s somewhat naive imaginings of a railroad built ‘by the people’ were a touch ahead of their times in the Era of Hard Feelings approaching, and the forthcoming economic turmoil of the Realignment Age he would play a part in ushering in, but it was indeed a good dream. Though such egalitarian leanings were not shared by the president, he did still believe the capital could be raised. Thus, McClellan would commit himself to what he hoped would be his legacy, beginning in 1866…” - Empire Express: Building the Transcontinental Railroad, Howard Bane, 1981


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    1] Historic quote driven home quite grimly by the war.

    2] OTL he died in 1863 of malaria trying to cross at Panama, but here he has to sit out the war at home, so one of the unsung heroes of the first transcontinental railroad will get his due.
     
    Chapter 120: 1865 A Year in Review
  • Chapter 120: 1865 A Year in Review

    North America:

    May 18th - The Saint Andrews and Quebec Railroad is completed, making an all Canadian route to the Atlantic.

    October 25th - In response to rumours among freedmen on the island of Jamaica that the particularly cruel and loathed Governor John Eyre meant to reimpose slavery on the island, the preacher Paul Bogle marches on the courthouse in the parish of St. Thomas in the East. The unruly crowd, met by white militia from the local plantations, throws stones and the militia open fire unprompted. In response mobs drive off the militia and effectively take over the whole parish for a month. Governor Eyre orders in troops who burn and kill indiscriminately, leaving 25 dead on the government side, but over 600 killed or executed black peasants and freedmen dead. The move sets off waves of condemnation in London, which removes Eyre in December.

    December 28th - Despite the loss of blood and treasure, Queen Isabella refuses to evacuate Spanish troops from the island of Hispaniola. By October, only the city of Santo Domingo and some surrounding countryside is still in the hands of Spanish forces. However, the resulting costs have been far in excess of what Spain is willing to pay. Agreements between local Spanish commanders and the Dominican leaders will eventually see an agreement to annul the annexation in January 1866 and the withdrawal of Spanish forces.

    Europe:

    “The victory of the Liberal Party in the 1865 United Kingdom General election was all but assured. Palmerston, through a combination of canny spending, generous time with the peers, and a reputation buoyed by the victory in North America, was unshakable in his seat at the head of the Liberals. Derby’s Conservatives were despairing, as Palmerston had managed to increase his majority in Parliament by a further 18 seats[1]. His hold over the politics of Britain seemed unshakable…

    However popular Palmerston himself may have been, his hold on the party he had helped found was slipping. Put simply, Palmerston was old, and losing his political instincts. He did not have the energy he had possessed even a decade earlier. In October of that year he had celebrated his 80th birthday, and even he seemed to sense his energy was waning. It was noted he would doze during sessions of Parliament, was prone to fixating on specific issues, namely defence, the French, and Reform, to the near ignorance of all others, and seemed bullish towards any proposed changes in government.

    It was his staunch opposition to electoral reform that drew a deepening wedge in the party. Both Russell and Gladstone were believers in some form of reform to expand the franchise of barely one million to a larger extent of the population. Palmerston however, who had been a notably enemy of the Chartists, resolutely opposed anything. Though he could be amiable when discussing Russell’s more restrained expansion of the franchise, he was firm in ordering the government never commit itself to any firm course of action in Parliament. Gladstone, on multiple occasions, went against this mandate and would speak openly of the need for such reform.

    Palmerston believed this to be nothing less than the incitement of the working classes to political participation, something the Prime Minister thought of with a particular revulsion. “What every Man and Woman too have a Right to, is to be well governed and under just Laws, and they who propose a change ought to shew that the present organization does not accomplish those objects,” Palmerston would warn Gladstone. He remembered the French Revolution and its outcome, and would entertain nothing so radical unless absolutely necessary. With a booming post-war economy, a strong showing of Britain’s might overseas, and having managed to soothe ruffled feathers between Austria, Prussia, Denmark and Sweden on the Continent for the moment, he believed that any radical change was unnecessary.

    However, in failing to manage his chief lieutenants, he would not pave the way for Liberal ascendancy for long past 1866[2]…” - The Lord Palmerston, 2002


    Lord_Palmerston_1863.jpg

    Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston

    May 28th - The Mimosa sets sail for Patagonia with 153 Welsh settlers to establish a new colony in the region[3].

    July 29th - The Great Eastern, barely half a year from undergoing repairs from its work as a massive transport during the American War, sets sail for North America to relay the Trans-Atlantic Telegraph to re-establish telegraphic communications with North American via Newfoundland.

    December 17th - Leopold II becomes King of the Belgians.

    South America:

    “...the Spanish seizure of the guano rich islands in late 1864 had set off a wave of protests from the nations of South America, in particular Chile and Peru. Though all Latin American nations on the Pacific coast were outraged, it was Chile’s president José Pérez who began preparations. When the Spanish ship Vencedora stopped for coal in Chilean waters, Pérez declared that coal was a war material and it would not be supplied to a hostile nation. Admiral Pareja, deciding that this meant Chile was not a neutral nation in the undeclared conflict with Perua, decided to treat Chile as a belligerent nation.

    Detaching warships to shadow Chile’s major ports, he arrived with his flagship at Valparaiso on September 17th. Upon arrival, he demanded a 21 gun salute for the Spanish flag, knowing that such a request before Fiestas Patrias would be considered an insult, he was unsurprised when the Chilean government bluntly refused. In return, he declared sanctions against the Chilean government and a blockade of the coast of Chile. Though that was impossible to carry out, he used most of his squadron to blockade Valparaiso in an attempt to inflict economic damage on the nation severe enough to keep Chile out of the conflict…

    The war finally turned bloody when in November the Chilean corvette Esmerelda pounced upon the Spanish schooner Covadonga, capturing it in a one sided battle that saw no loss of life on the Chilean side… Admiral Pareja, outraged and humiliated, immediately began planning an attack to win back Spanish prestige, knowing that this was the only way to keep his command in light of his flagrant disregard of orders from Madrid…” - The Chincha Islands War, Maxwell O’Donnel, Portsmouth, 1998

    January 1865 - the Paraguayan invasion of Brazil and Argentina continues, with Paraguayan forces occupying swathes of the Brazilian province of Mato Grosso, while another Paraguayan Army moved into the Argentinian provinces of Corrientes and Rio Grande de Sol.

    May 1st - the Treaty of the Triple Alliance between Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay is signed by the three powers. They agree not to sign a separate treaty against Paraguay, and to continue to fight until the present government, in the person of Lopez and his family is overthrown and the territorial integrity of the respective parties is restored. Though the treaty pledges each nation to respect the integrity of Paraguay, many suspect that this will not be the outcome.

    June 11th - The Brazilian Navy delivers a crushing blow to the Paraguayan Navy at the Battle of Riachuelo in Argentina. The Peruvian fleet, attempting to stop the Brazilian Navy from continuing up the river to supply the allies, launches a surprise attack which is stopped by the Brazilians. In the ensuing battle, 5 Peruvian ships are sunk or captured, while Brazil loses a single ship. Lopez is forced to bring his navy back, leaving the way open for an allied invasion and ending the threat to Argentina.


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    The Battle of Riachuelo

    Asia:

    “For the second time in barely a decade, Beijing burned. The Armies of the Proclamation had advanced northwards in good order, scattering the loyalist forces and Manchu cavalry.

    Zeng Guofan had ordered a wide encirclement of Beijing, hoping to stop any effort by the Imperial family to flee. Zongtang had led the wide march up through Zhili to the borders of Inner Mongolia, while Luo Bingzhang led a force to Qinhuangdao to control the coastal roads. Guoban would lead the victorious army that had taken Nanjing up to the imperial city itself…

    The slaughter was immense, with many in the Qing household having been abandoned in the flight of Ci’ian, Cixi and the nine year old Tongzhi emperor. Those seized by the forces of the Proclamation were put to the sword, and Beijing was ‘turned upside down’ in order to ferret out any members of the imperial family who remained. The dowager empresses would not meet the same fate in Beijing, but be captured by cavalry patrols just before the border of Inner Mongolia. Upon interrogation, the young emperor let slip his place, and his whole caravan was immediately put to the sword…

    …with the heads of his enemies presented, Zeng was satisfied that, while the imperial Manchu had not been completely wiped out, the emperor and his immediate family were dead. Looking north, into Manchuria, he was confronted with a problem. The Manchu homeland was remote, and would take time to conquer and place under his rule. Potential rebels might still exist, and his reign was still shaky. Rebels still gathered in the northwest, and peasant rebellions were still a threat across the south. Rather than a campaign north, despite what his brothers demanded, he decreed in September of 1865 that now was the time for consolidation. Thus leaving the problem of Manchuria for a more unfortunate later date…” - Twilight of Dynasties: The 19th Century Crisis of China, Sylvester Platt, Oxford Publishing, 2012


    Xieqiqu_Ruins_of_Yuanmingyuan%2C_Old_Summer_Palace%2C_Peking%2C_1870%27s.jpg

    Ruins of the Old Summer Palace, 1870


    The Pacific:

    “...almost every opening act of the British campaign in the Waikato would end in embarrassing failure. Governor Grey ordered Cameron to cross the Mangatāwhiri Stream, and Cameron, with his force in two brigades with 12,000 men, attempted to cross into Kingite territory, but soon immediately had to stall and stretch out his forces along their supply lines as Maori raiders slipped through patrols and burned supply convoys.

    Establishing a line of redoubts, Cameron determined to attack the nearest pa that would assist Maori warriors and sustain them before moving into British settled territory. Over August, dozens of short sharp fights would rage along this line, with the eventual British assault on the Koheroa ridges. Cameron suffered over 157 casualties in these sharp engagements, and his forces moved at a snails pace, having to dig their way through multiple entrenchments thrown up by the Maori.

    By October, he had a line of over 30 stockades protecting his rear and supply columns, ensuring he could advance into the interior…

    Coming into contact with the Maori defences at Rangiriri, Cameron realized this was the greatest, and most impressive fortification that the British had yet encountered…

    The Battle of Rangiriri was the costliest attack of the war for the British. With 59 killed and 143 wounded, Cameron had lost almost 15% of his column[4], while the Maori, repelling the British assaults, managed to withdraw in good order deeper into the Waikato, ensuring the king movement would fight on into 1866.” – Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV


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    1] This compared to the only 13 seats he secured OTL is just a measure that the Conservatives are popular here, thanks to Palmerston.

    2] That’s right, Palmerston does not die in 1865.

    3] This isn’t some world shaking event, I just think it’s cool personally. Plays a teeny tiny role in the science fiction novel I wrote last year.

    4] Way worse outcome for the British than OTL. They lost much more lightly and Cameron managed to capture the whole Maori force, here they largely escape in good order while leaving the British humiliated.
     
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    Chapter 121: Politics and Partitions
  • Chapter 121: Politics and Partitions

    “The final discussion of the fate of Kentucky was to be taken up in 1866. The stipulations in the Treaty of Havana had made clear that Kentucky was to be able to decide her own fate, and in accordance with Article 9, the two sides had sat down to hammer out the means by which the state would be consulted in April 1866. Five commissioners from the United States and five from Kentucky would meet in Lexington to discuss how the referendum would go. Former Confederate governor George W. Johnson was the man who led the Confederate delegates. His presence was a not so subtle jab in the eye of Washington, as he had stayed and fought for his state while many men who had fought for the North could not say the same. In this, another commissioner, Thomas Bramlette declared that he would help “in the bloody baptism of Kentucky into the Confederacy for her liberty,” as Bramlette had originally been a staunch opponent of secession, fighting with the 3rd Kentucky Infantry, and a former supporter of Lincoln, his defection (among others) to the Confederate cause was a dire statement for how low the esteem of the United States had fallen in the state.

    Meanwhile, Washington had selected Richard T. Jacob to lead the United States delegation. A Kentuckian with unquestionable bonafides for the support of the Union cause, and just as importantly, President McClellan, he was determined to lead the back into the fold of the stars and stripes…

    The United States wished for a simple majority vote akin to an election for governor, while the Southern delegations insisted on a convention like those undertaken by the original 11 seceding states in 1861.

    However, the North flatly refused, believing - with some justification - that ‘men of means’ in Kentucky had been seduced by the siren song of secession. More accurately, the Northern government had so thoroughly disenfranchised many leading men of the state up to 1864 that as a class, many Kentucky politicians loathed the government in Washington. Even the Lion of Whitehall, Cassius Clay, would write that “My country has treated Kentucky shamefully,” in reference to its declaration of insurrection in 1864 and the military government imposed on the state since 1862, which had still not been lifted by the time of the referendum.

    Confederate advocates were critical of this, accusing the North of seeking to abuse voters by military force. In response, the Confederacy placed 5,000 men in Kentucky, while the Union had another 7,000 on guard. The state was still a hotbed of guerilla violence as some communities sought to settle scores, particularly in the Jackson Purchase, the seven counties which were the staunchest supporters of the Confederacy. Many Unionists entered the state to prosecute “spies and traitors” while Confederate guerillas still would randomly kill United States soldiers. It was this exact kind of violence McClellan wished to avoid, and urged his commissioners to a swift vote.

    It was only after much arm twisting that the United States point of view, a general referendum, was agreed to by all parties. Local officials, one man for the Confederacy and one man for the United States, would be placed to watch all ballot boxes to ensure there was no ‘undemocratic conduct’ during the statewide referendum, and soldiers were not allowed to be employed in the works by either side.

    The machinery for the vote was ready by July of 1866, with both sides having worked feverishly to flourish broadsheets, posters and speaking campaigns to warn of the ills of the other side. Confederates spoke of the “specter of abolitionism” and the “destruction of trade” promised by remaining in the United States. The United States meanwhile warned of “economic ruin” while appealing to the patriotism and shared heritage Kentucky had with the rest of the country. It lionized men like Isaac Shelby and John Crittenden, praising valor against enemies abroad and loyalty at home. Both sides hoped that such patriotic appeals could sway the people, but it was only as the people went to cast their votes for or against secession that it would become clear what the future of Kentucky was…

    When both sides began to do the tally of the vote, it became clear with alarming alacrity that secession had won the day. The more southern counties and naturally the occupied counties, delivered clear majorities for secession, despite two known cases of pro-Union ballot stuffing in Hickman County which managed to deliver 8,000 votes out of a pre-war population of 7,000. However, despite any duplicity by either side, of the 129,237 ballots cast 71,093 votes were cast for secession, and 58,144 votes were cast for the Union. Kentucky had cast its lot with the Confederacy…” - The Era of Hard Feelings, William Avery, Random House, 1989

    “Macdonald’s ability to defer a crisis by delay had earned him the sobriquet, Old Tomorrow, and he aptly applied that moniker to the partition of the territory seized from Maine. Both New Brunswick and Quebec claimed some or all of the new territory, with New Brunswick greedily demanding every piece, much to the annoyance of the emerging provincial government in Montreal.

    Ever the realist, Macdonald continuously deferred the talks of partition, and added delay after delay to the work of making a full survey of the new territory, leaving it to the running of the British military between 1864 and 1866. Though this did annoy some locals, it allowed for a slow integration, which Macdonald was happy to have. In private he assured the members of each province that they would receive their ‘fair share’ but never specified what that was. These vague hints were deliberate, and he had only one date in mind for the partition, after the September 1866 election.

    Going into the election it was clear that the Great Coalition of 1862 was fraying at the edges. Former Grits and Rogues had different policy ideas, but they had no central platform to rally around. The Rogues, having opposed almost every government policy, were in the political wilderness and sequestered in the Province of Quebec, posing little threat to the new government. The former Grits, more numerous and diffused around the new kingdom, had a potential platform, but no party apparatus, with men of opposition not having any contact with one another in the other provinces.

    Despite some internal opposition then, Macdonald and his ministers faced little true opposition in the coming election, with only a smattering of Nova Scotia based MPs and unrepentant Grits acting to challenge the government. They formed a shaky coalition under the nominal leadership of William Annand of Nova Scotia. A firm follower of Joseph Howe, it has long been speculated his leadership was so Howe might have a foot in both camps, and Howe spoke out in favor of the leadership of Annand, while declining to run himself.

    Under this less than united leadership, Annand and his compatriots styled themselves the Principles Opposition, sometimes called the PO in the press of the day, and Macdonald would call them the ‘Particularly Odious’ which prompted much mirth in the House. However, without a united platform, the opposition never stood a real chance.

    When the ballots were tallied, the Great Coalition had won 166 of the 187 seats up for grabs, with the opposition winning a mere 21, primarily in Nova Scotia and Quebec, with the united ranks of the Coalition sweeping to power.

    Macdonald however, realized that he had to have Howe in his government. Deftly he offered the man the position of Minister of Marine and Fisheries, so as to have him as a representative of the Maritimes in their most sensitive post. Howe was effectively given an offer he couldn’t refuse, and so threw his lot in with the Macdonald government…

    Finally, in November, Macdonald announced the partition. The common story is that Macdonald, in a boozy evening, had looked at the map and proclaimed it a “wretched timber lot” and slashed at it with a pen. By chance it landed at Beau Lake and ran in a straight line to the new border. Regarding his work he chuckled and declared “It is done!

    While most likely embellished, the divide of the former American territory managed to mollify the governments in both Saint Andrews and Quebec, especially the timber barons of both regions who would go on to develop the land and in some cases, national politics…” -
    Nation Maker: The Life of John A. Macdonald, Richard Chartrand, Queens University Publishing, 2005
     
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    Chapter 122: Green Banner Blues
  • Chapter 122: Green Banner Blues

    “The Fenian movement in North America had been born, like the strong German labor tradition, from the mass migration of Irish immigrants after the Great Famine and then failed Young Irelander Rebellion of 1848. Millions of Irish had fled the famine and tens of thousands had chosen to go into exile as Britain cracked down on the rebels in the aftermath. The two most prominent organizers of the Fenian Brotherhood in North America were John O’Mahoney and Michael Dahoney.

    O’Mahoney was an emigrant who had fled to Paris and then America after 1848, and had taken pride in writing many works of Gaelic studies while abroad, advocating the Irish identity. As one of the more militant founding members of the Fenian Brotherhood he had served with the 69th Regiment of New York Militia and then in the Irish Brigade in 1862 where he saw combat against the British on the Richelieu. However, he was wounded in late 1862 and resigned to encourage Irish recruitment in the war.


    800px-John_Francis_O%27Mahony%2C_with_coat_%28cropped%29.jpg

    O'Mahoney in 1865

    …Doheny’s untimely death in 1862[1] placed the future of the Fenian movement firmly in the hands of radicalized militants. Men like Sweeney, Meagher and Corcoran all egged the movement in the militant direction, seeking another confrontation with Britain. O’Mahoney was particularly vocal in his condemnation of the Republican Party’s ‘capitulation’ to the British, and picked up on a popular strain of Anglophobic feeling after the war in 1865. This caused the ranks of the Fenians to swell, partially with embittered veterans, but also immigrants who felt that they had something to gain by supporting the independence of their homeland from abroad.

    However, not all members of the Fenians were equally as gung ho. William B. Roberts, an Irish dry goods merchant closely allied with the Democratic Party machine in New York, saw any effort to strike Britain head on as lunacy. He wanted to work with the United States to pressure the British government into Irish concessions, not start a war which they had no chance of winning. Many sympathized with Roberts view as, after all, if the United States engaged in a direct conflict on its doorstep had not defeated Britain, how could they hope to assist in a conflict across the Atlantic?

    In this he had the support of James Stephens, the chief organizer who resided in alternatively in Paris and New York. Broadly respected by the Irish community on both sides of the Atlantic, he was a proponent of an “Ireland First” strategy, believing that a spontaneous rising in Ireland could throw off the British yoke, and had no reason to wish war with America and Britain again. Indeed, he believed the United States must be a neutral arbiter in the conflict, which would allow a secessionist Ireland to go the way of the Confederacy and proclaim independence if enough pressure could be brought to bear on London from the Continent and across the Atlantic.

    To that end he used the newspaper The Irish People as a mouthpiece for both the Fenian Brotherhood and to support the cause of Irish independence in general…

    In 1866 real anger existed in the Fenian leadership as a schism between the wing which supported Roberts and Stephens wished to focus on Ireland itself and the O’Mahoney wing wished to bring about a conflict with the United States. The Roberts faction wanted any funds and weapons collected to be discretely shipped to Ireland itself to facilitate another rising. O’Mahoney believed that a new war in North America would sufficiently weaken Britain to the point that the Irish garrison could be drawn down which would allow the rebels to succeed. Debates in New York that summer would focus on bringing some unity, but both sides would find their hand forced by issues neither had anticipated.

    Discontent with the ceding of Aroostook and other portions of Maine had become a rallying cry for the Democratic Party in that state, but one also taken up by proponents of the Radical Democracy Party looking to win influence in the senate. Running for the State Senate in New York was former commander Michael Corcoran, which made his decision to “go stumping” for his fellow Democrats in Maine an odd decision. However, he came among over two thousand other “seasonal workers, lumbermen, and sightseers” from other parts of New England that year, and in an astonishing coincidence, all these men were of Irish heritage and most had fought in an Irish unit of one extraction or another in the late war. Some would, correctly, suspect that this was less an accident and more a vague plan.

    If anything the mooted Aroostook invasion of 1866 organized by Sweeney and Corcoran was merely a test run for later events to gage the strength of any call out of militant Fenians, while also seeing how far they could get under the nose of American politicians. Maine itself was then gripped in a struggle between the Radical Democrat leaning Fessenden family and the Democratic Party under Eben Pilsbury, and Corcoran believed he could use a raid at “Occupied Aroostook” to increase the Democrats standing. Certainly the local Democratic machine had no reason to expose his activities, and indeed hundreds of sympathetic Mainemen would eventually rally to the Green banner in August of 1866…

    Unlike along the northern frontier in Quebec and Ontario, the Kingdom of Canada did not have a robust intelligence network along the forested Maine - New Brunswick border. The reasons for this can be attributed to bot negligence on the part of Ottawa, but also an overreliance on the British military for the safety of that part of the frontier. Major General Hastings Doyle had been in command for close to six years, and in 1866 was expecting to rotate out to Malta for a new posting after his service during the war. As such he’d largely come to believe the frontier was a settled matter, and with a regiment of British cavalry (in reality only four troops on the frontier proper) two regiments of infantry in New Brunswick itself, with the 1/17th along the immediate border, and a battery of artillery ready for action in Fredericton, he believed he had little to worry about with over 2,000 men at his disposal.

    This was further backed up by the presence of the New Brunswick militia. On the border companies were rotated in during the summer months, usually understrength and primarily to act as a backup to the regular provosts patrolling the various camps. This meant that unlike their regular counterparts, they rarely numbered above 400 along the frontier itself. They were led by Col. William T. Baird[2], who acted as a jack of all trades for the regulars as a staff officer and leading the local militia companies. He had served in the region all through the War of 1862, acting largely in a staff and local command capacity. With an extensive series of connections and experience along the border, Baird was probably the best man to confront the coming troubles.


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    Baird in 1870

    On August 3rd, Baird began receiving reports of large “hunting parties” along the frontier, many men in mismatched blue uniforms and other accouterments apparently cast off from the US Army. Baird reported this to his immediate superior who did not take the news with any sense of alarm. Doyle, himself in Halifax at the time, received the news with detachment, merely instructing his local commanders to “be alert” for any potential trouble, but clearly expecting little. As news of the buildup of progressively larger parties between the 3rd and 7th reached Baird’s headquarters, he did what he could by calling up local companies with permission and sounding an alarm all along the frontier.

    On August 8th, large bands of armed men approached the British stockades along the border as it now existed. Though there was no fighting, this all proved to be a feint for the larger of the Fenian plans.

    Five boats, bearing some 400 armed Fenians, landed on the night of August 9th on Grand Manan Island. The island itself had only a customs house and a single Royal Navy officer acting as a lighthouse inspector. The facilities were immediately captured without bloodshed and the Green Banner bearing a golden harp was unfurled and the assembled men proclaimed that the island had "liberated" from British rule and annexed to the Free Irish Republic.

    Once the news was broadcast to Halifax later that day, Doyle dispatched three warships and 700 men to drive the Fenians off. On August 10th, the Fenians beat a hasty retreat, destroying the lighthouse and burning the customs houses and other government property. On the Aroostook border itself there was a brief exchange of gunfire that day, but the appearance of Federal troops later that day restored order. Men faded back to their homes, and no charges were ever laid against any suspected leaders. Despite not being officially identified as the leader at Grand Manan, Michael Corcoran would be lauded in Irish friendly press for the “brief but heroic annexation” in solidarity with the oppressed people of the United States under the British yoke.

    The immediate consequences were pointed questions between London and Washington, with Secretary of State Seymour denying any knowledge of the Fenian plot. London, outraged at the violation of their new territory, demanded an investigation. Inevitably a sluggish inquiry began, but not in time to preempt the events of 1867…

    In the respective national presses, the event was more regarded as a debacle than a true invasion. The Toronto Globe lampooned the character of the “ignorant Irish” on a crusade against the new Kingdom based purely on “Yankee demagoguery” while praising the work of the Canadian militia who in truth played a very small role. The New Brunswick Reporter was equally anxious to praise the brave volunteers. In Ottawa, Macdonald quickly praised the brave men who had abandoned home and hearth to once again protect their homes. Privately of course, he would cease to take the threat quite so seriously as a political problem.

    For all the derring do, Corcoran’s political scheme did not pay off. James D. Fessenden would win the gubernatorial election that year, and in 1867, pushing the Radical Democracy Party into national politics through their influence.

    At the Fenian meetings in New York, the news of the invasion stoked a national furor. There were demands from partisans of both wings that some sort of invasion should be mounted into Canada. News from Ireland itself showed that most Fenians there were publicly sympathetic, and rumours that more soldiers were being dispatched from Britain itself to address the potential problem seemed to confirm all the views of the O’Mahoney wing. Reluctantly Roberts and Stephens would back the plans for a Canadian invasion, but only so long as enough arms and ammunition could be delivered to Ireland itself to sustain a rising. O’Mahoney, whose militants were already well armed, readily agreed. A rising in Ireland, complemented by an emergency in North America, was sure to split British attention and increase the chances of a free Ireland…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986


    ----
    1] He died suddenly OTL too, and probably a good thing for the Fenians. Was a bit too fond of settling disputes with his fists.

    2] A guy who I did want to give more attention to in WiF. He was an unsung hero of early Canadian military prepardness, and it was quite a shame he never got to shine! He did similar in the Fenian raids OTL, but here he gets a bit more action and will get some acclaim.
     
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    Chapter 123: The Great Disturbance and the Grey Terror
  • Chapter 123: The Great Disturbance and the Grey Terror

    “While often painted as a Confederacy-wide uprising, the Great Disturbance was primarily limited to Kentucky, Tennessee, and the banks of the Mississippi. This can largely be attributed to that it was where the US Army had been that gave the Colored Troops the resources and ability to filter out into the countryside with arms and supplies. From there, raids were set up, plantations burned and families freed. The running guerilla war was one which was, for most, predicated firmly on escape. Most of the Freedmen wished to get to the United States with their families, not engage in a protracted war with the Confederacy itself.

    This fact was lost on most in the Confederacy. While the fighting was largely confined to where the former frontlines had been, the appearance of slave groups in the swamps and hills of South Carolina led to the assessment that at last what all the Confederacy had feared was coming true, a slave revolution was at hand.

    The barbarity of the Negro and the perfidy of the United States is at last revealed!” The Charleston Mercury would thunder. “Having lost through honorable combat, the United States resorts to sending barbaric ******* to murder women and children in their beds!” Robert Toombs of Georgia, never one to waste a crisis would decry the Davis Administration for the problem. “It is by now clear that the leadership of men who do not fully support white supremacy have clearly failed in taking charge of that race which is to be nothing less than the subject of the white man. It is now only a question of how much blood must be spilled to firmly establish the question.

    Much blood would be spilled indeed…

    General Bragg, still in charge of the soldiers in Kentucky and Tennessee, would use his authority to simply scoop up Tennessee militiamen, much to the outrage of Governor Caruthers. Bragg only had 4,200 men available to suppress the outbreaks of violence. Soon however, Bragg discovered he was not putting down slave revolts (or rarely) but instead riding through the countryside ending incidents of mob justice. Bragg was often forced to ride into a town or village and simply send his men to disperse mobs, and then, paradoxically, protect slaves who were occasionally moments away from being lynched[1]. That slaves were now looking to Confederate soldiers for salvation can be considered the height of irony. However, the local populations, even far from the sites of the actual fighting, took no chances. Any slave seen to be acting “suspicious” was, at the very least, imprisoned, then potentially tortured into giving up “rebels” hiding amongst them. Far too many were lynched out of hand.

    In the areas where the running battles were taking place along the Mississippi, often even soldiers could not contain the violence. In areas where rebels passed near plantations, spontaneous militias would begin roaming the countryside, and any slave found abroad was executed. Even women were not spared, with one woman talking back to her mistress in Covington being stabbed to death in response. Militia in Wheatley County burned slave cabins suspected of harboring “runaways” which quickly became a watchword for insurgents.

    At one plantation in DeSoto County, Richard Burford, who at the start of the war had 101 slaves, but only 39 at war’s end after his home had been burned by American forces, summarily executed two of his most troublesome slaves and mounted their severed heads outside the slave cabins as a warning to others for “the sinful consequences of rebellion against the white man” at only the rumour of rebel slaves nearby.

    The violence meted out by the oppressed was no less brutal. The Valley Grove Plantation owned by Finley Holmes, who had supported the Confederacy, with three sons serving in the war and one lost, had 118 slaves by the 1861 census. Some had escaped during the war, but the property itself had been spared. When a band of about 60 escaped slaves arrived on September 18th 1866, they immediately began killing any white man they saw. Finley, 64 at the time, fired on them in defense of his property, only for insurgents to storm the home and beat him and his wife to death. All 180 runaways would flee, with 109 making it across the border, the remainder dying in various last stands to allow the others to get to safety in a remarkable overland trek.

    Overseers were killed out of hand, with some being whipped to death if they were not simply killed. Any Confederate soldier unlucky enough to be captured was often lynched, occasionally after being tortured. The oppressed saw that their lives were at stake, and so offered no quarter, especially after witnessing atrocities perpetrated against their own. It was clear to both sides that this was a conflict which demanded an attitude of kill or be killed.

    In South Carolina, where the enslaved often had no hope of escape, it became a running guerilla war. There may have been as many as 3,000 insurgents, most slaves choosing their brutal lives over what many intuitively understood was otherwise a last stand. But where they fought, they fought and died hard. In any battle there was no quarter asked or given, and as such the battles would often involve 100% casualties for the losing side. One group of about 20 former Colored soldiers and a dozen women and children was only induced to surrender by being told they would be put on a United States ship and sent north, allowed to keep their arms. Amazingly, a ship flying the US colors was anchored off the coast, and the insurgents were put aboard, only to discover the ship was otherwise empty. It was then promptly sunk by gunfire from the shore. There were no recorded survivors to wash up to be killed by waiting militia.

    General Joseph Johnston had to muster 4,000 men to contain the excessive violence of the South Carolina militia. The Battle of Newbury was the largest single engagement with 200 slave rebels fighting to the death, but with 27 captured and brought back to Columbia in chains. They were promptly hung in a “carnival atmosphere” with signs around their necks decrying “Yankee Freedom” to drive the point home. “It is sickening, but necessary,” Benjamin Perry would write. White supremacy must be enforced with blood…

    The largest action of the whole Great Disturbance, and one which most historians consider to have bookended it despite violence taking place after that date, was the Memphis Rising of November 22nd. That it took place at all was a matter of pure circumstance. Memphis, as a major port on the Mississippi, was a natural slave market, and the base of the Confederate River Flotilla, much reduced as it was. It was also where many Colored Troops sold into slavery had been gathered.

    Though the true history of the figure known only to us as “Sergeant Saul” may never be known, his role in prompting the rising is unquestioned. He, and about 80 other former colored troops deemed “docile” enough by the slave traders had been sent south in order to be put to work on the docks. It speaks to the height of the racial ignorance that the overseers could believe that the esprit de corps fostered in the ranks could be broken by simple hard labor. When the men found one another they formed a secret fraternity, meeting in the cabins and spreading a message of hope to others. As the ranking soldier, Saul became the natural leader of this motley group and kept men energized.

    For over a year they worked in brutal conditions on the docks, just enough for the overseers to let their guard down. Amazingly, they were trusted with the handling of crates of rifles and ammunition being sent to armories along the Mississippi. As the telling goes, Saul managed to get ahold of a rifle and, in the dark, train men by touch to assemble, disassemble, clean and load it. It took six months, but eventually Saul believed he had enough men that he could make his plan work. The plan as it is related, was for the slaves to seize a supply of rifles and ammunition and then seize ships at the docks and sail north into the United States and freedom.

    In the early morning of the 22nd the overseers, by now believing these former soldiers were docile, began work as usual. Men were led from the barracks and work parties were gathered to load and unload at the wharves. The overseers, with a company of infantry, an artillery battery and men of the flotilla in garrison nearby, were not unduly concerned with the rumors of slave revolts. The runaways would have to be mad to attack Memphis. As such, when men suddenly brandished tools as weapons, they were taken completely unawares.

    In a few short, sharp and vicious minutes Saul and his men had seized rifles and ammunition and were taking up positions along the docks to clear out the slave houses and seize ships. However, at the first sign of trouble the crews of the ships, most of whom had been carousing in the brothels and taverns of Memphis, fled from near the docks. Any on board leapt into the dubious safety of the Mississippi, and Saul quickly found his plan foiled as he could not seize a single river pilot. Undaunted, he attempted to move on with the plan to get the roughly 600 men under his command to safety.

    Word quickly spread to Memphis that there was a “slave uprising” along the docks. Men quickly armed themselves and more rapidly than the garrison could muster an armed mob made up of a combination of veterans, militia and private citizens had formed along the wharves. Saul had made rudimentary breastworks, and his men were fighting for their very lives and freedom, which led to a protracted struggle. A vicious firefight raged for most of the day as the mob, and then soldiers, systematically shredded every firing position the insurgents put up. One ship cast off in desperation, only to run aground briefly thereafter. However, it was thanks to those few who managed to escape north that the tale can even be told.

    Saul was, officially, never found or identified. Every single insurgent was killed in the fighting, shot or clubbed to death by the mob. It is estimated that a further three hundred slaves were killed out of hand by the panicked populace before order was restored in the city. In total, over 1,100 slaves were killed in exchange for 129 white soldiers and civilians. The Memphis Rising was the bloodiest single incident of the whole Great Disturbance…

    Establishing a firm number of deaths across those chaotic years of what became known as the Great Disturbance is difficult. Some of the skirmishes took place while the war was still officially declared. However, in the bloody months between August and December 1866 it can be said with some certainty that roughly 8,000 African Americans, free or slave, were killed by white civilians or officials either in battle or simply out of fear. Roughly 2,000 white civilians and soldiers were killed in return, mostly soldiers and militia in engagements with armed bands, but many civilians massacred by fleeing slaves.

    It was the bloodiest uprising the Confederacy would see for half a century…” - The Great Disturbance of 1866, Daniel Oldman, University of Lexington, 2006


    lg--louisiana--scene-of-the-hostilities-in-grant-parish,-near-new-orleans--massacre-of-the-neg...jpg

    An 1867 artists impression of Sergeant Saul's last stand.

    “The Treaty of Havana had stipulated that those who had wished to leave either United States or Confederate States territory after the treaty had been ratified would have six months to settle their affairs and leave unmolested. In theory, each government affirmed that article, but in practice the implementation was wildly different.

    In the United States, there were few who truly wished to leave their homeland to venture south, but just enough that a major exodus would take place. These would come primarily from Missouri where civilians who had either silently or actively supported the bushwhackers, the pro-Confederate guerillas who had so bedeviled the state through to the end of the war, genuinely feared persecution. A bitter little civil war all its own had raged all throughout the borderlands along Missouri and Arkansas, one which the peace at Havana had not totally quelled.

    As one commentator writes “Armed bands of banditti, thieves, cut-throats, and assassins infest the country, they prowl around houses, they call men out and shoot them or hang them, they attack travelers upon the road, they seem almost everywhere present, and are ever intent upon mischief. You cannot pick up a newspaper without reading of murders, assassinations and robbery. And yet not the fourth part of the truth has been told; not one act in ten is reported. Go where you will, and you will hear of fresh murders and violence.” Modern estimates place the number of people killed by this retaliatory violence at as little as 300 to a high of 1,000. The settling of scores would still continue for years along this frontier, influenced by old hatreds and changing political factions in the overall Era of Hard Feelings that engulfed the post-war United States. All told, it was enough to prompt an exodus of anyone even suspected of supporting the Confederacy.

    These “Gray Tories” as they became known, would move south in their tens of thousands between March and August of 1866, with a trickle moving south again in 1867. They primarily came from Missouri where 40,000 would pack up their lives and leave to settle in the Confederacy in places as diverse as Arkansas, Kentucky, and Arizona. They would comprise the largest percentage of Gray Tories, with another 20,000 from Maryland joining them across the South. A further 5,000 from places like West Virginia or the states along the Ohio River would also come, largely fearing prosecution for their deeds in the war or pre-existing Southern sympathies. In total it is estimated over 65,000 Gray Tories would move south to escape any retribution from their neighbors.

    Meanwhile, tens of thousands of “Unreconciled Yankees” would flee north. They came from primarily Unionist areas within the Confederacy. Chiefly refugees from East Tennessee, loyalist Kentucky counties, and Appalachians who viewed staying in the Confederacy as detrimental to their long term health. Most, correctly, feared retaliatory violence for opposing secession, or worse, supporting the Union during the war.

    By August 1866 almost 150,000 would flee the Confederacy, leaving empty lands and abandoned properties[2]. Those would usually be confiscated by state governments or greedily bought up by large plantation owners seeking to expand their properties.

    Those who fled turned out to have been right to do so. The early signs of violence were there. East Tennessee in particular had seen a surge of repression during the war, and the amnesty period had merely offered time for those who knew they would face persecution to flee. When the unofficial amnesty period ended, September of 1866 saw a flurry of arrests and prosecutions. Those suspected of taking up arms against the Confederacy were arrested, many sentenced to lengthy prison terms, but others executed as traitors.

    Scenes of judicial persecution weren’t just limited to where the front lines had crossed, in North Carolina there were thousands who had opposed secession and engaged in passive resistance against the Confederacy. With the Confederacy now the law of the land, local retribution was not long in coming. Men with known Unionist sympathies were brought up on charges, while some simply disappeared into the night, never to be seen again. Hundreds were rounded up and dozens were either executed as suspected spies or disappeared by vigilantes. Worse, many who had been Unionists were now eager to inform on their neighbors lest they be punished as well.

    In a grim series of events which would be repeated across the Confederacy between 1866 and 1867, former Unionists would turn on their allies and inform on others, eager to ingratiate themselves with the winning side. Thousands were oftentimes wrongly convicted of spying for the United States. Those accused of having joined the United States Army were often sentenced to hard labor, but in many communities those who came home accused of taking “Lincoln’s coin” would be ostracized or killed by vengeful neighbors.

    That much of this Gray Terror was taking place against the backdrop of the Great Disturbance was something which merely increased paranoia. Unionist cabals were suspected of meeting in the darkness of night, disseminating abolitionist propaganda and weaponry to slaves. They were often painted as the ones who were planning the whole Disorder, as many refused to believe that the slaves themselves could be so canny as to do so on such a large scale[3]. That merely inflamed the sense of paranoia and desire for revenge felt in many communities.

    Fears of “new John Brown’s” as the Daily Richmond Examiner would record rocked the Confederacy. The ghost of Harper’s Ferry loomed large in the shadow of the war, and states would take even harsher measures to crack down on any hint of abolitionist thought in the South in the late 1860s, with even mention of it being enough to get a newspaper shuttered until they could prove their innocence…

    The Gray Terror alongside the Great Disturbance would leave a long memory in the Confederacy. For some it was the ultimate justification of everything the antebellum South had stood for. To others, it showed that no one, not even potentially upstanding white men, were safe from the paranoia that their slave society could create. The majority of course saw this as the justification of the cornerstone of their society, but to a minority, it made them question everything they thought they knew about their society, and convinced some that even the muddy windows of the mudsill theory must be cleaned to look plainly at their society.” - The Gray Terror: Political Persecution in the Post-War Confederacy, James MacFarson, Columbia University, 1999


    ----

    1] Darkly enough this is something that happened in historic US slave revolts. Often soldiers and militia would turn up to stop crowds from killing any black people they came across or who just seemed “suspicious” to locals.

    2] For anyone keeping score at home, that means that alongside roughly 200,000 dead from the war and any dislocation, there are another 200,000 escaped slaves and 150,000 political refugees from the South for over 550,000 people having fled or died in the South.

    3] We must never underestimate the ability of those believing in white supremacy to attribute a very regular human desire for freedom to shady cabals of abolitionists.
     
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    Chapter 124: Red Clouds on the Horizon
  • Chapter 124: Red Clouds on the Horizon

    “With the end of the war, the United States had been separated into six military commands. These were the Department of New England, encompassing much of the Atlantic Coast up to New Jersey and the states of New York, Vermont and New Hampshire. The commands here included a great deal of overlap with the navy, prompting the men appointed to have to engage in a great deal of teeth clenched teamwork with their counterparts afloat. Inevitably, those who succeeded were often those who got along well with the navy itself. Notably this was General Grant’s last command between 1867 and 1869 when he resigned from the military.

    The Department of Maryland, which encompassed the titular state as well as Pennsylvania, Delaware and West Virginia, with the implicit understanding that the purpose was to husband the resources of the United States against a potential invasion like that it had suffered in 1863. It would also prove to be the command which was most politically troublesome. Many a politically inclined general would seek a posting to the location, alongside those who only sought to be close to the halls of power and the command of the Capital Guard that was viewed, until the 1910s, as one of the most prestigious but also least problematic postings in the whole United States military.

    The Department of Ohio was all the states which bordered the Ohio River and Missouri, the last and longest border with the Confederacy which, until the Kentucky referendum, had been ill defined. That made it a particular sticking point for some time, with the first commander, Joseph Hooker, having many headaches and a great deal of difficulty in keeping the border well policed, something which would vex commanders in the region for the next half century.

    Beyond the Mississippi the Department of the Northwest was a largely sleepy command that overlapped with the much greater Department of the West. This would generate considerable friction in the 1860s and 70s while the conflicts with the plains tribes still raged[1].

    Finally, the most far flung command, the Department of the Pacific, encompassed the states which bordered the Pacific Ocean and, as of 1866, remained largely out of touch with Washington save by telegraph. The men sent there were largely left to their own devices, with little input from superiors in Washington. This suited the department’s first commander, William Rosecrans, perfectly fine as the president and he loathed one another on a personal level…” - American Arms from the Indian Wars to the Great War, Matthew Boot, 2004


    WIF-US-military-departments-1866.png

    United States Military Commands, 1866[2]

    “...O’Connor’s failed campaign in the Powder River Country had done little to quell the violence in the West. Instead it had inflamed the Lakota nation to greater resistance. The autumn of 1865 proved to be even more violent than the previous year with over 100 settlers and soldiers killed across the Wyoming and Montana territories. This proved to be a major embarrassment for the respective department heads in St. Paul and Omaha.

    From St. Paul, numerous missives were dispatched by General Burnside to his counterpart, Joseph Hooker, offering assistance. Hooker, who considered his assignment to Omaha a demotion from the president, declined and instead ordered various expeditions by his subordinates against the tribes which were causing the most trouble. He planned an audacious series of expeditions against the Lakota, Comanche and Cheyene. Envisioning a drive through the plains, he expected one expedition to make a path to Santa Fe, driving the Comanche back into Texas. A central campaign would then “clear the way” for the railroad expected to be crossing the continent. The northern prong would build on the 1862 Dakota War and “make right” the deficiencies of the Powder River Campaign.

    To do so he appointed George Crook to lead the campaign to establish posts from Fort Atkinson to Santa Fe, with 3,000 men, a mix of infantry and cavalry. Crook, who had spent much of the war in West Virginia and the Shenandoah Valley, had gained a reputation as a man who could use terrain to his advantage, and was something of a tough fighter. He accepted the commission against the Comanche without hesitation…

    Campaigning from the center was one of the undisputed stars of the late war, John Buford. Hooker knew how important the railroad project was, and so entrusted a man he considered his star commander to the task of securing the routes between Council Bluffs and Denver City for parties of workmen to commence the great work in the coming year. As such, he was assigned the lion’s share of the cavalry for the coming campaigns, leaving very little for either Crook or Stoneman’s column.

    Stoneman, in command of the 22nd Infantry, has often been seen as an odd choice for command of the Bozeman Expedition. However, the closeness with his theater commander, Hooker, is most likely what ensured his position. Though the District Commander, Alfred Terry, thought little of Stoneman, he could hardly disobey orders to send him to build the forts along the Bozeman Trail and secure the US hold on the region…

    …the Fort Laramie Council of May 1866 proved to have unfortunate timing. Just as emissaries of the Lakota were arriving, Stoneman’s column appeared. Understandably, the Lakota, especially Red Cloud and Young Man Afraid of His Horses, the two most vocal against the negotiations, proclaimed the US was negotiating in bad faith. With efforts over the last six months to engage them in negotiations having been a long process, the commissioners were loath to simply let them leave without some form of negotiations. When Red Cloud demanded to know whether the forces under Stoneman were departing for the territory claimed by the Lakota, evasive answers by the commissioners resulted in his band departing, followed shortly by others.

    Frustrated, the commissioners signed the treaty with groups of Lakota already present and declared to Washington that there was now “a feeling of peace and amity between the white man and the Indian, with cordial feelings between both parties. This news would arrive in Washington just in time for the men in Fort Sherman to fall into a state of siege…

    Stonemen set up his headquarters at the rapidly established Fort Sherman, named for the general who had fallen during the Siege of Corinth in 1866. He set out wood cutting parties and small patrols to secure the surrounding countryside, but had only 75 cavalrymen under Cpt. George W. Grummond, and many of them were new recruits. Notably, this was the only unit outfitted with repeating rifles. Despite entreaties to Washington for more such rifles, Stoneman would not receive them. He opted instead to do what he could to entice the Indians closer to his fortifications where his cannon would be decisive against the warriors…

    ..feints and raids across the summer led to roughly 20 casualties, but only seven killed, by Red Cloud’s warriors between July 6th and November 19th. Two of those killed were civilians in late July along the Bozeman Trail. This attack, under escort by soldiers, effectively stopped traffic on the trail as men feared to move even with an army escort. The news greatly displeased Hooker in Omaha, who sent strongly worded missives north saying that “action must be undertaken to open the Bozeman” to Stoneman, strongly implying he thought the commander wasn’t doing enough.

    Stoneman would lament his lack of cavalry, while privately his senior cavalry leader, Grummond[3], would call Stoneman “an old woman who lost his nerve in Virginia and cannot find it again in the West,” and was often reported to be insubordinate to the commander behind his back. Whether Stoneman ever learned of this on the post is questionable, but lacking more senior cavalry officers, he allowed Grummond to lead patrols.

    Finally, on November 28th, a large raid by Lakota riders carried off over one hundred horses, killing six soldiers and nine civilian teamsters. At the pressing of Grummond, Stoneman relented and declared that at the next raid he could lead a detachment to pursue the raiders, but not out of sight of Fort Sherman’s guns.

    On December 1st, another raid was launched, and Grummond eagerly rode after the raiders who seemed to bunch up and become confused. Several shots from the artillery seemed to support this, and Grummond rode ahead of the field, with Stoneman belatedly ordering a column of infantry after them…

    …gunfire was heard from the fort, and a worried Stonemen dispatched another 100 men to support the fight…

    Having chosen to, effectively feed three companies into a situation where they were outnumber by upwards of 2,000 Lakota, Arapaho and Cheyenne warriors, Stoneman had ceded the initiative and lost 232 men from his force. The Battle of the Feeding Ford, as it was known to the Lakota, (or the Stoneman Massacre as it became known to the press) effectively trapped Stoneman’s force in Fort Sherman until he retreated in early January 1867, and the exultant Lakota burned the works behind him…

    The embarrassment of the Stoneman Massacre would result in a round of recriminations in Washington, with Stoneman being brought up on charges and eventually cleared but not so subtly pressured into resigning from the service after overseeing one of the worst massacres of the whole Sioux Wars. Hooker would, by throwing his old commander under the bus and taking credit for the campaigns against the Dakota and Comanche, largely came off the victor in both the press and the court of public opinion, which would inform his actions in 1868.

    McClellan meanwhile, sought to enforce negotiations rather than undertaking a third expensive campaign into the Powder River Country. The 1868 Fort Laramie Treaty would grant the Great Sioux Reservation domain over much of what is now the southern half of Dakota, resulting in a territory recognized and largely respected through treaty[4].

    This was not an eternal solution however, something Red Cloud recognized. He would take his victory and parlay it into local authority, much to the annoyance of the man who had mentored him through the late campaign, Sitting Bull. Though many would take pride in their victory, Sitting Bull refused to do anything other than live on land he considered his and disputed the right of the United States to ‘draw lines through the land of my fathers’ and would come and go from the reservation as he pleased well into the future. This became an imperative as the buffalo began to dwindle[5]…”
    - The West on Fire, Settling the Plains 1830-1901, John Gadsden, University of Houston, 2002

    ----


    1] Consider this a hamfisted insert of more of the post-war US military organization and a way to point out that military bureaucracy is often terrible. I think people will understand why as they see how its laid out.

    2] These borders are not representative as I found pruning this map to be a very tedious exercise.

    3] If it seems like I’m being hard on the poor relatively unknown George Grummond, well I am. More than the unfortunate Fetterman of history who was killed in Fetterman’s Fight, Grummond was allegedly the instigator of the ride beyond range that allowed the detachment to be ambushed and destroyed, with Fetterman following after because he felt duty bound to support the cavalry. Much of this interpretation is laid out in narrative format into he amazing historic novel Ridgeline by Michael Punke. Well worth a read describing the events of that period!

    4] If it seems unlikely to some that McClellan would also pursue a peace policy when two other expeditions have succeeded, remember, he wants a relatively bloodless building of the transcontinental railroad and is actively fighting members of his own party on military matters, so making peace in exchange for the Lakota getting their territory is as good a deal as it was historically to save cash and arguments in Congress.

    5] Though more on this later. Presently, the industrial destruction of the buffalo has been on hold for the war and with the line of settlement being driven back. Estimate that their numbers are slightly higher in the late 1860s than OTL, especially without the conscious choices (yet) by Sherman to engage in their destruction.
     
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    The New World Order 1866 Part 1: The Kingdom of Canada
  • The New World Order 1866 Part 1: The Kingdom of Canada

    “With the creation of the new Kingdom of Canada, Britain’s position in North America had undergone a dramatic shift. No longer could she be a passive observer in North American affairs, but she had become a direct contributor not only to the new status quo, but had now shown little fear of antagonizing the United States. For the young new Canadian state, this had consequences…” - Staking Claims to a Continent: The North American Revolutions of the 1860s, James Latimer, Anansi Press, 2017

    “Lack and embarrassment were words which summed up the early months of running Canada in 1866. The needs of the war had meant that many public service projects had gone unattended for nearly three years, one of the most important of these was the Parliament Buildings in the new capital at Ottawa. Lacking workers and funds the project had languished and it was only after the end of the London Conference in 1865 that work resumed, and even then slowly. There had been some hope by politicians the whole edifice might be scrapped and turned into a new fortification on what was then still Barracks Hill, but the military had balked at creating a new citadel so out of the way.

    Ottawa itself, a former lumber town chosen to placate both sides of the political and geographic divide in the former United Province of Canada, was still a detested choice for capital. With barely a population of 15,000 in 1860, it had doubled between 1862 and 1866 to 30,000[1] with laborers, soldiers and immigrants coming to work in either the lumber trade or the major war work when the city became a strategic lynchpin of supply between Montreal and Kingstom thanks to its canal and rail connections to the St. Lawrence River. That led it to becoming a lively military town, put at odds with the rowdy French and Irish lumbermen who had made what previously passed for culture in the new capital city. As such, brawls, and even outright riots, were common. Indeed, one of the major reasons for an establishment of a robust police department in the new capital was to reign in both worker and soldier trouble as much to provide security for the new political class.

    Goldwin Smith would quip that Ottawa was “a subarctic lumber village transformed by royal mandate into a political cockpit,” a comment has gone down in history as a damning indictment of the city. The coming political classes thought little better of it with Feo Monck calling it “squalid” and “beastly” and Monck himself believing that the city would have to be abandoned in only a few years time. Indeed most hoped it would be so, but the practical reality of doing so was simply impossible. Galt would joke that “Despite the wishes of those who would sink her into the river, Ottawa will become the sad, doughty sister of Washington as the capital of a nation.” In fact, one of the greatest critiques of Joseph Howe, who spent as little time in the city as possible, was that it would become just a “shabby imitation of Washington,” which in a way was true, as it grew into the national political center[2].

    With Ottawa’s previous industries having been transportation and lumber, the city was often full of noise and sawdust, alongside jostling wagons and horse teams. That led to a loud and raucous atmosphere, and a city made almost entirely of wood. The new and chronic need for accommodations was sorely felt. Construction would be an ongoing issue in the city well into 1870 as it expanded to meet the needs of the political class, and then its growing trade with Montreal as the South and North Shore railroads were completed[3]. This meant a growing need for workers, which meant more buildings, and so on.

    The matter of where the new legislature should meet was of considerable concern for the assembling members of Parliament in 1866, as well as the Senate whose chambers were also unfinished. As such, there were many rumours that the House would not sit until 1867, which though refuted, meant that the first meeting of the Canadian Parliament would be considered a somewhat farcical affair. The newly elected MPs themselves were from various backgrounds and provinces, and oftentimes rubbing shoulders with new members of the chamber for the first time. That led to much talk and little action, something the first meeting would often be caricatured for in the press at the time.

    Crammed into boarding houses and then a single dining room at the Russell House Hotel, the meeting members would jostle, shove and curse one another in a disorderly meeting starting on the 7th of November. The news that the United States had declined to renew the Reciprocity Treaty and ending free trade between the two countries had just arrived. This would have an immediate effect on the economy, driving prices higher in the post-war market. While most correctly assessed that this was a revenge tactic for the reparations they had to pay, there was precious little thought as to what might be done about it.

    Galt was immediately working to rationalize the Canadian tax system for the next fiscal year, while easing the burden on the population recovering from the war. The opening of less odious trade networks between the provinces would also provide some relief, but the high cost of American goods would almost certainly lead to economic strain that only might be alleviated by government spending. Thus the urge to parcel out as much land as possible that could be claimed, and send as many demobilized militiamen and soldiers back to their factories and farms as possible. So much would depend on the economic engine of 1867 and the harvest of that year.

    The final potential problem facing Macdonald, at a political level, was the leaders of the new provinces. Through an adroit combination of patronage towards allies, and not a little bit of political bribery, he managed to get the men he wanted in power. In Ontario he sponsored his long time former rival John Sandfield Macdonald, who as an ardent liberal could not be accused of simply being a catspaw for the Prime Minister, but a man who was at that time still committed to the Great Coalition as it existed. In Quebec Gédéon Ouimet was propelled to the leadership on the back of a firm conservative majority, but as a distinct second choice due to the nature of the senate and Macdonald and Cartier needing their firmest allies in that body. Ouimet would prove to be a sober choice, and a reliable man who both greatly fought for French rights under the law and someone Macdonald could lean on in an emergency.

    In the Maritimes, New Brunswick carried to power the fiery anti-American and expansionist Peter Mitchell, a bulldog of a man who seemed to hate Americans as much as he hated political corruption[4]. The long serving premier would soon become something of a thorn in Macdonald’s side, but dutifully sent loyal men to Canada’s first senate. Nova Scotia, barely, elected Hiram Blanchard who would send Charles Tupper to serve as the chief advocate of Macdonald’s government in the Maritimes to the Senate. In Prince Edward Island, James C. Pope would be elected in what was declared “an act of blatant bribery” as he brought the Federal trough to buy out the Cunards and lofty promises of a railroad for the island. It was a landslide victory that represented nothing less than the pinnacle of the effective control of the Conservative coalition over the country.

    As such, heading into 1867, Macdonald would run the country with an effective supermajority in the Senate and the House of Commons, and hoped that legislative offices would exist for them soon rather than the shamble of boarding rooms and hotel lobbies which were utilized in those first sittings of what would become the Saloon Parliament…

    To round out the year 1866, Macdonald made one more fateful decision, he got married. The wedding was as much a cynical union of convenience as it was a union of love. Macdonald, now as the chief executive of a putative new kingdom in North America, needed a wife who could act as a hostess and chatelaine for the new social station he had sought. Agnes Bernard, his new bride and sister of his chief military secretary and soon head of staff at the Attorney General’s Department[5], desired a step up in the social world of the new Canada. At 30 years of age, she dreaded becoming a spinster.

    One thing which complemented the couple was their love of power. As Agnes herself would write “I also know that my love of power is strong, so strong I sometimes dread it; it influences me when I imagine I am influenced by a sense of right.” This attitude suited Macdonald just fine, and an ambitious woman as his bride would be a key asset in the struggles to come. This was especially true as his old rival George Brown returned with his new bride from Britain, now more than ready to enter the political struggles of the new Canadian nation…” – Nation Maker: The Life of John A. Macdonald, Richard Chartrand, Queens University Publishing, 2005


    ----

    1] Numbers it would not reach until nearly the turn of the century OTL.

    2] Honestly I could have just called this chapter “Everyone hates Ottawa” and it would have been an accurate reflection of the animus towards the city in that time. It’s hardly improved here with politicians, soldiers, laborers, and lumberjacks jostling elbows in the streets and taverns every day.

    3] Something only possible because British investors are looking for “safe” investments outside the United States and the subsidizing of the Canadian economy thanks to the money the US must pump in until 1869 from the treaty.

    4] Close to his character in real life. He reputedly carried a gun to threaten prohibition supporters and constructed gunboats to harass Americans fishing in Canadian waters. Not a man for whom middle ground seemed to exist!

    5] Hewitt Bernard was for quite a long while Macdonald’s principal secretary, but in 1861 or 1862 may have ceased to be that and pursued a career in law and the militia. However, I chose to promote him to Macdonald’s military secretary role for convenience and it is historic that the two maintained a close working relationship throughout their lives.
     
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    The New World Order 1866 Part 2: The United States
  • The New World Order 1866 Part 2: The United States

    “1866 would prove to be the most dismal year by far for the McClellan administration. McClellan himself would spend some time bedridden with dysentery in the middle of the year, and his cabinet would sorely miss him. As such, Seymour would often speak as the voice of the President in cabinet meetings, often after meeting with Barlow during March of 1866. In that time McClellan would largely be convalescent, focusing on his legacy concerns such as the railroad or the army. The President was often seen pouring over maps for the proposed rail routes while also taking reports from his department commanders, and grudgingly meeting with his Secretary of War to discuss the various crises of that year.

    News that Kentucky had decided to secede shocked the cabinet, including McClellan himself who had been assured by many influential Kentuckians that he had been their first choice for president. Seeing the state suddenly decide to forgo its ties with the United States had struck McClellan as a personal betrayal. He would largely seek to pass the Bayard Flag Proposal, many said, out of spite…

    The disaster of the Stoneman Massacre and then the Fenian fiasco in the Aroostook saw McClellan determined that in 1867 the nation would pursue a policy of “good neighbors and good fences” with Barlow being dispatched to work with influential men from both parties to ensure more money could be spent on the military, and importantly, new fortifications along the whole frontier. Protecting the integrity of the borders now became one of his chief policies that he would attach to his legacy…” - I Can Do It All: The Trials of George B. McClellan, Alfred White, 1992, Aurora Publishing

    “The 1866 midterm elections would continue to frustrate all parties. With the Democrats carrying a razor thin majority in the House with 98 seats, while the divided opposition picked up 109 seats, but only 84 of those being Republican and 25 being Radical Democracy members. The Radicals had picked up seats in Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri and Kansas, with wildcard seats in Vermont, Indiana and New York. This meant that command of the house effectively fell into the Democratic leadership, having to lean more on conservative Republicans to get matters through. However, schisms were beginning to be felt in the party as its ostensible leader, Samuel Marshal, could not corral his members into a coherent bloc for many votes.

    In the Senate, it was a different matter. The Radicals and Republicans could work together, especially with the bellicose Charles Sumner and Republican leaders John Sherman and Oliver P. Morton managing to, more or less, whip their members into line despite ideological differences. The two parties maintained a bare seat differential, as the Democrats lost a slew of seats after the events of the year.

    This split was felt in all houses most by the Bayard Flag Proposal. In July of 1866, James Bayard of Delaware proposed changing the flag of the United States to represent the remaining 24 states minus the lost 12 Confederate states. Bayard, infamous for his pro-Southern sympathies during the war, had nonetheless managed to ingratiate himself with the Copperhead political faction and ride it to victory in his state. The proposal was viewed as less than odious by most in the House and only the 25 Radicals, 7 Republicans and 10 Democrats voted against it, having it pass by the House easily. However, when it reached the Senate pandemonium ensued.

    Sumner and Sherman both refused to countenance any loss of face by “admitting to the base abandonment of this nation's rightful land to the Slave Power” as Sumner would brashly declare. As one, the Radicals and Republicans voted against the measure, joined by three Democrats. In what seemed more like a petty gesture against a small concession to the new status of the nation, the Senate sent a shot across the bow of the McClellan administration, signaling its instrangience against any effort to foster normal relations with the Confederacy. This included Democrats who like John Logan who did not wholly agree, or simply found the proposal from a man who was “half a secessionist” too odious to back.

    Characteristically, McClellan would take the bickering on the Hill as a mark of disloyalty, often forcing issues. He would not pocket veto any proposals (meaning the Bayard Flag Proposal was only passed under a different name in 1869) but would lean on Barlow to act as his whip rather than the political machinery in place. To the detriment of the Democrats he only met with Marshal three times during his presidency, appearing to have no use for the man. Oftentimes when informed that there was a vote in the Senate he would send Barlow, when available, to observe, and then merely read notes as though he were receiving word from a scouting party and return to whatever work he had been otherwise engaged in.

    It was this acrimony in the House which stalled any meaningful financial reform. Contrary to expectations, inflation had not “bottomed out” with the conclusion of the war, as the United States had to pay indemnities to Britain. While manufacturing output began to rise, many merchants found themselves competing directly with British imports when trying to import South, and the whiplash in food prices left many families leaning towards destitution as farmers kept prices artificially high, hedging against inflation and another glut on the market in 1867. The resulting wild fluctuations in prices would see many banks adamantly refusing to relinquish their species reserves into the market, driving prices up and confidence in the greenbacks down. This was felt most keenly in California where greenbacks were still used only grudgingly and many men were compelled to trade their gold in for far less than it had been worth five years prior.

    John Sherman passionately advocated for continuing to allow greenbacks to be in circulation until the indemnities were paid, believing any contraction in the supply of money would further harm the economy. This was a project that was not entirely popular in Congress, however, powerful business interests in New York moved to try and keep the greenbacks in circulation, since many debts were being paid in greenbacks which were then being hoarded to hopefully achieve their stated value in gold. It was largely Midwestern districts, and in the Pacific, which opposed the continuance of greenbacks, with William Gwin of California[2] leading the discontent in the Senate against the measure, to the approval of both Republicans and Democrats. As such, an effort to pass a Contraction Bill to slowly ease the greenbacks from circulation in 1866 died on the House floor[3], with no major effort to address the monetary supply being accomplished in the 39th Congress…

    Belatedly, in foreign matters, a brief effort would be made in the Senate to advocate for the very dead Monroe Doctrine by none other than Sumner himself. He saw the emergence of an independent Confederacy and a European puppet monarchy in Mexico as a direct threat to American interests. He would passionately advocate against “further European encroachment on the American continent” and beseech members of his nation not to give up on the republican ideal in Mexico. There was some interest, especially from Nathaniel Banks, in pursuing such a project. However, outside the Radical camp, neither party was exceedingly interested in the Mexican problem. When it became known that Banks advocated for aiding Mexico in exchange for territory, most simply looked on the idea as another flight of fancy from a man many Democrats and Republicans derided as a failure for his part in the war.

    Finally though, one major economic act was passed as the United States voted to end its reciprocity treaty with the Kingdom of Canada, while deciding to raise a new tariff wall on goods shipped from Europe, primarily Britain. The Sherman-Hooper Tariff was a proposed raise on the cost to import machine parts from Britain, excluding railroad stock, in order to give aid to industries which had grown during the war which were now threatened by British dominance in the market. The move was condemned in some Democratic presses, but largely passed without incident. It ensured that protectionism was the watchword of American industry going forward[4]…” - The Era of Hard Feelings, William Avery, Random House, 1989


    ----

    1] Essentially, vote splitting is still killing the Republicans on both sides, but its not enough to help the Democrats get a majority.

    2] Gwin is one of those men to watch post-war. His loyalty is more to California than the United States, and his opposition of this measure should let you know how the West Coast opinion is swinging.

    3] Historically this is a bill that passed rather easily. However, high war inflation and the greenbacks being in prime circulation and an emerging east/west divide on the money question means it won’t pass at all for a while.

    4] Similar to 1812, there was a shot in the arm to domestic industry, but it was ruinously expensive. Naturally, many industrialists want to try and keep their domestic industries alive, but both national and foreign capitalists want easy money. Unfortunately, the chaotic monetary situation means that there’s a lot of pressure in the market now that it’s competing against foreign suppliers again.
     
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    The New World Order 1866 Part 3: The Confederate States
  • The New World Order 1866 Part 3: The Confederate States

    “Despite the Great Disturbance wracking the land, this hardly stopped the machinations in the halls of power in Richmond. Davis was only able to briefly exult in winning the nation peace before, as he wrote his supporter John Milton in Florida, “they come with their knives out for me again.”

    It was true that there was a committed cabal of anti-Davis legislators in Richmond who felt the president had been insufficiently harsh with the United States in their peace deal at Havana. However, most (even Toombs and Stephens) were realist enough to believe that they had come away well, but it was expedient to blame Davis for not allowing them to take more. Davis’s standing in Virginia had plummeted overnight through 1866 to the point that he was extremely unpopular in the capital and hoped for little more than to serve out the remainder of his term and retire to the Mississippi and live out the remainder of his days in relative seclusion. He often dealt with only cabinet matters, making few speeches and instead doing much correspondence by letter while meeting only with allies.

    The violent year of 1866 across the Confederacy was a considerable irritant to Davis who had expected that with the ratification of the treaty, peace would not be long coming. Instead, he felt he was living as though the war had not ended as fighting continued along the Mississippi and in South Carolina. Now governors who had eyed Davis recommendations at an enlarged post-war army with suspicion were suddenly begging Richmond for men and weapons when faced with what many feared was a general uprising. Davis would approve much, but used his new leverage, and importantly the august personage of General Lee, to lean on Congress to expand the provisional army which had been set up in 1861.

    Since the end of the war, many prominent voices had been calling for the rapid demobilization of the army. Some for practical reasons, hundreds of thousands of men could hardly stay in the ranks as the economy sought to get back to normal and peace returned. Others argued on ideological grounds that a large army was a force of tyranny, and Davis was the tyrant.

    Originally envisioned as a force of merely 15,000 men, the Great Disorder and violence of the late war had convinced at least a plurality of legislators of the ‘necessary evil’ of a larger standing force, especially of cavalry and artillery for the enlarged frontiers. Despite fiery denunciating speeches from men like Toombs and Rhett, the 1866 Army Act would expand the military of the Confederate States to a standing force of 27,000 men. Smaller than its Northern counterpart, but one which was judged sufficient to protect the coasts, frontiers, and patrol the interior in times of emergency like those experienced in 1866. Davis would regard it as his ‘one last great act’ for the Confederacy, even though his opponents would viciously denounce him for it.

    However, in one matter, Davis proved surprisingly reluctant to act. There had been no organizaton for a Supreme Court in the years between 1861-65, and many in government had merely taken it for granted that this would be a matter solved in the aftermath of the conflict. There was never any effort made by the Davis administration to begin organizing the administrative apparatus however, with Davis often leaning on his authority as President and the office of the Attorney General to legitimize his orders with wartime authority. In the peacetime Confederacy, many began to question this choice. It was a situation which clearly could not continue.

    Davis resisted though. He had grown comfortable with the powers of his office, and the need to defer to a court, when he could overrule one currently, seems to have struck him as the lesser of two evils. When challenged by critics Davis would cite “a concerning lack of men of means with which to propel the project” and would defer the matter to Congress. This hardly placated many who sought to challenge the president on his wartime acts, or those who felt that there were pressing legal concerns in the Confederacy that needed to be handled presently. Even his allies pointed out that he was the officer of state legally compelled to choose them, but Davis still demured.

    To some extent, Davis was correct that the Confederacy would have a contentious uphill battle to establish its high court. The legal factionalism between the states meant that officials would demand a place based on prominence, a fact borne out in the 1868 acrimonious debates to form the court. Ideological battles would be just as contentious. So to some extent, Davis may have simply wished to avoid the conflict going into the last year of his term, while also using his still unchecked powers to shape the future of the Confederacy as he saw fit. Which was a feat he broadly managed.

    Davis, unlike many of his contemporaries, seemed to have learned far more about the limits of the exercise of power during his time in Richmond. Quarrelsome state governors, ambitious senators, and generals who were perhaps dictators in waiting, Davis had seen, and insulted, them all. He had also come to see that by exercising top down power more had been done to guide the Confederacy to victory than the broad minded speeches and oratory flourishes of men like Toombs and Yancey. To that end, Davis wielded his office like a club, setting a precedent for future presidents. Though Davis was far more blunt, intervening in debates as meaningless as appointing county post masters and harbor fees at Savannah, he did however set the stage for powerful presidents to make their will known well outside of Richmond…” - Through Fire and Fury: The Davis Administration, William A. Davis, Random House, 1999

    “In 1866 the Confederacy was a nation both flourishing and disintegrating. The burgeoning industries of Nashville, Atlanta and Richmond had all seen some of the dangers of war, Nashville more than others, but were awkwardly transitioning to peace time economics. However, hundreds of thousands of men would never return home, and jobs would need men and fields would sit unploughed. Families were destitute and many would sell their homes for hardly the price they were worth and flock to the cities which had provided relief during the war.

    Richmond in particular burst at the seams with an influx of soldiers and refugees. Though many of the soldiers were leaving, the refugees remained, competing for scarce labor. Tens of thousands of women had lost husbands in the war and were without a means of income, leading to a spate of prostitution in the South’s leading cities, and often accompanied by a crackdown from authorities. However, some canny women would pool meager resources and enlist themselves in what limited industry they could get. Richmond in particular became the home of ambitious war brides who settled in to the manufacturing of garments, an industry previously moribound, but which had seen an uptick as the war gave a boost to local industries.

    These ‘widow weavers’ as they would become known would become an important economic tool in the Richmond and Petersburg area post 1866, while smaller groups would flourish in Nashville and Atlanta, depending on pre-existing economic conditions and the access the railroads gave their products to other towns. Though it clashed with the pre-existing yeoman farmer nature of the rural south, this urban labor would be sold, initially cheap, to those who had money after the war, which was an increasing portion of the Southern middle class as compared to many soldiers who went home destitute. Even laborers and farmhands found themselves buying ‘widow weaves’ to support widows as a moral gesture, but soon to simply clothe themselves as single men and widowers could not provide in the cities and were joined by families suddenly shorn of the means to make their own clothes.

    The stout yeoman farmer of the antebellum, much lauded by Southern intellectuals, had disappeared in places like Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia. The Upper South found itself with a crisis as many slaves escaped and properties burned or abandoned. The cities were the only source of succor, and though many dreamed of returning to farms, others sold what property they had to plantation owners just to survive in regions of West and Middle Tennessee, while land was worthless in many places in Kentucky, so burned over was it. Though small, this trickle off the land in 1866 would set the course to change the way much of the Upper South looked…” - A Cotton Goliath, The Confederate Economy from 1866, Roger Ransom, University of Sacramento, 2012
     
    The New World Order 1866 Part 4: The Mexican Empire
  • The New World Order 1866 Part 4: The Mexican Empire

    “Despite debts which seemed to be ever increasing, the Mexican Empire was, gradually, cementing its control over the major cities and the hinterlands of Mexico. Though guerrilla bands did occasionally stalk near the capital, the ongoing reorganization of the Mexican state, and the pockets of stability propped up by imperialista and European bayonets, meant that a degree of goodwill was beginning to form towards the emperor from the average Mexican. While his advisors were chronically frustrated with Maximillian’s tours of his new country, the ability of the people to see and meet the emperor as a man, not just a figure in far off Mexico City, had the effect of making him a physical presence in the minds of Mexicans. Especially his penchant for random (and costly) acts of charity. So often would he embark on these quixotic tours of his new nation that it would not be until 1870 when he spent a full year in the capital. In what could almost be considered a modern act of political meet and greet, Maximilian unintentionally used these good will tours to craft a domestic base for himself.

    In the villages and the haciendas Maximillian would experience the poverty and near feudal nature of most of his people. He would write passionately to Mexico City that laws must be passed to protect “the least of my people” from their quasi feudal overlords. Personal meetings with local priests and parishioners allowed him to go around the Church hierarchy that tried to stymie him. These meetings often endeared him to average laborers, while annoying the hacendados who ran the land. Though often they were outwardly gracious and deferential, many would mock the Emperor after he left. One man would go so far as to make a show of making the lives of his laborers easier, but rescind on such good treatment after the Emperor and his entourage had left. To his great misfortune, Maximilian returned and upon seeing this about face, the Emperor had a rare show of rage and ordered the man imprisoned. Stopping just short of giving the land to the people, he informed the hacendados children that he would again return and he had best find the land as he left it.

    Though rare, such outbursts often caused Maximilian some respite when he was disrespected as he would often not change his mind after the fact. Prone to avoiding conflict, he would stick firmly to decisions made unless Carlota talked him down. Conflicts with many of his European advisors would often end this way, and Carlota preferred her Belgian countrymen, but Maximilian would heap praise on his Austrians. This, naturally, led to less French influence becoming tolerable at court, which caused deep annoyance with Napoleon in Paris. When Maximilian wrote him requesting another loan to cover his personal expenses, Napoleon ordered his government to refuse until another load of the existing debt was paid that year.

    Minus the debt his government faced, Maximilian became obsessed with reorganizing the nation in a way that he could have a Chamber of Deputies elected to fully pass laws for the nation. To that end he divided Mexico into 50 administrative regions, aiming to rationalize the administration of the empire[1]. Instead of old regional ties, these would be based on natural or geographic borders as much as possible, while taking terrain and climate into consideration. This was hoped to have a good number of prefects who could administer from a central regional capital. That way taxes could be collected, government orders promulgated, and the nation slowly tied together by the intervention of imperial forces in trouble spots. However, many of these regions would have representation in name only, with representatives elected from the towns speaking for the whole of the department. It would be some time before the major southern departments had proper representation, or even overall imperial authority.

    Maximilian’s next fixation was binding these diverse regions together with the greatest of modern transportation, railroads. Though the rail line from Veracruz to Mexico City was being constructed, Maximilian saw railroads connecting the north and south of his nation, and even a railroad which would tie the Atlantic and Pacific coasts together. In September of 1864 the Imperial Mexican Railway Company had been chartered in London, with the implicit understanding it would be chartered to help connect Mexico City to the sea. Maximilian, with word that the line was expected to be completed - depending on interruptions - by 1870, worked to get them to invest in lines to the north of Mexico City as well. He would often speak of his dreams for the future of Mexico as a prosperous nation connecting everything from the Atlantic to the Pacific and an ‘entrepot for Asia to Europe’ with Blasio when he was in a wistful mood..

    The war though, came first…” - Maximilian and Carolta: A New World Dynasty, Margaret Amberson, 2014


    Political_divisions_of_Mexico_1865_%28location_map_scheme%29.svg

    Departments of the Second Mexican Empire

    “The fighting in the vastness of northern Mexico dragged on as Juarez entrenched with his followers in Chihuahua hoped that the geography could work to their advantage. Some suggested a withdrawal to California, worrying that if Juarez fell he would have no clear successor to take over. His closest ally and chief successor, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, encouraged Juarez to retreat from El Paso del Norte at least further west to Nogales, closer to the much friendlier American border. They were getting no meaningful supplies through Texas, save from smugglers, and Juarez’s followers were in as much danger from the Texans as they were from the French and imperialistas. Worse, emboldened Comanche raiders were making their way into northern Mexico again, terrifying the inhabitants who withdrew support to defend themselves[2].

    Despite it all, Juarez would not be moved to despair, and often encouraged his allies that they would fight. He said “I would rather die with a rifle in my hands, wrapped in the national flag, than take a single step off our holy soil.” Sadly, fewer of his followers seemed to feel that way. A small exodus began from Mexico of liberal leaning politicians and intellectuals, largely to California. As pay became scarce, desertions increased amongst the Republican ranks.

    Eventually, Juarez acceded to Tejada’s advice and withdrew to Nogales, as the French forces advanced northwards. With dwindling resources, another siege was untenable. As 1866 came to a close, Juarez would move his government to Nogales, leaving a silent and sullen El Paso draped in white flags as General de Castagny’s men marched in. They were welcomed from across the border by Texas officials and Confederate officers, eager to cement a trading friendship with the new government.

    The territory which the Republic effectively controlled continued to shrink…” – The Mexican Adventure, Marc Braudel, 1986


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    1] Though these will become how its governed, often times people will continue to use the old names and territories as shorthand.

    2] Yet another bad knock on effect of the Comanche effectively having free reign in the Southwest.
     
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    Chapter 126: The Balance of Power in North America
  • Chapter 126: The Balance of Power in North America

    “It is of course of interest to the military reader that, both in light of the late American War and the events on the Continent, the military power of the various North American peoples be considered. In the aftermath of the late unpleasantness with the United States the people of Britain were blessed to find themselves looking on a new hope for a liberal future on that continent with its new nations. Readers of international news are, of course, intimately familiar with the changes in territory and authority current in North America from the Saint Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, but it will be necessary for some to have a refresher.

    The most unsettled concern of course currently is that of the Mexican Empire. Formally begun with the Treaty of Miramar in 1864 Emperor Maximillian claimed the throne in April of the same year and has since reigned in that perennially unhappy country to what all civilized observers can see is happy effect. The present condition of Mexico came to be from its own civil war of 1857 to 1861. The former Republic of Mexico however, reneged on its debts prompting the powers of England, France and Spain to sign the Convention of London to ensure that these debts were honored. However, the outbreak of the American War in 1862 resulted in the withdrawal of British presence, and that of the Spanish not long after. The French meanwhile continued on, occupying Mexico City in 1863, and since then have pacified much of the new empire.

    The second most pressing issue was of course decided in 1864 with the signing of the Treaty of Rotterdam between Her Majesty's Government and the people of the United States which establishes the current border between the United States and the Kingdom of Canada.

    Finally, the Treaty of Havana between the United States and the Confederate States signed in 1865 ended the late Confederate War of Independence and established the borders which we are now familiar with. Though some disputes remain, and it is considered that many parts of the frontier are unsettled. These are ongoing security concerns for each nation and their borderlands.

    Each of these nations has, as a matter of course, established standing armies within their borders. It is the purpose of this article to sketch out the present balance of power between the new lands present on the continent and to examine their military potential and present military capabilities. This information has been garnered from both government reports, official sources, and reliable newspapers within each nation. The article is expected to enlighten the reader to the potential for renewed conflict on that continent and the present military maneuvers of each society.


    The Mexican Empire

    The nation of Mexico stretches from the Rio Grande in the north to the Yucatan Peninsula in the south, covering 760,000 square miles. Though the exact counts are at present unknown due to the current unrest, the estimates from 1860 put the country at a population of some 8,000,000.

    The present conflict raging in the heart of the Mexican Empire represents the most pressing threat to peace and security. As of last report, the government of former President Benito Juarez has fled to the far north of the nation, close to the border with the United States through the state of California. Presently Juarez’s government is based in Chihuahua City, and from there attempts to coordinate the defence of its remaining territories. From reliable reports on the frontier, it is believed that the only aid coming to his government is that which is shipped discretely over the border from California at Fort Yuma up the River Colorado.

    It is believed that Juarez still commands an army of 5,000 men. In the south, the only remaining republican army under Porifio Diaz, continues its defiant defence of Oaxaca. General Diaz is believed to command between 4,000 and 5,000 men. These are the only organized forces of soldiers remaining to the republican movement, other than many guerilla bands which are little better than bandits.

    The Imperial cause is currently undertaken by a joint French and Mexican Imperial Army. The French Army, under the command of General Bazaine, currently campaigns in the North, and South, with the intention of crushing the final pockets of republican resistance. In the North, a joint Franco-Mexican force campaigns against Chihuahua, while in the South a purely French force besieges Oaxaca.

    Presently, the French Forces in Mexico are laid out as such:

    Commanding their forces is General Francois Bazaine, the supreme commander of all French, and ostensibly Mexican, soldiery in the new empire. It has been his campaigns which have, since 1863, pacified and placed most of the country under the control of the government in Mexico City. He has two divisions operating as maneuver forces. The 1st Division under Major General Armand de Castagny operates in the north of the country. The 2nd Division under Major General Felix Douay operates in the south. A reserve brigade guards the French bases in Mexico, Orizaba and Veracruz. The cavalry is commanded by Reinaud Boulonge de Lascours, though this cavalry brigade is broken up supporting different elements of the French army.

    Based on reports, the French forces can be enumerated thusly:

    Infantry - 25,773

    Cavalry - 2,449

    Artillery - 2,709

    The fighting strength of the French in Mexico may thus be counted at 30,931 men, minus the administrative and support forces.

    The European allies of the Emperor have also contributed the following forces:

    Austria - 12,000 volunteers

    Belgium - 1,600 volunteers

    The Mexican Imperial Army has been built around those who supported the French invasion in 1862. Built up to a not inconsiderable strength with French assistance, it is now reported to number 21,000 men. Of these, there are a known number of ‘permanent’ units of the new Imperial Army, split between those of Mexican extraction and those of European origin. The most interesting fixture are those regiments of cazadores which are a mixed European and Mexican group, who work under officers of the Empire. Based on the German jager regiments of Austria, they are seen as invaluable assets to the Imperial cause. Their present strength is:

    Cazadore Regiments 16 = 9,600

    (European) Regiments of the Line 3 = 2,400

    Cavalry Regiments (8 Mexican, 4 European) 12 = 4,800

    Imperial Guard Regiment = 600

    Artillery = 2,250

    The total of the permanent Imperial Mexican forces may then be enumerated at 19,650.

    In addition to the regiments enumerated above, it is known that there is a battalion of ‘Contra Guerillas’ numbering some 800 operating in the field in the incessant fight against bandits and saboteurs. It is also estimated that roughly a dozen independent companies of militia raised by loyalists are working with the Imperial government, providing another 1,000 men to the Imperial cause.

    The present operations of the Armies are, at last report, the 1st Division under Major General Armand de Castagny, numbering some 10,349 men, with the Imperial Miramón Division under Major General Miramón numbering 6,499 men. This force marches against Chihuahua in harsh and desolate terrain, using roads not seen outside the vastness of Asia or Africa. It is expected to besiege or capture Chihuahua by December.

    The 2nd Division under Major General Felix Douay is engaged in the bitter siege of Oaxaca. Pitted against a formidable, and mobile defence, it has struggled to maintain an effective siege. The division numbers 9,159 men.

    The remainder of the French army operates as a garrison, maintaining the peace and the far flung outposts of the Empire in conjunction with those forces of the Imperial army and their European allies. It is presently assumed that the war shall drag on into 1867.


    The Confederate States of America

    The newest nation on the North American continent, the Confederate States of America began its struggle in 1861 when the original eleven states seceded. Through the crucible of war it’s territories were hammered out at the Treaty of Havana. Current population estimates approximate it at 9,500,000, but those states and territories (exclusive of the Indian Territory) which comprise the Confederacy had, by the 1860 census, a population of 10,289,169. It comprises an area of 865,000 square miles.

    The current organized army of the Confederate States was, by act of Congress in 1861 set to be 15,015 enlisted men and 744 officers. However, the results of the war and the tumultuous events raging across the continent have currently seen the army expand to 27,000 men. The exact numeration and establishment is presently unclear as new regiments are only being organized this year.

    The Army of the Confederate States is organized into two main field armies, and four major military departments. The current departments are: The Department of Virginia (Virginia and North and South Carolina) the Department of Florida and the Gulf (Florida, Alabama, Georgia and Louisiana) the Department of the West (Tennessee and Kentucky) and the Department of the Trans-Mississippi (Arkansas, Texas and the Indian and Arizona Territories). In these departments two field armies are maintained. The first there is the Army of Northern Virginia, in the Virginia Department, and then the Army of Kentucky, in the Department of the West. These two field armies occupy the various frontier fortifications, garrisons, and government institutions along the border with the United States. The units not assigned to the army are those in garrison along the coasts and in the Trans-Mississippi Department.


    The United States of America

    While we in England have now been at peace with the United States for two years, in the past century we have warred with them thrice now. Once during their Revolution, another in their unprovoked attack on our Canadian subjects in 1812, and now again with their impertinent interference with British shipping in 1862. Undoubtedly the United States remains our chief security concern in North America. Stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the United States comprises an area of 1,500,000 square miles. Much of that is a sparsely populated interior still teaming with wild Indian tribes, and crossed only at great hazard on overland trails. However, her Pacific shore is much more inhabited than those colonies of British Columbia and Vancouver, with the city of San Francisco a great entrepot of trade on that coast of North America. The eastern portion of the country up to the Mississippi is well developed and deeply settled, where much of their industry and most of their population. Absent the Confederate States, the population of the United States can now be said to be comprised of some 22 millions, though this is an estimate. Those states which make up the northern states comprised 21,154,153 souls in the 1860 United States census.

    In the past the United States had been a tenacious foe and one, if not a great juggernaut like the European powers, one which was worthy of respect. However, the character of any army raised was one which was an enigma to European observers, but the powers of Europe may doubt the military strength of the United States no more. Yankee soldiery performed well despite comprising primarily of freshly raised conscripts and green men who had never seen war before. When facing off against our own soldiers they showed an aggressiveness and coolness under intense fire which would do the Anglo-Saxon race proud. Though perhaps not organized and disciplined to a European standard, they were well organized and performed impressive tactical feats in the field.

    Prior to the late war the United States military was only 16,000 men strong. That number ballooned to over 600,000 men by reliable estimates during the conflict. This would have put the United States on par with a power like France or Prussia, a great score of men drafted into the conflict. However, the United States have proven unwilling to bear the costs of keeping a great army in the field, and it swiftly disbanded its forces come 1865 as peace began to return to the continent. Based on estimates from correspondence in Washington, the army has shrunk to near 80,000 men after a grueling uphill battle in Washington. This is still a respectable force, though many would imagine one not well disposed to defending so vast a country. However, with militaries that are substantially smaller than its own on the border, this may be a number that the United States is far more comfortable with, the electorate of that nation made uneasy by large armies.

    With reports to hand, the rough estimation of the size of the United States army may be enumerated as such:

    Regiments of Infantry: 35 - 50,000

    Regiments of Cavalry: 14 - 16,000

    Artillery: 8 regiments - 9,000

    Corps of Engineers: 3,000

    This rough tabulation gives an army of 78,000 men on the rolls. A large force indeed, one much greater and with more veterans than that which existed in 1861. We can only assume that in the field, and undistracted, any fight with the Yankees would be a difficult prospect for Britain with large armies able to be formed and launched into Canada. However, as this war has shown, the power of the navy and the willingness of the Canadians to take arms in their own defence would allow Britain to bring America to terms.


    The Kingdom of Canada

    Our premier consideration in North America of course is the new and infant Kingdom of Canada. A novel scheme of uniting numerous disparate self-governing colonies of Her Majesty's North American possessions into a single entity, it is a new experiment which may indeed bear fruit across the whole of the Empire. Whether it can survive of course, in its present condition, is another matter. The population of the Kingdom is over 3,000,000 souls. It comprises an area of 364,000 square miles.

    Formed recently in August of 1866, it is composed of the former self-governing colonies of The United Province of Canada, Ontario (formerly Canada West), Quebec (formerly Canada East), New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island. This new Confederation has established all the British outposts on the Atlantic, save Newfoundland, under one banner and a single governor-general with its capital in Ottawa. Having been forged in the fires of the late war, its people are proud and fierce patriots whose loyalty to the Queen cannot be doubted by any man. That these people have earned the right to govern themselves and the Protection of Her Majesty is beyond doubt.

    Presently, the colony is defended by two considerations. The first is the garrison of Her Majesty's Troops present in the Dominion, and her Volunteer militia which fought so well against the American invasion. We shall consider each in order. The numbers are based on the recent Returns of troops in North America and reports from the Militia Department of the Dominion.

    Currently the garrison of Canada many be enumerated as such:

    Regiments of the Line, 16 = 14,280

    Regiments of Cavalry, 3 = 1,599

    Companies of Engineers, 4 = 500

    Batteries of Artillery, 4 = 917

    Batteries of Garrison Artillery, 7 = 1,050

    The present garrison of Canada (exclusive of Her Majesty's Troops on the Pacific Coast) can be enumerated as, 18,346 men.

    To augment this body a considerable force of Canadian militia may be raised at a moment’s notice. This body was raised in 1861 by the individual colonies, with a current number known to have served from each colony in the late war. From the former United Province of Canada, 76,000 men. From New Brunswick, 6,345 and from Nova Scotia, 14,000 and from Prince Edward Island, 1,150. In total tabulation it may be estimated that 97,250 Canadians gained some modicum of military experience in the late American War.

    Though no formal militia act has yet been passed in the new Dominion, the Militia Department has begun a ‘rationalization’ of its current militia system. It seeks to organize all the active Volunteer Battalions into the new defence of the country. For that purpose the country has been divided into Nine Militia Districts, based primarily around the urban centers of the country.

    From the Abstract Returns of August 1866, we may summarize that the existing Canadian system of forming divisions on their urban areas of two brigades each has paid dividends. In turn these are to be supported by regiments of cavalry and artillery. This provides for 54 battalions of infantry 8 regiments of cavalry, 9 organized batteries of artillery and a corps of 500 engineers. Based on the sizes set by the United Province of Canada during the war for those respective corps, we can estimate a force of 48,250 men available for service in case of war. Though the reliable estimations from the exercises of this past July showed that only 32,093 men As this is a part time military force, much similar to our own Volunteer units, we cannot expect all men to drop their trades and professions in peace time merely to show up for muster. However, when one considers that even five years previous our sources bemoaned the state of readiness by the colonial militia, we may take this as a sign of much improved martial spirit engendered by the late war.

    With a stiff backing by Her Majesty’s Troops the militia of Canada would be ready to take the field against any threat, Yankee, Fenian, or even French. With the Royal Navy the uncontested hegemon of the Atlantic and Pacific, what power would dare threaten her shores? The country is loyal to London and united in a zeal against American demagoguery. To that end we can expect great things of this new colonial kingdom which pledges loyalty to Her Majesty and aims to keep the monarchical principle alive in North America under good government…”
    - Captain Martin Petrie, Journal of the Royal United Services Institute, September 1866

    -----

    I do want to stress that this is meant to read like a "period piece" based on other writings by Captain Petrie, which record the European powers of the time. So any nationalistic sentiment, or what reflects prejudices of the day, is meant to reflect what a British officer is writing after what Britain perceives as a victorious war that cements them as a great power.
     
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    Chapter 127: What If?
  • Chapter 127: What If?

    “The history of the 19th Century is replete with points of divergence that could have changed the course of history as we know it. Many ask what if this or that event had not happened. For instance, what if the South had never seceded, would that have stopped the chain of dominos leading to the violent events of the 20th century? Or what if Lincoln had won a second term, would he have managed to resolve the War of Secession[1] to a better conclusion for North America? Could slavery have ended earlier? These are often the questions that writers seek to explore when engaging in alternate history. Though it is an ultimately unknowable answer, writers nonetheless enjoy experimenting with the concept. In this article we will review the better known avenues of the alternate history regarding what historians call the Great American War as it has been envisioned in the past.

    It may surprise readers to know that this is an old topic. The first works which could be called “alternate history” today on the subject were actually written in the early 20th century. Henry Adams, who lived through the war, wrote “The World of The United States” in 1900, specifically using “the” United States rather than the more common “these” United States as was the case until the 1960s. That alone set the tone for readers. In the work he imagined a world where war with Britain was never fought and the United States, through material advantages and the political unity of the Republican Party, defeated the Confederacy and imposed an end of slavery on the South by 1864. Though he did not specify how the war was won, merely writing “through her material and military supremacy the United States triumphed” and instead focused on the years leading up to 1900. This different United States abolished slavery in 1864, and in Lincoln’s second term helped bring about a revolution which abolished the institution in Cuba by 1867 and absorbed the island into the United States. A very different outcome than we would be familiar with today!

    However, he largely focused on how a whole United States would be a force for good in the world, Imagining no monarchies to its north and south (he briefly alludes to a Canadian Democracy) but also imagines that American pressure would force France from Mexico and keep that republic alive. By 1900 he envisioned all of the Caribbean having thrown off European rule and instead been absorbed into the United States. In South America too he alludes to ‘sister republics’ which are in a quasi alliance with the United States. Europe meanwhile is still ‘trapped in despotism’ but with friendly powers like Russia and Prussia acting as checks on the ‘infernal ambitions’ of France, England and Spain. In a way he did inadvertently predict some aspects of the future but perhaps not in the way he thought.

    A counterpoint would be Winston Churchill’s “If There Was a United States” written in 1931’s collection "If It Had Happened Otherwise.” Churchill imagines a world where the United States, winning the war first through canny diplomacy with Britain, exiting that conflict in 1862 with a white peace, and then turning its furious energies on the Confederacy. The war lasts to 1866 with the South “wholly subjugated” by Northern arms, and slavery being abolished by a third term Abraham Lincoln. From there Churchill imagines the United States taking an imperial view of the world, conquering such different places as Cuba, Hawaii, Taiwan and portions of West Africa. The United States becomes a global power, one of the “Three Hegemons” as he calls it, dividing global interests with Britain and Russia who exert vast control over vast swathes of territory that by 1910 are able to push others like France, China and Prussia around to avert wars. Naturally, Churchill envisions the only wars the powers undertake as “police actions” against the Ottomans and Chinese which carve up their empires to create a more stable world order.

    Of course, in each of these examples we can see a world viewed through the biases of the authors. For Adams it's his position as one of the leading New Men who looks to burnish the national image of the United States at a time where she was grappling with her place in the world. For Churchill it is imagining a stable global order after the Great War and the uncomfortable realization that non-European powers have a seat at the global table, a point he always argued against with his twin. Modern writers of course are not immune to such biases, but it is interesting to examine how these works are shaped by their predecessors.

    The first novel, most well known of course, was 1964’s "Under the Southern Cross" is the story of Jedediah Smith, a Virginian, who inadvertently travels back in time. The world he lives in is one infested with ‘communism’ where the black dominated People’s Confederacy controls the whole of the Southern United States, allied to the West African Peoples Republic and a Communist Iberia which exports “Marxist-Lincolnism” to the peoples of the world, and eventually conquer the United States. Stumbling on a secret project to go back in time and arm a slave uprising with modern weapons, he falls through the time machine, disabling it, and finds himself in 1863, a year before his own having gone exactly 101 years back. There he participates in the Siege of Washington on the Confederate side. Knowing all the hardships his home will endure if the war is won as historically, he assassinates Robert E. Lee in camp, causing the collapse of the Army of Northern Virginia. From there he does his best to ensure that Richmond falls to Rosecrans victorious army, which advances into the Confederate capital in Christmas 1863. The Confederacy collapses with the fall of its capital, and Britain makes a separate peace with the United States in early 1864 based on the status quo. From there, realizing he can’t go back, Jedediah does his best to subtly influence Virginia history, eventually becoming governor in 1888 and fast tracking ‘educated negro’ voting rights with his future understanding of “the slave shall not be the slave forever, and if I may spare my descendents the violence my own forebears knew that I shall mercifully do so.

    Seen as paternalistic towards African Americans today (with some passages now rightly considered racist) the book was a success, leaning into the popular time travel genre of the 1960s. It did not imagine much of the future world as Jedediah ends his story sometime in the 1890s happy he had kept the United States whole, keeping her on a less imperial trajectory for the future and his own Virginia spared the ravages of the 20th century. This was a time when race relations in the United States were improving and a new generation did not remember the political and racial animus driven by ideology in the 1910s. So a slightly progressive work for its time despite its numerous flaws.

    For a perspective less wed to science fiction, 1983’s “The Spirit of Revolution'' was Gabriel Sharaa’s answer to his own question posed at the end of his 1977 novelization of the 1863 Battle of Saratoga, The Common Devils[2], what if the United States had fought on to victory over Britain? It was a unique look through the eyes of historical characters like Winfield Scott Hancock, Ambrose Burnside, Garnet Wolseley and Patrick Grant, with a small shifting group of soldiers in between. The novel is almost a simple reimagining of the Revolutionary War, but only from the Northern perspective. Sharaa imagines a quick turn around where Burnside’s victorious army, reinforced by Thomas’s soldiers who saved Washington, instead campaigns north in 1864, besieging and capturing Montreal by the end of the year. In 1865 Quebec is besieged and while off handed mention is made of Admiral Farragut winning a strategic victory over the Royal Navy off the coast of Maine, little is referenced beyond the campaign in Canada East. The story ends with Quebec’s surrender and the two generals, Wolseley and Hancock, speaking of a ‘culmination of the American Revolution’ and how surely the United States must spread across the whole continent. In the now infamous epilogue, President Roosevelt stands on the pier at Vera Cruz in 1917 watching the dreadnought taking the Mexican Imperial Family into exile in Belgium. He reflects to himself it is the same day that Saratoga was won and that the “spirit of the Revolution to bring democracy to the peoples of North America is at last fulfilled.

    While many today, and then, criticized the book as unrealistic (Shaara’s son would jokingly say it was why he decided to write historical fiction that only stuck to the script) it sold well. It dodged the questions of contemporary politics by focusing only on the foreign war in his novel, deeply imitating the idea of a successful expulsion of monarchism from the North American continent. Some criticized recycling history for his campaign to Quebec, while others felt that the British characters were flat in comparison to his American ones. It was a lionization of what was imagined as “apolitical generals” a common theme in Sharaa’s war work, most likely influenced by his own time in the military. However, it does imagine a different world where the United States has annexed all of Canada and Mexico, with a reflection that between Russia, the United States and Germany, the world will enter a new era of peace and prosperity, having comprehensively defeated the Entente.

    From 1998-2001 the epic trilogy "The Union Forever", ran a meticulous story plotting the military and political maneuvers in the campaigns from Richmond and Washington to the men on the ground. The three part series, uniquely, imagines a world where there was no Trent Affair and so Britain did not intervene in the war. Shorne of two fronts to fight on, the novels instead track campaigns through Virginia and Mississippi. Like many, the authors have a dim view of General McClellan and opt to instead kill him off in the fictitious ‘Battle of Glendale” and Ambrose Burnside commands the Army of the Potomac until 1864. He is then replaced by Winfield Scott Hancock who drives deep into Virginia in 1866[3], capturing Richmond after defeating Lee’s army in the field.

    In the West the book chooses to focus on Grant and Thomas[4], the two men running campaigns deep into Tennessee. Thomas captures Knoxville in 1863 while Grant, after many failed attempts, at last takes Vicksburg in 1864, in combination with the United States Navy capturing New Orleans in 1863. A grinding campaign brings both men to the Gulf in 1865, with their forces preparing to march north into Virginia. The battered army of Albert Sidney Johnston hooks up with Lee and the remnants of his army, with the two sides making a last stand at Bentonville, North Carolina in June 1866. The climactic Battle of Bentonville is described in detail, with both Lee and Johnston being mortally wounded, and Joseph Johnston surrendering rather than engage in a pointless fight to the death.

    The final three epilogue chapters detail how Lincoln places the South under military occupation, akin to a police state, and his successor, President Hancock who the war has turned into a Republican, is inaugurated believing the South must be kept under the heel of a military government until it changes its ways and vows the Union will be forever by any means necessary during his inauguration speech.

    The novel has been praised for its characterization and attention to detail. The two authors worked hard to vividly imagine how difficult these campaigns would be, what effect it would have on the men who fought in the war, and how it might change American opinions. Grant, who was known to be an alcoholic historically, is depicted as falling deeper into drinking as the war goes on, to the point he drinks himself into a stupor and cannot be present for the final surrender at Bentonville he is so overcome by the horrors he has witnessed. The attention to 19th century warfare has also been praised, with the deep study of the rifle tactics of the war based on research done in the 1990s. Popular especially in the circles of military history, it is seen as a credible imagining of how the war could have been won by the Union, even if some do question the outcome being a total victory for the Union.

    Finally, the most recent novel written is 2003’s “The Bough Breaks” wherein the Confederacy, with British support, breaks into Washington and forces the surrender of the United States[5], which cedes the state of Maine and the Washington Territory to Britain, while the Confederacy maintains its maximalist gains, seizing Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware. California secedes immediately after the war with Nevada, Oregon, Idaho and Washington joining, leaving a rump United States with its capital at Philadelphia. The novel is set in 1967 as the United States discusses an alliance with the British Empire in the face of Franco-Confederate encroachment in the Caribbean, which threatens to severely limit US trade. Talk of a Russo-British cold war permeates the background with discussions on the “Germanies” being a comparison point between British and American diplomats. The main characters are Jubilee Keckley (implied to be a descendent of Elizabeth Keckley) is a white passing member of the State Department who is approached by a member of the Underground Railroad, now a revolutionary group looking to topple the nation. The Confederacy is teetering on the edge of economic collapse, and a massive slave uprising threatens to engulf the South. The novel pivots around the trouble facing the smaller black population of the United States, and whether reunification is possible one hundred years after the war if the Confederacy collapses.

    It is a novel of its time, but one that does offer a fascinating, if catastrophic, look at North American history if the war ended sooner. The speculation is that slavery would have endured far longer and in a far more brutal form. Though many today do scoff at the notion, considering how slavery de-facto ended in our own history with such violent results, it is an interesting theory.

    The works of alternate history are always an interesting examination of what could have been. Though the Great American War defined history and its study in North America for nearly a century, being only unseated by the global Great War half a century later, it remains fodder for both regular and counterfactual fiction. The stories examined here are only a slice of the tales told by authors looking at how the world might have shaped itself differently to ours had a few events gone differently.

    Next week, we’ll be examining the alternate history after the War of 1812 as a counterpoint to this seminal moment in American history!” - What If? Counterfactual Magazine, December 2006 issue


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    1] The Great American War is in vogue up to the 20th Century, but in the 21st some are questioning this.

    2] Consider this my answer to OTL’s The Killer Angels.

    3] There's a bit of a consensus that the war would have to run until 1866. The South is just too big otherwise. It's also a bit of a backlash to Under the Southern Cross in universe as people think there's no way the fall of Richmond would see the Confederacy collapse in so short a time frame.

    4] Alas poor William T. Sherman! It is his brother who will be more famous!

    5] Indeed the Great American War almost ended here in Wrapped in Flames. The whole conflict seemed to be barrelling towards this conclusion, and I briefly did consider Washington being captured alongside the Army of the Potomac and Lincoln being forced to sue for a much more bitter peace. However, with the commanders I put in charge and the very real logistical nightmares Lee's siege would have faced, I decided it was more in spirit with the war how I imagined it seeing the siege broken and a real 'hope spot' emerging for the United States right before things went to hell!
     
    Chapter 128: 1866 A Year in Review
  • Chapter 128: 1866 A Year in Review

    Europe:

    July 14th: After an unsuccessful attempt in 1865, the Great Eastern at least completes its mission at connecting Europe and North America via telegraph wire. The wire comes to rest in Newfoundland, and one of the first messages is a greeting from Queen Victoria to the Viscount Monck saying “We wish well our subjects on this historic day,” in a message proudly hailed as making Canada a “trans-Atlantic nation” by commentators. In September, the lost cable of 1865 will be dredged up, repaired, and connected to North America to create two working cables.

    July 30th: Sweden-Norway and Denmark meet to discuss a mutual defence treaty. In the aftermath of the Treaty of London, both nations feel threatened by potential encroachment by Prussia into the Baltic. A feeling of brotherhood between all the Scandinavian countries runs high and the “tripart” flag combining the flags of Sweden-Norway and Denmark is flown by crowds in both Stockholm and Copenhagen by enthusiastic crowds, in Stockholm as a sign of solidarity with Sweden and in Denmark as a sign of disapproval of the current government. The Treaty of Stockholm will affirm a defensive pact between the two nations, paving the way for further cooperation in the coming years.

    “The exact motivations of Dmitry Karakozov were easily found. The murderer of Tsar Alexander II had a manifesto in his pockets, and the shot that killed the emperor in the Summer Garden had alerted the guards. The assassin had hardly attempted to flee, being easily detained. The day after the assassination a letter was delivered to the Governor of St. Petersburg wherein he stated “I have decided to destroy the evil Tsar, and to die for my beloved people[1],” and he would soon be given his wish. Moved to the Peter and Paul Fortress, he was interrogated and sentenced to death in September of that year alongside a number of other alleged conspirators.

    In the face of his father’s reform minded government in this brief reign, the young Tsesareveich would find his view of the world transformed. His father’s emancipation of the serfs had been radical, his efforts to reform self government and rationalize the laws on the French model admirable, and was seen as a step towards the liberal ambitions of Europe. Though he had respected his father’s goals and wishes, seeing him killed in the streets of St. Petersburg planted the all important seeds of doubt in young Nicholas’s mind. At such a young age he was impressionable, and one of the youngest tsars to take the throne yet. He determined that he would outlast his fathers bare 10 year reign. But for that, he might have to become a man of iron…” - The Iron Tsar: Nicholas II, Ian Branagh, Oxford, 1995

    “...the Austro-Prussian War, occasionally known as the Ten Weeks War or the Brother’s War, was the second of the accepted Four Wars of German Unification, the 1848 nationalist sentiment underscored the first attempt and underlying urge for German unity among intellectuals. The breaking point which would divide the German speaking peoples for another generation was a broad cultural divide between the Prussian and Protestant dominated north, and the divide between the Austrian and Catholic dominated southern states who disagreed on general politics and matters of governance. That the Prussian state sought to rectify this by force was, at the time, seen as folly by immediate post-war writers who criticized the Machiavellian machinations of Bismarck which helped to only drive a wedge between the German speaking peoples.

    Indeed the precipitating crisis can be placed squarely on Bismarck’s shoulders. The Prussian Chancellor had been severely displeased with the final treaty ending the Second Schleswig War, seeing it as an avoidable capitulation by a feckless Austrian ally. The annexation of Holstein and much of Schleswig into the German Confederation was less of a prize than he hoped. To that end, he worked tirelessly to frustrate the work to put an Austrian friendly prince on the throne. First maneuvering to block the accession of Frederick VIII, the Duke of Augustenberg to what all the other German states considered his rightful throne, and finally, by threatening the annexation of the whole Duchy if he did not get his way by preventing Austrian officials from calling the diet of the Duchy. This incensed many of the smaller German monarchs who looked to Austria to right this wrong.

    Efforts to avert war in the German Diet came to naught, and Bismarck would simply walk out, with an alliance of smaller states supporting Prussia, but the majority of German kingdoms siding with Austria…

    …simply put Moltke’s planning had resulted in a masterstroke. The Prussian forces had routed the forces of the lesser kingdoms and driven them across the Main, driving into Austria and pairing away many of the smaller German states forces. The Saxons had been driven into the Austrian arms, and the maneuvering against the Federal VIII Corps in the Southern German states seemed poised to deliver another victory to Prussian arms. As the two armies maneuvered towards the village of Königgrätz it seemed as though the decisive blow would be struck.

    Instead, the Battle of Königgrätz has gone down as one of the single most catastrophic days in Prussian military history. Moltke’s meticulous organization meant that the battle opened more or less in his favor…

    …the tenacious Austrian defence of the Swiepwald made it so that Moltke’s timetable was frustrated by surprisingly effective Austrian artillery. As a result, the Prussian advance stalled, forcing more forces to be detached from the attacks towards the Austrian center. King Wilhelm, alongside his entourage including Bismarck and Moltke, rode to where his reserves from First Army were maneuvering and prepared to issue the order to support the attack. That was when a nameless imperial artilleryman launched the shell that most likely changed the course of German history.

    There was no possible way the shell could have been deliberately aimed, the range was simply too improbable. Likely it was another arcing shot aimed high to frustrate the Prussian advance. Instead, it landed directly on top of Wilhelm’s entourage. Bismarck and the king were killed instantly, Moltke would survive his wounds long enough to order a withdrawal to a defensive position, but expired shortly thereafter, with von Roon being carried from the field and surviving. However, at the most inopportune moment, the Prussian state had been effectively decapitated.

    Confusion reigned in the Prussian ranks and the advance slowly, surprisingly, stalled. Rumors circulated in the ranks, but officers attempted to quell them. The fighting spirit of men, now confused why their so far successful attacks had stopped, began to droop as men watched officers briefly lament the death of their king.

    The arriving Prussian Second Army under the command of the Crown Prince, merely added to the considerable confusion as Benedek, sensing hesitation in the Austrian ranks, ordered the 8th Corps and the Reserve Heavy Cavalry division under General Carl von Egbell to move and assault the flank of the Prussian forces, but instead caught them forming in marching order. The ability of Prince Friedrich to organize his forces was hampered by both the news of his father’s death and the urging of his officers and courtiers that he must quit the field. Instead, Friedrich sought to salvage a suddenly savage situation by ordering a defensive formation and getting his battered army into shape…

    …The concurrent Third Italian War of Independence had gone just as poorly. The stinging defeats in Venetia and on the seas at Lissa where the Italian Navy, in spite of a small superiority in ironclads[2] had been soundly defeated, meant that the Austrians were in high morale as the war went into August…

    Though the subsequent, hesitant, offensive by the Austrian forces through the Ore Mountain Passes had resulted in stalemate, there was the sense that the war could continue on another front. The Prussian defeat at the Battle of Tauberbischofsheim, though minor, resulted in a renewed sense of urgency to fight by the smaller southern kingdoms. Crown Prince Friedrich, shorn of a large advising body and with a small political crisis on his hands, instead offered negotiations rather than engage in a protracted struggle…

    …mediated by a distracted Russia, the Treaty of Krakow would impose few sanctions on either party. The Austrians pointedly excluded the Italians who signed a separate peace, renouncing their claims to Venetia in the Treaty of Vienna. The Austrians renounced their influence over the Northern German states, and grudgingly accepted the formation of the North German Confederation, which they saw as a “Greater Prussia” in all but name. Prussia meanwhile, would not force the issue of the Southern German states, and acknowledged the independence of the Kingdom of Saxony, which the Austrians insisted on as a point of honor. The Northern German Diet was established, with the Southern German Diet declared as a new body which represented these smaller states.

    This would effectively split the German peoples into two halves. In the north, Prussia ruled in all but name as the most powerful single German state amongst a majority Protestant people. In the south, Austria was supreme, but had her now loyal allies in the smaller, primarily Catholic states who looked to Vienna for guidance and protection from what these states now saw as effective Prussian domination and absorption as they watched the rulers of Hanover, Hesse, Frankfurt, Nassau and Holstein overthrown. These regional faults were the precursor to all future conflicts as the peoples there saw the hamfisted attempts by Prussia to coerce them into their sphere by force as just as, if not more, threatening than latent anti-French feeling. Austria, though she had not covered herself in glory, could walk away with pride at having not lost any territory or honor. Prussia had satisfied some, but not all, of her strategic goals, but alienated the Southern states in doing so.

    Krakow was called a ‘peace which solved nothing and satisfied no one’ which in the measure of time could be called correct. It did not end the German Question to anyone’s satisfaction, and instilled a measure of hostility between north and south. Ultimately, it would bring bloodshed to Europe again…” - The Austro-Prussian War, Thomas Jones, Oxford University, 2001

    November 9th: After a revolt against Ottoman rule began on Crete, the intervention of Isma’il Pasha and Egyptian troops restores order over much of the island. The most ferocious fighting takes place at the Arkadi Monastery where the last organized insurgents have fled. The final battle is a bloody hand to hand conflict in which 800 of 900 insurgents, including women and children, are killed in the close confines. The battle further sours liberal opinion in Europe against the Ottoman Empire.

    November 18th: A group of Fenian conspirators meet discussing the ship St. Patrick, a former Union commerce raider purchased by Fenian agents, to smuggle arms to Ireland. The move is financed by the Fenian Brotherhood who are amassing arms for a rising in the coming year. Unbeknownst to them, the meeting has been infiltrated by British agents, who duly pass the information on to Dublin Castle.


    Asia:

    “The exact details of the deals made between the surviving Mandarin’s under the authority of Yicong[3] and Mikhail Chernyayev and his Cossacks is the subject of considerable scrutiny in both Russian and Chinese scholarship. Sources from Russia claim that the Manchu had been taken under the protection of the tsar in exchange for all the territory on the banks of the Nen River and into the east bank of the Liao River, namely Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiang provinces, but also tracts of Inner Mongolia. Whether that was intentional or not is unknown, as Chernayayev[4] may have been operating well outside the scope of any orders of the acting regional governor Nikolay Busse. The Manchu would later claim they only offered parts of Inner Mongolia and lands east of the Nen. However, the Russians interpreted this as authority up to the Liaodong Peninsula, which they greedily annexed, landing a force of 2,000 sailors and soldiers in late 1866 at Port Arthur against a bewildered local garrison who had been under orders not to engage foreigners. Cossack troops would then pour into the other territories, augmenting what few Manchu forces remained as a bulkwark against further expansion.

    The news belatedly reached Nanjing in November of 1866, and it presented the new dynasty with a complication. The Emperor did not believe China was yet organized enough in the wake of the fall of the Qing to take on the foreigners, and it was mistakenly assumed that action against one would invite the intervention of other powers, the various competing ambitions between the western powers being mostly unknown to the Armies of the Proclamation and their leaders. Furthermore, forces had already been sent chasing Mongol forces loyal to the former Qing, combating rebel troops across Central China, and to fight the ongoing revolt on the northwest frontier[5]. Mustering a large force to evict the Russians would be doable, but a major distraction from solidifying control over the remainder of the empire.

    Grudgingly, the court would accept the Russian offer of recognition of their dynasty in exchange for the annexation of these provinces, and a new border in Manchuria. However, the court in Nanjing would deny ever offering tributary rights to Korea, while the Manchu would do the same, despite the Russian officials claiming both sides offered the tsar status over the kingdom. It was a thorny issue which would long vex the region. It was most likely a naked attempt to control the peninsula, but one which was, unlike the seizure of Port Arthur and slow absorption of the three northern provinces, beyond the immediate Russian means.

    It was, however, further proof to the new dynasty that the empire had to reform, and above all, self-strengthen to resist such greedy efforts by the barbarians…” - Twilight of Dynasties: The 19th Century Crisis of China, Sylvester Platt, Oxford Publishing, 2012

    October 11th: French forces launch expeditionary raids against Korea, intending to open the country to foreign trade, similar to successes against Japan or China. Despite a month of campaigning along the coast, and primarily against Ganghwa Island, the French squadron is unable to compel the Joseon Dynasty to open its ports. This is part of a broader conservative turn in politics under Yi Ha-ung, who wishes to maintain strong relations with China and isolate his country from Europe and other outside influences. This will include firing on foreign merchants and warships which enter Korean waters.


    South America:

    “After the defeat of Paraguayan forces at Tuyuti and Curuzú, the Paraguayan forces were in disarray, falling back all along the front. In these battles the Paraguayan army had lost some of its best troops and losing over 15,000 men, a quarter of the pre-war Paraguayan military. Lopez’s invasions of both Uruguay and Brazil had been defeated, leaving him on the defensive. He quickly realized that there was no way he could decisively defeat all the armies arrayed against him and instead opted to sue for peace. In order to do so he invited the leaders of Uruguay’s Colorado faction, Venancio Flores, and the leader of Argentina, President Bartomolé Mitre, to a conference to discuss peace at Yataytí Corá. Overtures to the Brazilian government were rejected as it had become imperial policy that the only way the war would end was with the overthrow of Lopez.

    Immediately the talks broke down as Flores, both in solidarity for Brazil’s position and blaming Lopez for the start of the war, withdrew from the talks after a stormy discussion with the Paraguayan dictator. This left Mitre as the only allied representative who was willing to discuss peace. After 5 hours of discussion, mostly helmed by Lopez, the two men drew up a protocol where Lopez claimed he “wished to find a conciliatory peace for all parties” but Mitre left the talks knowing it was unlikely his allies would accept anything less than Lopez’s unconditional surrender. Having drawn this to Lopez attention, Lopez informed him that he would not relinquish power.

    In response, the allied armies began to march into Paraguay proper in early September…

    The allied forces, now some 20,000 strong, came upon the Paraguayan defences at Crurpayty. These were an impressive line of fortifications along the River Paraguay which had been dug and fortified as a redoubt against a river crossing and to help defend the Fortress of Humaitá, colloquially known as “The Gibraltar of South America” to those in the conflict. It was a serious obstacle to the allied advance, and it needed to be taken. Lopez established his field headquarters there and would watch the advancing allied fleet and army with a mixture of trepidation and contempt. True he had only 5,000 men left, but the fortress was strong and his defences well placed.

    Even so, the allies were confident in their numbers and began a naval bombardment on the entrenchments facing them on September 22nd 1866. However, they stayed far upstream, away from the guns of Fortress Humaitá. Thus, despite the 5,000 shells fired, meant they had limited accuracy and inflicted little damage on the Paraguayan fortifications.

    As the allied forces mustered to assault the trenches, matter became worse when it was assumed by the allied commanders that the defences had been silenced. Instead, they had been misled. Though the navy had indeed bombarded a series of trenches with great effect, this was not the actual Paraguayan defensive line, and the allis passed through them without encountering any resistance. This led the allied leaders to believe they would simply be rolling over the Paraguayans. Then they came upon the true trench line and calamity ensued.

    General Diaz ordered his entire artillery section to open up a cannonade on the advancing attackers. Canister and shell fell on the assault columns which were maneuvering through muddy ground and inflicted enormous casualties…

    …ordered a retreat by 2pm. In the end it was the most decisive victory by the Paraguayan forces in the war. In suffering only 92 casualties they inflicted 4,227 losses on the allied forces. The Battle of Curupayty would stall the allied advance on Paraguay for months, and resulted in serious political fallout in the camp of the Triple Alliance.” - War of the Triple Alliance, Diego Abente, 1987

    September 1866: After the combined might of Bolivia, Peru and Chile all declare war on Spain in response to the provocations against the Chincha Islands, the ports of the Pacific Coast of South America are closed to Admiral Núñez’s fleet. Despite bitter and indecisive battles at Abatao and the bombardment of both Callao and Valparaiso, a battle in which both sides declare victory, Núñez is forced to withdraw his fleet to Spain, allowing the Peruvians to bloodlessly reoccupy the islands.

    Both Peru and Chile believe they have fought off a Spanish attempt to reimpose its will on South America and reconquer its Pacific coast holdings in South America. To that end, they believe they must launch a pre-emptive strike on the Spanish possessions in the Philippines in order to disabuse the Spanish from ever setting foot in South America again. As Spain has refused efforts to reimpose a peace treaty, the Combined Fleet of Peru and Chile makes preparations for a strike against Manila under the command of Manuel Villar Olivera[6].


    The Pacific:

    July 5th: The Kingdom of Hawaii and the United States sign a free trade agreement pertaining to the sugar trade and tax and duties on American goods into Hawaii[7]. The sugar planters of Hawaii are given preferential treatment regarding their imports, while American goods imported to Hawaii will have no duties upon them, a preferential arrangement for all parties. It marks the nadir of Kamehameha IV’s relations with the United States.

    “The final great military defeat of the King Movement came in the spring of 1866, when the Maori fortifications at Ōrākau were assaulted. Compared with the somewhat clumsy and cumbersome advances of a year prior, Cameron, well secure with his rear and supply lines established by land and sea, led 4,000 men inland. The Maori were compelled to withdraw from the ever mounting pressure and the skillful fire of British artillery, the battle playing out as such…

    …by the end of the 4th of May the remainder of Maori forces, driven from their fortifications, withdrew deeper into the interior and the lands of the northern tribes. The use of indiscriminate fire by the British assault killed many of the Maori wounded, and left dozens trapped inside. Those who could flee chose to do so, but Cameron had angled to surround the whole of the great pa and in doing so, prevented all but some 400 from escaping. The pursuit was vicious, with those falling behind or the wounded unable to walk, simply killed out of hand by their British pursuers. The King decreed that his people would move into the lands beyond the Puniu River, with a well fortified line of pa stretching across the new territory. It was decreed that any European who crossed this line risked death.

    This course suited Cameron just fine. He was wary of more assaults against Maori trenches and determined to launch a punitive campaign into the Tauranga where he felt supplies and gunpowder were being brought to the Kingites by sea. The policy of overwhelming firepower used against the Maori continued, and from 1866 to 1868 the war devolved largely into skirmishes and driving the Maori out of villages and establishing redoubts and secured means of communication, burning as they went. This set the stage for later settlement. The Colonial government meanwhile, was anxious to get on with land annexations. The Kingites were, mostly, forced to accept this state of affairs, with over 16,000km of land confiscated from the Maori by 1870…” – Empire and Blood: British Military Operations in the 19th Century Volume IV


    -----

    1] In reality the letter never got delivered, but here I feel there’s some dramatic oomph to it arriving properly. This was one of those close calls for Tsar Alexander II, and only a jostling of the assassin’s elbow may have saved him.

    2] The loss of the two ironclads to the Italian fleet at Lissa when the US took them for Sandy Hook isn’t decisive, but it is used as something of a copout by some Italian politicians and admirals as to why they lost. It has earned the United States a significant amount of ire from Florence, the Italian capital for now.

    3] Prince Dun (or Yicong), a relatively minor Manchu noble who had been an ally of Cixi as his only defining factor. Here he barely escaped with his life from the Han armies and has extreme PTSD and a fear that the Han will come north and “finish the job” so sells this territory to the Russians under dubious authority that no one in Nanjing is in a position to fundamentally argue.

    4] Based on his exceeding of orders he carried out when invading what became Uzbekistan in 1864-65 OTL, hence his being “kicked upstairs” to the East. A time of opportunity that he may or may not be rewarded for.

    5] The Dungan Revolt was a long simmering revolution of mostly Hui Muslims in the Northwest who were fighting from 1862 to 1877. Let’s just say that the effective control that the new dynasty will have over this region is going to be iffy for a long time.

    6] Historically former Confederate officer John Randolph Tucker was placed in charge, but thanks to the differences he’s currently pulling a nice job in the Confederate Navy, hence why Peru is leading the show here. That makes the a little bolder and more self assured.

    7] This is only possible here because there’s no Southern sugar interests to lobby against it in Congress and there’s no desire to support them in the US.
     
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    Chapter 129: Grasping at Thrones
  • Chapter 129: Grasping at Thrones

    January 30th, 1867
    Solitude Plantation, Mississippi, Confederate States of America


    The plantation house showed remarkable little trace of having been burned in the war. Despite the slaves having run off when Pope’s forces had marched for Grenada in 1863, and Union foragers burning the home as they passed, the home looked well weathered. For all that Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar had done well in the post-war years. Briefly the envoy to Russia after a long period in Europe from 1863-66, he had returned home to find many friends and family dead, his home ruined, and his wife, son and daughters living out their life with a single slave. He had been able to count on a generous salary from the President and slowly rebuild his home and expand the plantation thanks to foreign investments which had paid back handsomely and he had sent home. That had allowed for success and rebuilding.

    Lamar had wanted to host the president earlier, but he had been perennially embarrassed until the house was completed. Davis mused that had he known how poorly most homes above his on the Mississippi looked, he would likely have been less embarrassed. Davis himself had toured much of the route through the lands the Great Disturbance had scorched under guard. He’d quickly discovered who his friends were, and who his enemies were. Some had thanked him as he’d commiserated with him, and he suspected some had only been restrained from violence by the presence of his cavalry escort. He was only glad Varina was back in Richmond and far away from all this.

    “It’s a fine house, I think, your family will prosper here,” Davis said pleasantly.

    “In time, Mr. President, in time. They had hardships while I was in Europe,” Lamar’s eyes briefly were far away. “They all did.”

    Lamar had been an enthusiastic advocate of secession, far more than Davis had been. They differed on some items politically, but unlike many policy makers in Richmond, Davis respected Lamar. It must have been quite a shock for him to come home and see so much of his home state burned by the war. Davis himself had been heartbroken, and his fellow Mississippian was equally upset. The past year seemed to have sucked some of the fire from Lamar’s rhetoric, but he was still a fiery presence in politics. Especially on the foreign scene where he had helmed many discussions with foreign leaders.

    “We have given them all a new future at least, one free of Yankee tyranny.” Davis said.

    “Quite so, though we are approaching a pivotal event in our Confederacy,” Lamar replied.

    “The upcoming election? What of it?” Davis couldn’t quite keep the amusement from his voice. “Everyone knows General Lee will run, and he will win. It is as simple as that. I don’t think anyone would be fool enough to run against him, save perhaps for Beauregard.”

    “Do you really believe it will be that simple?” Lamar asked, barely keeping the surprise from his voice.

    “General Lee will reveal little of his post-war plans to me, but he has heavily hinted he wants to retire. What else could a man of his national stature do in retirement? The Yankees seized his home, Arlington is a charnel house now by all reports.”

    Lamar scowled. Each of them knew how far Washington, and the abolitionists especially, had gone to do their best to wreck Lee’s properties. Virginia had allocated him a plantation deeper in the state, in recognition of his good service. That, in Davis’s opinion, was the least the Confederacy owed him. Absent his hard work at Washington and then along the Potomac in 1863, then the crushing victories at Mine Run and Pipe Creek in 1864, the Confederacy might not have prevailed when Perfidious Albion had cut them loose.

    Britain’s stature was not high in the Confederacy at the moment. Indeed, absent looking to friendly banking houses and taking British goods, little good was said of Britain. Davis felt slighted, and little banked his anger more than being slighted. He could barely stand to shake the new ambassador’s hand when he had come to Richmond last year. However, Davis was wise enough to realize that they needed at least a cordial relation with Britain to survive. He was much more friendly with the French at this moment. They at least were receptive to Confederate diplomatic overtures.

    The new Emperor in Mexico was with them, or so it seemed. That always kept the French’s attention, and there had been subtle overtures of working together. That though, Davis thought with satisfaction, would be for his successor to deal with. And he was increasingly convinced it would be General Lee. Who else would run?

    “When Lee becomes president he will be dealing with a group of men who can’t attack him with the same impunity they scorn me with,” Davis said primly.

    “Some of them certainly would dare to,” Lamar said. “Toombs is the most fiery in his denunciation of the military. He has had a great deal ill to say of you.”

    “He and that blasted Alexander can spread my name through the mud until Judgement Day, it doesn’t change they have been wrong about almost everything.”

    “You are perhaps too flippant with your disregard. Toombs and Stephens have the same interest in our new nation as you do.”

    “Their interest is in ruining it,” Davis snorted.

    Lamar sipped his drink quietly for a moment. Davis felt suddenly abashed.

    “I am bringing disquiet into your home after so much uproar has come upon it. I apologize.”

    “These have been trying time,” Lamar said, gracefully accepting the apology. “Though what do you intend to do now that your time as president is ending?”

    “I will return to Mississippi, manage my plantation, and stay well and clear of politics. Perhaps I’ll be a lawyer again.”

    “After so much time in high office?”

    “I never sought the office, but had it foisted upon me. I would hardly wish to inflict it upon anyone! No, I intend to stay out of the fray. Let future generations say I became like Cincinnatus, I did my duty and then retired to my farm.”

    Lamar chuckled. “Quite the modest allusion.”

    “I helped found this new nation, I can give myself some credit through history.”

    The two men laughed and toasted the Confederacy. They spent time on idle chatter for a release from politics. Lamar needed a new overseer, and Davis needed more advice in the coming planting season. He had been six years away from his home, so much work would be needed for it to turn a profit. Horses and the opening of trade on the Mississippi was another point of discussion, with both men eager to make new investments through New Orleans. Lamar believed there was business to be opened in Mexico now that the nation was no longer under the rule of halfbreeds, but rather an enlightened European monarch.

    Inevitably, it returned to politics.

    “What then should men do, do you think?” Lamar asked.

    “You should run for the Senate, you’re a good man. I’m telling my good men in the cabinet the same thing, especially Breckinridge, if anyone could help restore Kentucky it would be him. You could do the same for Mississippi! You’re reliable and have the interest of your state, and the Confederacy as a whole, at heart. Too many blackguards put their parochial priorities ahead of the good of the nation. We have to remember it is a Confederacy of states, not just a lobbyist group for Mississippi or South Carolina.”

    “Some men believe that we act to defend the nation, but otherwise should the states should be left to their own devices.”

    “Then the war has taught some fools nothing,” Davis grumbled. He knew Lamar agreed with that, and sadly there was too much evidence that some were happy to retreat to their plantations to watch the years roll by. If he could convince even a few people against such stupidity, Davis would consider his work complete. Until then, he had the final year of his term to complete.


    February 11th 1867
    Orizaba, Mexican Empire


    Up on the high plateaus and well away from the malarial conditions which afflicted European soldiery, one of the premier bases of operation for French and European soldiers was set at Orizaba. Though garrisoned primarily by Mexican soldiers, it was augmented by French infantry who did not fully trust their erstwhile allies. Sitting at the bottom of the ascent up the mountains towards Puebla and Mexico City, then back to Veracruz, it was an important linchpin in the trade routes in the south. The snow capped titan of Pico de Orizaba loomed over the city, her smaller daughter hills standing like sentinels in the way of any advance. It had not been enough to stop the French in 1862, nor the march of progress onwards from the sea towards the capital. That was, at least, how Europeans and Americans saw it.

    One American rider in particular, the reigns in his teeth as he flashed a wad of cash towards a porter, thought that was the case. He was much impressed with the way the streets seemed cleaner than they had on his last visit twenty years prior. They hadn’t run into any bandits on the road from Veracruz to Orizaba, and though there was much evidence of disturbance still, men hung from trees, cannonades mounted on the trains, it was altogether a much more pleasant experience than any he had endured in his last visit. Though, he supposed, to be fair to the Mexicans, he had been invading their country during a war.

    Philip Kearny was now far less interested in invading Mexico rather than helping it prosper. It was the least he could do now that his own nation seemed determined to drive itself into despondency and ruin.

    Dismounting in front of the hotel he had been informed local officers used, he handed his reins off to the porter and went to enter.

    “Der is de rascal!” A strong German voice said. Kearny turned and put out his only good hand to a smaller man with a bushy moustache and a sword at his hip. The two men squeezed palms and Kearny stepped back to examine the officer in his new uniform.

    “An aide-de-camp to the emperor himself? And here you were just a colonel when you mustered out of the Union Army in 1865 Felix!”

    “Kaiser Maximilian has been very generous in rewarding good service,” Felix Salm-Salm said as he allowed himself to preen slightly for his friend. The two had met during the war serving in Virginia. Both men had a love for soldiering, and ironically both loved women named Agnes. The two wives were embracing one another in the background in the Mexican fashion. Kearny smiled, pleased to see his Agnes would have good company for their trip to Mexico City.

    “I only hope he will be as generous with me, I did fight against his brother in Italy.”

    Salm-Salm gave a mirthless laugh. “Ah but my dear Kearny, we are all allies now you see? Austrian and French bayonets each hold up the throne! How could be bare you any ill will? Indeed, he could not afford it.”

    In truth, that was why Kearny was in Mexico. He had hoped the war would continue until treason was defeated, but the feckless and cowardly President McClellan was proving he was as inept at politics and diplomacy as he was at battle and maneuver. With a few choice comments directed towards Washington, Kearny had resigned from the army late in 1866 and been surprised to receive an invitation to go south into Mexico where there was a real need for experience in organizing Maximilian’s new army.

    “Last I had heard the imperial army was growing,” Kearny said.

    “Dis is true, ja, but who is using de army?” Salm-Salm said, a hint of exasperation in his voice. “General Bazaine is marching nord and sud, taking de best French soldiers to battle de juaristas while leaving de kaiser wit only Austrian and Belgian soldiers to support de Mexicans. Some of whom he, wisely, does not trust.”

    “Ever a scheming lot it seems.”

    “Let us say I would trust de rank und file wit my life, but de officers perhaps not as far as I could spit,” he put his head aside and spat for emphasis. “Dere’s a few loyal men, but schemers and malcontents abound. I trust de Indian Häuptling more dan a mestizo officer.”

    “Precisely why us Europeans and Americans must show them what it means to be loyal and how to wage war,” Kearny nodded. In his experience the Mexican soldiery could fight well, but their officers were often hopelessly inept. If a proper academy could be established, then perhaps they could at last teach the Mexicans to hold their own. If only they pointed their guns towards Mexico’s enemies rather than its leaders.

    “But de truth is, we need men who can help fight de banditry which plagues dis country. Whole regions are lacking in government and anarchy like doze German 48ers I met in your army desired is de norm.”

    “And after reading your letter with such a generous offer, how could I refuse?” Kearny said. Maximilian was working hard to build an independent power base outside the French and the conservative elite, but to do it he needed men who would follow him and help enforce his edicts. Kearny might not be a politician, but he could train men and point them at the enemies of the nation.

    Whereas many in Washington could not it seemed.

    “Were you so eager to leave your country?” Salm-Salm asked.

    Kearny shook his head. “No, but I could not sit idly by and watch my nation torn asunder when we had in our power the means to prevent it. I could not declare my allegiance to a man in Washington who was a coward during the war, and who now only looks to his own glory rather than that of the nation. Here at least I can do some good. I never was one for subtlety.”

    Salm-Salm clapped him on the shoulder. “Den you are in de right place. Mexico is no place for subtlety now!”

    “Miraculous that you are so accommodating to the man who your homeland fought recently!”

    Salm-Salm chuckled. “I have no hatred to Austria for a war with Prussia, besides, we are all exiles here in one way or another.” Grinning he switched to French. “After all, this is the language of war, no?”

    “It is the language of Napoleon, yes,” Kearny replied in French. Sometimes that was all one needed as a lingua franca among the soldiers of fortune he found.

    “Then whether we like it or not we must help Maximilian establish a good government here and escape dancing to Napoleon’s tune. I am but a soldier, I do not set policy in Mexico, Vienna, Berlin or Paris, but I can fight to support a well meaning man when I see one.”

    “Precisely why I fought for Lincoln, and why I won’t dishonor my sword by drawing it for McClellan. Let us find the ladies and toast to good men then!” With his good arm, he gestured for the hotel.

    “Ja, let us find women, drink, and most importantly, the career we so love!” Kearny could wholeheartedly agree with that statement.
     
    Chapter 130: Plots in Motion
  • Chapter 130: Plots in Motion

    “The greatest spy of the Victorian age came from somewhat humble beginnings. Thomas Billis Beach was born the second son to a cooper’s family in Colchester, the son of John and Marie Beach. Little is known of his early life, save for his apprenticeship at the age of 12 and that he had attempted to run away twice as a boy. He would remain apprenticed for four years before once again running away at 16, this time to Paris. Working for an English language publishing company for a time, he once again grew bored, but once news of the outbreak of the American Civil War broke out, he became excited and took the first boat for New York he could…

    Arriving in August 1861 he passed himself off as a French citizen and used his smattering of learned French to introduce himself as Henri Le Caron. He enlisted in the 8th Pennsylvania Reserves, joining to fight against the Confederacy and slavery. The sudden onset of the crisis with Britain in November 1861 however, put young Beach in an emotional struggle. He was still a son of Britain, his family lived there, and he had little emotional loyalty to the United States. To that end, he made a decision would would dramatically alter the course of his young life. Playing the part of a patriotic Frenchman to the hilt, he demanded to be transferred to a unit which would fight the British.

    Impressed by the youth’s moxie, Colonel Hays of the regiment offered to send him to the 55th New York regiment, a primarily French speaking unit. Knowing that he would most likely be found out, Beach instead asked for a direct transfer to the first regiment he could find going to the front. The 61st New York had needed a draft to fill its compliment, and so Hays sent Beach as “an eager soldier filled with fire for our cause, conscientious of his duty and a credit to the regiment” to serve there. Arriving he took his place with the men…

    Beach would thus take part with the regiment at the Battle of Lacolle, risking his life storming British entrenchments with the regiment and somehow surviving to charge ahead where he was captured by British troops. Interrogated after the battle, he revealed his birth to a rather stunned British officer who at first accused him of treason, where Beach agreed he was risking being shot to help the British government in a time of war. He was passed up the ranks until he appeared before Edward Wetherall and Frederick Ermantinger. Both men were, overall, responsible for intelligence gathering for the Army of Canada, and Ermantinger already had a network of Canadian agents working for him spying on the Yankee advance, however, a man inside the army was an asset. He was thus allowed to ‘escape’ after a month’s confinement and returned to great acclaim amongst his fellows.

    From there on out he spent 1862 leading patrols into Canada East, passing on intelligence to British agents, and general trusting local guides, who in the most infamous occasion led his own regiment into an ambush[1]. However, his own skill at leading small companies and then on patrol for not being seen showed great promise to his superiors, who promoted him through the ranks. In December 1862 he was a sergeant, rising to Lieutenant in early 1863 when he was, to his own disappointment, transferred west to Canada West where the brewing insurgency was placing great strain on the resources of the American occupation forces. But it was here he would make the most lasting connection of his life.

    Amongst the men transferred north and west to help the occupation forces, a certain Captain John O’Neil made his mark. O’Neil was a son of Ireland who had lived through the Young Ireland Rebellion in 1848 and immigrated to America not long after. He first joined American service in 1857 for the abortive Mormon War, seemingly deserted, and then ended up in California with the 1st US Cavalry as a sergeant. During the war he served with distinction as an aggressive officer, but immediately left the 1st Cavalry to enlist in the 5th Illinois during the invasion of Canada. Serving at Delaware Crossroads, then with the skirmishing through Canada West, he participated in the capture of Toronto and then along the army’s supply lines.

    In 1863 he was taken under Phillip Sheridan’s wing and served in his Detached Brigade to combat the Canadian guerillas. He would meet Beach, who struck up an acquaintance with him, and became friendly. Their knowledge of one another was cut short when O’Neil was wounded in a skirmish with Canadian guerillas, taking a shot to the leg which would leave him both an eternal ache and a lasting hatred of Canadians in general. O’Neil resigned the service in 1864 after the Treaty of Rotterdam, while Beach continued serving with distinction[2]…

    In late 1865, while working in Maryland, Beach was once again introduced to O’Neill who had been on a tour of the United States and Confederate States Irish border communities stirring up support for the Fenian cause. From there the two men would take a brief sojourn to New York where in January 1866 he would introduce him to leading members of the Roberts wing of the Fenian organization, including General Sweeney, the secretary of war. Though not privy to the plans for the 1866 raid, O’Neil was practically eager to tell his old comrade in arms that “something” was afoot, and Beach would write that to his father who would pass the news on in a letter to his MP, John G. Rebow. Rebow quickly found himself impressed with the level of access the man had to the Fenian cause, and passed on the correspondence to the Home Office.

    In December of 1866 when Beach was on a business trip in London, he was approached by Rebow and directed to a secret meeting with Robert Anderson, a civil servant attached to the office of the Irish secretary. Anderson recruited Beach as a paid agent and would then serve as his principle link with the British government. Beach was instructed to return to North America and ingratiate himself with the Fenian movement, making contact with his old wartime handler Ermantinger. With the promise of steady pay, on top of anything the Fenians might give him, he returned to New York and approached the Fenian leadership about enlisting against the British.

    While there was some initial suspicion, vouches of his duty against Britain and the Confederacy from former military comrades ensured his acceptance. He rose quickly through the Fenian ranks, becoming a formal manager for Fenian cells in Vermont and New Hampshire, and getting detailed information on the efforts to collect a force of 10,000 Fenians who would march up the Richelieu River to attack Montreal. He would duly pass this information on to the Canadian authorities and the Home Office, but crucially, he was not privy to other aspects of the Fenian battle plan, meaning that a number of important details remained a mystery to the Canadian authorities and British military in Canada…” - The Man of Mystery: Thomas Beach, Cambridge University, 2009


    Major_Henri_Le_Caron.jpg

    Thomas Billis Beach

    “The plans for a Fenian rising in 1867 would become a trans-Atlantic crisis, nearly leading to yet another war between the United States and Canada. The Emergency of 1867, as it came to be known, was one of the most tumultuous post-war events in the history of Canada, turning portions of Canada into a battleground once more a mere three years after peace had been achieved…

    …call for a March rising were almost summarily dismissed by Fenian organizers. Not only was “St. Patrick’s Day the least ideal part of the year for campaigning, but such obvious agitation would fall well under the scrutiny of British authorities” Sweeney would irritatingly tell his cohorts in mid February. Much more importantly, only 10,000 rifles of a promised 25,000 had been smuggled across the Atlantic in one of three former blockade runners purchased by Fenian agents. The need to send veterans who had volunteered for service in Ireland across was also a concern.

    The Roberts wing was working from New York both to send supplies to Ireland, but also to ensure it had supply bases stocked at the points of entry they envisioned for the 1867 attacks on Canada. Material was being squared away at warehouses in Detroit, Buffalo, Albany and Bangor. These operations were increasingly difficult to hide from American authorities, and in many cases men were encouraged to use personal weapons rather than relying on the Fenian storehouses. Two raids by authorities were performed in Detroit which confiscated 1,000 rifles and over 4,000 rounds of ammunition. However, the information largely escaped the notice of both the State Department and the War Department, the latter of whom was complicit in the large scale sale of rifles to whomever was buying.

    Still, such setbacks caused O’Mahoney to fret over the winter and spring of 1867, but he was encouraged by Sweeney not grow “so agitated that we act prematurely” in their planning. So far the scale of the Fenian operation was almost unknown to the American government, and it was estimated they had 50,000 men who would answer the call from across both the United States and the Confederate States[3]. The call would merely have to go out and Sweeney assumed an army that rivaled the whole of the British garrison could be assembled within two weeks to invade Canada.

    Such details were discretely communicated with Stephens in Paris, where he was then attempting to organize the movement of material which would support the planned rising. This was done in such stealth that, even as British agents were able to intercept some information, they only know of ‘distractions’ planned in North America which were vague enough that the British War Office saw no cause for alarm as the plans were mooted across the Atlantic in March and April of 1867.

    In Canada itself there was, after St. Patrick’s Day, a sense of relief. Macdonald and his advisors had genuinely believed that the greatest threat came on a day when “all the passions of the Hibernian might be aroused” as Cartier had put it in a letter to Ermantinger. But with the intelligence networks of both Ermantinger and McMicken[4] finding nothing but silence from south of the border, it became assumed that the crisis had passed. The militia who had been mobilized to guard the frontier in March were sent home, and many assumed that the fizzle of 1866 at the Aroostook and Grand Manaan had been the sum totality of the Fenian threat…

    By the end of April, it had been decided that the mobilization for the invasion would begin on the 26th of May. The word sent out to the different units across the nation that the much discussed plan of attack on Canada was commencing. It would be enough time for rumblings to reach Britain, and hopefully begin dispatching soldiers to protect Canada. From there, the rebels in Ireland could organize and begin their own planned rising. With two letters from New York, O’Mahoney set in motion the events that would define two bloody weeks in Britain and North America…”
    - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

    ----

    1] He was slated to play a bigger role in 1862, helping win the later Battle of Napierville in a much more dramatic fashion. However, I decided that was pushing hard on the scales, and so give you his truncated career here.

    2] For those interested, he served in the West with distinction, leading patrols and ambushes against the Confederacy, and continued to fight with Sheridan through the Overland Campaign. He resigns from the US Army in late 1865.

    3] This is, roughly, the number the Fenains believed would turn out for the 1866 invasion of Canada. They don’t get that here either, but they get much closer!

    4] The two intelligence chiefs from Chapter 8 if you forget! They keep their jobs post-war thanks partially to the Fenians, but also because there’s a genuine fear of American retaliation post-war. They were both OTL brought into the role of intelligence chiefs in 1865-68 to help counter Fenian raids.
     
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    Chapter 131: Trans-Atlantic Troubles
  • Chapter 131: Trans-Atlantic Troubles

    “Appointed to the position of Commander in Chief of the forces in Ireland in July of 1865, General Hugh Rose, Baron Strathnairn, was seen as more than capable of handling any trouble. He had led troops admirably in the Crimea participating at Alma and Inkerman, amongst other notable battles with distinction, and then gone immediately to India to deal with the Mutiny. His extremely admirable services there eventually earned the praise of London and placed him squarely on track for an important regional command. The absence of serious discord in Ireland during the North American War had lulled many in London into a sense of complacency over the Irish question, but Strathnairn himself was less sanguine.

    Though he did not think a general rising was imminent, he was worried about riots and discord with the return of so many men from North America…

    While affairs in North America were unsettled enough that the Fenians felt confident their plans might elicit some good effect in Ireland, they were unsure of whether there could be enough to force Britain to divert more of its forces from Ireland. In 1867 the garrison had again climbed from its 1865 low of only four battalions of infantry and four of cavalry. Now there were 18 battalions of infantry and 7 of cavalry, making the garrison of Ireland much stronger on the eve of this crisis than it had been during the North American War. This would cause some grumbling in Fenian circles that ‘chances were missed’ when so many enthusiastic Irishmen had gone off to fight in North America.

    However, while thousands had fought, died, and then immigrated abroad, many had returned home with their skills honed by the conflict, some even in direct confrontation with British forces. This worried Straithnairn who wrote “Lord Strathnairn has had the honor at different times to bring to the notice of the Govt. that the American-Irish Fenian Leaders, so many of whom are stated to be here now, are experienced & resolute soldiers, who have won their experience in a known to the Govt. that all the intercepted plans of operations of the Fenians, shewed [sic.] that their Leaders had acquired in the American War a dangerous knowledge of practical strategy. All these plans pointed as an indispensable piece in the commencement & guarantee of success to the capture of Athlone, the Magazine Fort at Dublin, & other excellent Military Positions.”

    The presence of so many veterans of the conflict, supported by American born Irishmen travelling specifically to Ireland to help stir up a rising, caused him some concern. Would arresting or killing an American citizen on Irish soil constitute an international incident? Though habeas corpus had been suspended in Ireland in December of 1866, Strathnairn was cautious in its use for this purpose. Questions to London brought no easy answers, and it was encouraged to, if possible, detain and deport such men as necessary. Naturally, the broad use of such tactics was impossible, and in the sweeping arrests which characterized British crackdowns from December to March showed little finesse. American consuls complained ceaselessly to London, but very little effort was made to address the misuse of police power. This allowed thousands to slip through the net, and by the spring of 1867 roughly 2,000 American born Irish had secreted themselves around the country.

    However, much to Straithnairn’s dismay, matters across the Channel would distract the government at exactly the wrong moment…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

    “Though Bismarck’s death had shadowed the issue of the 1865 meeting at Biarritz in conspiracy[1][2], it was clear that Napoleon anticipated no great concern from his neighbor when he accepted King William’s assent to purchase the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg for 5,000,000 guilders. William’s perennially bad finances, and his control over the Duchy as a personal estate, meant there was little the government in Antwerp could do to stop him, but they saw no great loss to the Dutch state. The two sides accepted the deal on the 23rd of March.

    However, in neighboring Prussia, the new King-President Friederich and his advisors were completely alarmed. Chancellor Roon immediately told the King that “it is to Prussia’s great strategic disadvantage should Napoleon occupy Luxembourg City.” The consummate soldier realized immediately that the fortifications of Luxembourg provided at the very least, a redoubt from which French soldiers might launch assaults on the newly consolidated position of the North German Confederation. He strongly advised that the king not remove the Prussian garrison that had been in the city since 1848, while stating that a “show of force” might be necessary to deter French ambitions. Friedrich did not agree with a show of force, but he did think that simply stepping back from Luxembourg would set a disastrous precedent for Prussian power, and so declared that without compensation Prussia would not withdraw from Luxembourg City.

    Napoleon was mildly shocked that it would provoke demands from ‘the losing power’ in the recent war. He was outraged that what he viewed as a transaction between monarchs was being objected to by the Prussian throne. Had they not through force of arms just overthrown the centuries old monarchs of noble German states only last year? The sympathetic notes from both Bavaria and Saxony pushed Napoleon in a more bullish direction.

    Through de Lhuys, he directed that Prussia would be informed that France did not want war, they would under no circumstances accept the imposition of Prussian ‘blackmail’ on the dealings between two states. The Prussian government would drop their demands for compensation. That was Napoleon’s firmest offer, and one he expected to be the basis of a final arbitration. He was further shocked when Roon not only bluntly rejected the offer, but threatened to march a Prussian army into Luxembourg…

    …matters were not helped by the hawkish response of the Saxon Chancellor, Friedrich von Beust, who still smarted from the flight of the Saxon government in 1866. Emerging as a leading voice for the still independent southern German states, he was bullish in demanding Prussia not be allowed to simply seize Luxembourg. That it was being purchased by France was beside the point to him, it promised another Prussian expansion. Munich and Vienna agreed, backing the French position. Franz Joseph though, quietly indicated to John of Saxony that he would “Much prefer peace than war over Luxembourg” but the implied threat of Austrian support for France was a powerful diplomatic feather in the French cap.

    On April 8th, Friedrich declared that Prussia could not abandon a member of the Zollverein without adequate diplomatic consultation, and Roon would demand the Dutch government renege on the agreement between the King and Napoleon. This outraged Dutch opinion, save in the Liberal classes who felt that the King was potentially dragging the nation into war against its interests. William though, emboldened by both French instrangience and the support of the smaller German states, refused.

    Matters over little Luxembourg seemed to be spiralling out of control…” - Foreign Policy of the Second French Empire, Pierre Martin, 1991

    “The news from the Continent in April 1867 gave Palmerston pause. Though older and having less energy, his instinctual distrust of all things French, and especially Bonaparte, moved him once again into a flash of his older self. There was a whirl of activity in April and May of 1867 as he used his not inconsiderable influence to petition ministers and diplomats to find an adequate solution short of war. His energies were focused, almost to all else, on preventing both an expansion of French power at the expense of Prussia, and ensuring no war came to pass that year.

    While he had hoped that the Mexican adventure would keep Napoleon tied down in Europe, the threat of a Franco-Austrian alliance against Prussia was one which might become intolerable to European relations, and worse, invite a general European conflict. True, in that time Napoleon did not pull forces from Mexico or Rome, a sure sign he might have been directly considering war, but Palmerston could not use that as a yardstick for any sudden conflagration on the Continent. The Army of the Rhine, he was informed, was unusual active in its mobilisation for summer drills, and Napoleon might use it as an excuse to march on Luxembourg to assert his ownership.

    Lord Russell was in evidence at Whitehall, usually with the diplomats from the smaller German states, and the Russian ambassador. At Palmerston’s urging, Russell was attempting to tease out the Russians on whether they might support Austria. Russia’s ambassador, Ernst von Brunnow, was tight lipped with the British, mostly because his government, still in some disorder from the tsar’s assassination the year prior, had no firm instructions one way or the other. Had Palmerston known this he probably would not have begun formulating a military response so quickly.

    Instead, he ordered a squadron assembled in the Channel, and a second division mobilized at Aldershot in case of the need for foreign service. Many in Whitehall, still basking in the glow of their victory in North America, were moved to more forceful uses of British power. If they could use that influence to prevent a war, so much the better. Palmerston reasoned that a show of force now might prevent the need for further force in the future[3]. These rapid orders throughout April and May would have unintended consequences, as so focused was he on the threat of war in Europe, he failed to consider matters closer to home…” - The Lord Palmerston, 2002

    “To Straithairn’s immense frustration, two battalions were ordered out of Ireland to Aldershot to help form the division being assembled in case of foreign service. One from Dublin and another from Cork. Despite his protests that he needed soldiers in case of unrest, the pleas fell on deaf ears in Whitehall and the Horse Guards who only saw the potential for a European War, and a still insistent need to remind the world that Britain could be a Continental player if she so chose. And so, the regiments were transferred to England.

    This could not have been sweeter news in Paris and New York. The information was sent across the border rapidly, with Thomas Kelly excitedly writing his fellows in North America “With war on the Continent now seeming imminent, the time to spark a general insurrection is swiftly coming upon us. Already two regiments leave for England, your plans will excite London to dispatch further forces abroad.” This, from the information at hand, seemed a reasonable conclusion, and the effort to organize and arm men for the coming attacks intensified. However, even as excited action took place, masses of informers inside the various organizations were reporting to Dublin Castle and London what was planned. Unfortunately, only Dublin Castle seemed to take the matter with the severity it deserved, and the actions in North America, it was felt, would be little more than a sideshow.

    London was, of course, dealing with dangerously incomplete information…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

    ----

    1] Though I generally save things outside North America for the "World in Review" chapters, some events warrant exception.

    2] Not the last time Bismarck's being dead and leaving a lot of Machiavellian scheming undone with no official notes will become a major problem in Europe.

    3] This will continue to be something of a theme of 'unintended consequences' down the line with British foreign policy thanks to the war. Expensive as it was, no one in London is currently arguing with the results.
     
    Chapter 132: A Want of Preparation
  • Chapter 132: A Want of Preparation

    April 30th, 1867
    Buffalo, United States of America


    The warehouse on the Buffalo waterfront proudly proclaimed “O’Day’s Dry Goods” which was, for the most part, an accurate assessment of its contents. Patrick O’Day was a fat, fussy auctioneer, but the influential leader of the local Fenian circle. The surly looking watchmen who O’Day had recently hired patrolled the exterior elicited little comment from the people of the city, and the late night shipments in and almost daily shipments out spoke of an industry that was good for the little border city, still recovering its economy from the war years. It was all weapons of course, but ones that could be easily accounted for as the incoming shipment from the evening was even legitimate, all the papers of sale stamped and approved. It was all for an upcoming auction O’Day assured the public. Very reasonable prices.

    John O’Neill nodded appreciatively as he inspected the barrel of the Springfield 1861 rifle purchased from the War Department at a very reasonable price indeed. This particular wagon today had offloaded 2,000 rifles, but no ammunition. They already had 200,000 rounds safely squared away inside the warehouse, he was not afraid of using it up quickly. No, the need for rifles, and men to use them, was quite pressing for him. Thankfully, there were no defects in this batch. He was pleased, many of the rifles sold by the department were inferior weapons or defective. His men had been making a tally of what weapons worked and which had to be sold cheap on the market to unsuspecting buyers. Preferably some ignorant Englishman.

    “Up to snuff, John?” His companion asked. Captain William J. Hynes hadn’t served in the United States Army, but he was a full blown Fenian and a friend of O’Neill. They had worked together after the close of the war, and been sucked into the same Fenian circle. The organization of their own regiment, and the purchase of weapons, had been a partnership almost two years in the making. As such, he was the Adjutant in the Fenian regiment that O’Neill commanded.

    “It’s all passable. Far preferable to the cast off Austrian rifles. I’ll take an American made rifle any day.”

    “I’ll take whoever is selling,” Hynes said. “General Sweeney wants enough to arm 50,000 men.”

    “Then I dare say the General will be happy! We have probably helped put 20,000 rifles here alone. I haven’t counted them yet, but its enough to arm a small army. Which we will hopefully have soon!”

    He knew Hynes couldn’t agree more. In Buffalo itself, roughly seven hundred men under John Hoye, another veteran of the late war. Now O’Neill expected he would be able to join him with another 400 of his own fighting men. With only two regiments he had helped raise, there was 1,200 fighters ready for Irish independence! He’d dreamed of this day since he’d been a child, weaned on Irish patriotism from his grandfather telling him of his namesakes from the O’Neil lineage like Hugh O’Neil and Owen Roe O’Neill, who had all led in great battles against English rule. Now he would get his chance to do the same.

    “Do you think we will actually invade this time?” Hynes asked.

    The debacle along the old Maine border last year had either invigorated the Fenian volunteers, who now believed action was imminent, or else made them second guess the movement. However, with the news that the British in Ireland were cracking down on American citizens and arresting people on faulty premises, public opinion against the British, and by extension, sympathy for the Irish, was at an all time high.

    “People are mad Billy, damned mad,” O’Neill put the rifle away and moved to inspect another crate. “You’ve got the papers, Republican and Democrat, all calling for Britain to be held accountable. There’s still people angered at the injustice of the treaty at Rotterdam back in ‘64 and that includes people in the army.” He waved his hands at the hidden rifles. “We would hardly be getting away with this if we didn’t have some powerful friends in Washington.”

    “True, and I’m almost surprised we can get away with it. Not the most auspicious thing for a government that wants peace to be doing.”

    O’Neill smirked. “I don’t care for McClellan as a general, but he needs the Irish vote! The President swept to power in states where the Irish are the voters! New York would burn if he flouted the Fenians! We command some real power at the ballot box Billy, and we won’t let Washington forget it this time!”

    “With all that political clout maybe we could use it to get the United States to lean on the British for Ireland. There’s so much bad blood, and help we might get, that perhaps the whole invasion of Canada is a waste. If Washington adds its voice to Irish calls for freedom,” he trailed off at O’Neill’s look.

    “If speeches could give liberty to a people, than all the words farted out by the Fenian Senate would long ago have made Ireland the freest nation on the globe. No, I’m a firm believer in steel as the cure for Irish grievances. I was attracted to the Brotherhood for no other reason than it proposed such a remedy.”

    “Well, if you believe it will work,” Hynes said.

    “Dammit Billy, this invasion doesn’t have to work. I’ll gladly throw my life away for the cause. My wife knows I’m here, and she damn well expects I might die. You might die too for all that it matters. We are coming together to cause calamity, not sip tea and talk out our grievances.”

    “I didn’t think we were,” Hynes said, more steel in his voice. O’Neill grinned.

    “Now you’re talking. Don’t worry, I didn’t think you were yellow. Just needed to see it.”

    “Damn you John, I’ll be the first one stepping off the boat with you.”

    O’Neill slapped him on the shoulder. “Not necessary lad, but I appreciate it. You’ll be there with me through the thick of it, I know you will. I need a good numbers man, and I think you’ll do.” Looking around he grinned. “Speaking of numbers, let’s get counting the inventory. I don’t think the buggers short changed us, but it never hurts to be sure.”

    The two men wound one another up and joked as they counted, unbeknownst to them overheard by the bookkeeper of O’Day’s establishment making his evening ledgers. Alexander McLeod sniffed in contempt, safely out of view, but well able to hear the treasonous talk the two Irishmen put forward. Dutifully he wrote down as much of their conversation as he could in order to send it north to Canada and his paymaster there. Those Fenians thought they were too smart by half, but they would be in for a rude surprise, he would see to it!


    May 5th, 1867
    Russell House Hotel, Ottawa


    It was cold and wet in Ottawa. The streets were turning to muck in the spring rainfall, and then they would turn to dusty spits in only a few weeks. Blackflies were already making an appearance feasting on the blood of soldiers, laborers, lawyers and politicians alike. Already the saloon was crawling with them, despite the best efforts of the staff. The city crawled with the other insects associated with a national capital, petitioners, officer seekers, lobbyists, and in John A. Macdonald’s assessment the worst, politicians.

    Despite being in that particular class of animal himself, Macdonald often held a dim view of many of his fellow operators in Ottawa. Though currently he was far too irritated with men looking for excuses to parade in uniform while they were supposed to be meeting here in Ottawa to discuss political matters. Worse, they were still lobbying for guns. The economy was slowly recovering, and the last thing he needed was for his new Kingdom to press for artillery they did not need.

    The aide de camp to the Queen for Ontario, Colonel Sir George Denison II stood in front of him looking appreciatively severe. He was, unfortunately, reinforced by his colleagues in the other military districts and members of the Ministry. That made for a cramped room in the hotel, and not nearly enough wine. Though Macdonald knew Agnes would hound him mercilessly if he came back from another meeting drunk.

    Truth be told, he did like the clarity that came from not drinking, but by God these soldiers would give him an ulcer one of these days.

    “I know, sir,” Denison said carefully, “that you believe that in the absence of an attack by the Fenians this March means we have nothing to worry about this year.”

    “That is correct, Colonel Denison,” Macdonald replied. “We have not heard a whisper of the Fenians since this time last year, and there has been no indication that some Kentucky column is mobilizing in Toronto or Montreal to spontaneously topple the government from within. Isn’t that right McGee?”

    “Too true! That rabble is whipped by God!” D’Arcey McGee, Macdonald’s trusted confident and Irishman extraordinaire who had stumped for Crown and Canada for almost a decade now, declared far too loudly. Unfortunately, he was clearly already somewhat tipsy. The colonel gave a look of mild reproach.

    “Be that as it may, there has been word that Fenians are organizing in the United States.”

    Gilbert McMicken, the intelligence master for Ontario nodded with Denison.

    “That’s right colonel, my detectives have been picking up disturbing rumours that the Fenians are arming and organizing in plain sight, and more than a few men have told us they’re planning an all out assault on Canada sometime this year.”

    “And have these men been forthcoming with specifics?” Macdonald asked crossly.

    “No, nothing firm in their planning,” McMicken admitted.

    “So I thought,” Macdonald muttered. It was alarmism plain and simple, he had concluded. That or opportunistic soldiers looking for reasons to flex their muscles both militarily and politically. More funding to their military districts would naturally translate into some form of largess that they could use to build a political constituency. That he would not have.

    “I urge you sir, please don’t take the Fenians for granted,” Denison implored. “Yes, that fiasco last year was little more than a bandit incursion, but sources have told us that thousands of Fenians are organizing and gathering. They do plan to strike. We must be prepared!”

    “Gentlemen,” Étienne-Paschal Taché, the aide de camp to the Queen in Quebec and Minister of Militia interrupted. The august warrior turned politician commanded the respect of so many in Canada and the Maritimes, but particularly in Quebec, that his appointment had been preordained.

    “I understand there is some considerable doubts as to the intentions of the Fenian marauders,” he gave Macdonald a meaningful look. “However, we are the appointed defenders of Her Majesty’s Domains in Canada. It would behoove us to take these things seriously. I assume we have brought this to the attention of General Russell?”

    “Yes of course,” Denison said. “General Russell has been informed of our findings.”

    “Then we may wish to allow Her Majesty’s soldiers to do their duty. The militia may be called out in an emergency, as we did in March, but there may be no need to put them out on a permanent basis at this moment.”

    “And General Russell will complain about deserters and what not,” Macdonald waved a hand. “Let him, and we have nothing to fear about this Fenian business.”

    “Perhaps not, sir, but as the Good Lord said ‘The simple believe anything, but the prudent give thought to their steps’ and perhaps we should give this more thought.”

    Stung by the slight rebuke Macdonald nodded for him to continue.

    “It may not be politically or economically expedient to call out the militia without an imminent crisis, but we may put one or two companies on alert at the frontier. General Russell will have no cause to complain, and only the enthusiastic would be sent out, solving any problems. Perhaps a company at places like Chippewa or Sandwich, Prescott and the like. Enough to sound the alarm and wait for reinforcements, but not a small standing army.”

    Macdonald mulled it over. Only the most enthusiastic would turn out for such an unclear duty. They wouldn’t need to be paid too much, a small force never did, and then the British generals wouldn’t complain about deserters or other such trouble. It was an elegant solution to the ongoing problem. If anything cropped up they called on the soldiers and militia, and then it didn’t look as though the government had done nothing if the Fenians really did lose their minds and invade Canada.

    “Very well, you’ve convinced me. Call out a company from each district and send them to the most likely point along the frontier where the Fenians can make trouble. If something goes wrong we can call out the militia, but until then these men stay at their jobs. We will have no cause for unnecessary alarm here.”


    May 18th 1867
    Centreville (Fort Lyon), District of Columbia

    Swaying slightly in the breeze, the balloon and attendant basket bobbed, but were stable enough for the observers inside to have a completely unrestricted view of the surrounding countryside, almost all the way to the new border. The airship, the grandly named Enterprise II, hung in the air. President McClellan looked on over the side as his pilot, Captain of the United States Balloon Corps, stood beside him. Thaddeus Lowe had been an innovator during the war, with his balloons, allowing men to see farther and reports reach him with intelligence his scouts could never dream of gathering. Though Lowe was more a scientist than a soldier, with a generous subsidy for his work he had agreed to stay on with a dozen aeronauts and a small flotilla of craft, the Intrepid, Enterprise II, and the Eagle which gave the new garrison at Centreville an edge over their Confederate counterparts to the south.

    Well, he mused, it was not Centreville anymore. Since his halcyon days of that rather bloodless triumph against the Confederacy he had used it as a base of operations. Since then its few inhabitants who hadn’t fled south or further north had been compensated for the loss of their land when the government simply took it over as a new fortification taking shape to protect the frontier.

    Fort Lyon, named for a brave commander who had saved Missouri for the Union back in 1861, was taking the place of the old town. Built high on the hillock that had made Centreville secure, it was incorporating all that he had learned at Sevastopol and from European soldiers over the last few years to guard the way Washington. Though as ever his enemies in the capital railed against his spending, he knew that this, as much as any fiscal policy, railroad or other piece of legislature would be his legacy. His determination to defend the new borders. In the north Fort Montgomery, burned to her foundations by the British in the war, was getting a similar treatment. The whole of the coast and borders would be a strong fence to keep the neighbors well behaved, and from across those battlements he would reach out the hand of friendship to the world, reminding them that the United States was still strong.

    “As ever Lowe, I must congratulate you on your work. I can only thank you for accepting my offer of commission as I get the Balloon Corps prepared as a military unit.”

    “You are helping finance my scientific endeavours sir, that is to me worth a little military discipline, and occasionally ride alongs by presidents,” Lowe smiled. McClellan did chuckle.

    “I hear you’ve been keeping touch with that Prussian fellow who wouldn’t stop bothering me for a ride in these balloons during the war. What was his name, Zefflin?”

    “Count Zeppelin, sir, and we have! He has crossed the Atlantic to see me since. Came over in late ‘65 to finally ride the balloon and exchange theories. He helped for the design of the Enterprise II, here. He’s made the basket more comfortable, and helped with some tinkering on the balloon itself. In time I may be able to expand upon the design.”

    “I heard Captain Comstock was less than thrilled by the ride along.”

    Lowe frowned a little.

    “Well, Captain Comstock is an able engineer and an enthusiastic learner, but I think he may be a touch paranoid. I rather doubt there would ever be a circumstance where these United States had to go to war with Prussia!”

    “Yes, a bit of a ridiculous thought isn’t it?” He shook his head. Imagine, a war with American soldiers on the European continent not as observers! And against Prussia of all things!

    He continued on. “Though on the subject of Europeans, could we perhaps detach the Eagle up to Rouses Point? The business on the Canadian border is quite distressing, and I’d rather see trouble coming before I need to hear about it.”

    “It can be done, sir,” Lowe said emphatically.

    “Worried, Mr. President?” Samuel Barlow asked. McClellan waved the formalities aside.

    “Sam I’m besieged by critics of this administration, and some of the only ones who aren’t dumping trouble on my doorstep are the Irish who say they will vote for the Democrats wholeheartedly next election.”

    “If they get something of course,” Barlow said. He knew exactly what that was.

    “Exactly,” McClellan slapped the side of the basket slightly, causing it to wiggle much to Barlow’s alarm. McClellan had ridden before in smaller baskets so was hardly worried. On the ground some of the immaculately uniformed Capital Guardsmen seemed alarmed as it lurched. His escort hardly needed to worry, it was perfectly safe.

    “Well, even with the British ambassador complaining, we can hardly prevent them from saying their peace in the papers or parading about screaming death to the Queen,” Barlow said.

    “And we dispersed that mess last year! I daresay we are policing our own backyard, let John Bull police his! For all that I hate to say it, even that snake Butler agrees.”

    “Well George, Butler is only keen to turn a blind eye.”

    “And so are most voters. I don’t want another war with Britain Sam, but I’ll be damned if they, or anybody else, get me to launch some ill conceived head clubbing like the British are doing in Ireland.”

    “Secretary Seymour seems convinced that this is all accepted by the Irish ginning up sympathy for the Fenians at home. He even thinks…”

    McClellan interrupted him. “I’m sorry Sam, but I know what Horatio Seymour thinks. He’s convinced that there’s some vast conspiracy by the Fenians to drag us kicking and screaming into another war. Butler says it's hogwash, and for once he may be right. Especially with John Bull getting things so wrong in Ireland. How many petitions is the State Department getting for us to intercede because someone with a Jersey accent has been thrown in the Tower by redcoats?”

    “At least several hundred.”

    “Precisely! Britain is making a mistake of her own doing and I have no need to dance to their tune. We can watch the borders, but I won’t lift a finger until the Fenians break the law. We will observe, but do nothing otherwise.”

    Barlow nodded. McClellan knew he was walking a tightrope. The British ambassador was dropping by every other day to the State Department to lodge a new complaint about Irish rebels. Seymour was even getting tired of popping in to remind the ambassador that he needed Americans to be released from British prisons if he expected anything done. So far it seemed like they were talking past one another. It was so much like politics. McClellan was loath to do anything because he understood he needed the Irish vote, but also because his enemies were sure to make political hay if he did any favors for Britain. His hands were tied on the Fenian question, he would let the British sort it out.

    Meanwhile, he looked south. He couldn’t see the smaller Confederate camps where their little detachment kept an eye on his larger force, but that didn’t mean he wasn’t aware of it.

    “No more complaining from Richmond?”

    “It seems President Davis is as tired of the back and forth as you are.” Barlow said.

    “Good, it was a fool’s errand to think I could keep the abolitionists from ruining things. As we said at Havana, we won’t police their negroes. But we will do our best to keep ours on this side of the border.”

    Though the great battles of 1866 that had nearly all stopped, there were still bands of armed blacks who slipped across to cause mischief. More proof, in his opinion, that arming blacks in the war had been a mistake. The border was too long to stop them completely, and as another consequence more slaves managed to escape up north. That meant more complaints to Washington. There too he would do nothing, the abolitionists looked for anything to tar him as a Confederate sympathizer.

    “Seymour makes that point too, sir. I have had some conversations with eminent businessmen from the South. They are inclined to complain less so long as the trade keeps flowing and we have no designs to raise tariffs on the Mississippi.”

    “My party doesn’t have any, do they?” McClellan asked. He did need Barlow to keep him in the loop after the disaster at Louisville.

    “No, sir,” Barlow assured him. “I’m not getting any talk of such. Though men from the Republican party have expressed some sympathy for the Radicals talk of doing so.”

    “Bah, then there’s nothing to worry about,” McClellan said, dismissing the Radicals. He was convinced they’d ruin the nation if given the chance. That was the last thing these United States needed. Another reason for a stupid divide brought about by men with a desire for power cloaked in principles.

    Eyeing the now invisible border between North and South, United States and Confederacy, a line he had desperately wanted to erase. But here he was. Now he had to live with it. He decided he had had enough for one day.

    “Bring us down Lowe, I suppose I should get back to Washington today. Ellen will want me for dinner.”
     
    Chapter 133: Alarms Ignored
  • Chapter 133: Alarms Ignored

    “In retrospect, I can hardly call the year 1867 anything other than an abundant embarrassment, both for the political establishment and the military arm of our new country. The sense of arrogance that dwelt in the hearts of the people of Canada, but also amongst the Volunteers cannot be overstated. Truly we had defeated the Yankee, but we had forgotten that in his bosom lay the treacherous mob of Irish who were appalled by all civilized principles of proper governance, the power of England, and were driven by a demagoguery of the worst sort in the heartland of Yankeedom. Far too many believed that there was no way the United States could ever be complicit in yet another invasion of our country. How naive we were!

    I have found in my correspondence, a copy of a pamphlet I wrote before the War of 1862 in November 1861, just before those unhappy years began. In it I must say that presciently I wrote: “When peace is proclaimed between the Southern and Northern States a large body of armed and drilled men will be thrown out of employment, and may in some instances be induced to make filibustering expeditions into our territory for the sake of plunder.”[1] In light of later events, I must say that I was unfortunately correct.

    The laxity of our government in preparing for any disturbance after the fizzle on the new Maine border, and a quiet passage of St. Patrick's Day did little to prepare us for the events of June…” - Soldiering In Canada, Recollections and Experiences of Brigadier General George T. Denison III, Toronto Press 1900

    “By the end of May, Sweeney’s plans had been formalized and approved by the Fenian Senate, meeting at its Moffat Mansion. Sweeney believed he had written a plan that was, while remarkably similar to the multiple plans drawn up in both prior conflicts and the recent War of 1862, one which had the novelty of forcing British forces to be even more spread out. As Sweeney realized, he did not necessarily need to stretch out and conquer all of Canada. His advantage was that he merely needed to seize and hold territory, tie down British forces, and hopefully draw the United States into the conflict.

    To that end he chose a number of diverse targets, all aimed at different sections of the new Canadian provinces. The goal was to confuse and frustrate British forces, all while causing the most damage possible.

    The attack plan was divided into four main groupings. The Fenian West Wing would be commanded by Brigadier General Charles C. Tevis, a stormy soldier of fortune who had fought for the French, Turks and Egyptians before returning to the United States to fight in the Great American War. He would attack from Cleveland and Detroit, sallying across the frontier like Hull in 1812 or Palmer in 1862. However, he was also to have a number of ships sail up the lakes to land at Goderich, Ontario and march overland to assault London in conjunction with the forces on the Detroit frontier, placing the Anglo-Canadian forces in confusion.

    A Center Wing would be commanded by William F. Lynch, a confidant of Sweeney. His task would be to take 5,000 men and cross Lake Erie from Cleveland, as well as invasion across the Niagara River, just like in 1812 and 1862 once again. From there they would seize the Welland Canal and join with Tevis’s forces to march on Toronto, forcing Britain to send more soldiers from Quebec to defend the most important city in Ontario.

    The main thrust was to be accomplished by the Fenian East Wing, which Sweeney had allocated most of the troops he predicted he would have. Estimating he would get 15,000 men, he ordered Samuel P. Spear, a comrade in arms with a long service history in the United States Army, to assemble his forces in Vermont, well away from the budding US Army presence at Fort Montgomery. From there he would follow the well trodden path of Montgomery in 1775, Dearborn in 1812 and then Sumner in 1862 along the Richelieu River[2]. The one change would be that the army would initially march up the right bank of the right bank before forcing a crossing from the more difficult terrain there. Then two contingents, one under Spear and another under Micheal Murphy, would continue along the right bank and converge on Montreal. A third force would move west to cross the St. Lawrence, capture Prescott, Ontario, and then march to the new capital at Ottawa.

    Finally a smaller force of 2,000 men under Bernard F. Mullen would assemble on the Maine border to attack the St. Andrews and Quebec Railroad to prevent British forces from utilizing it to rush reinforcements into Canada.

    For his plans, Sweeney anticipated he would need initially 26,000 soldiers. Followed up by another 25,000 to reinforce them and hold their gains. Orders were sent out in the last weeks of May ordering all known Fenian circles and regiments to prepare themselves for action ‘imminently’ in order to bring the invasion forward. However, ‘imminently’ was a vague term, and while many Fenians began to quietly make preparations to head to their rally points, just as many seemed more perplexed about precisely when that would be. They were loath to abandon families and jobs without a firm plan of attack, as most of them only knew where they would be going rather than what they were doing. The rumors swirled, and indeed the rough plan of attack was almost public knowledge, but very few were utterly convinced the attack would go off…


    FenianInvasionPlanMap.jpg

    Fenian invasion plan 1867[3]
    In Ireland itself, the plans were much simpler. The strength of the Fenian attack would depend, almost utterly, on an initial rising in Dublin to seize the Castle and the Magazine. The seizure of Athlone, and thus the major crossing of the Shannon, would let the rebels control the geographic center of the country and important communications. Plans were in place to take Limerick and Wexford, controlling the communication hubs and port infrastructure to prevent Britain from sending reinforcements.

    The overall commander, Thomas Kelly, had appointed men to lead each attack. The rising in Dublin was of the most importance, and so a great number of fighters and their supplies had been secreted in and around Dublin. Overall command for the Rising had been given to Edward Duffy, a major leader in the Fenian circles in Dublin and a man who had escaped the plethora of arrests launched by British forces. His second in command was the experienced soldier of fortune Gustave Cluseret, come from America to support the forces fighting for Irish liberty. They would be supported by forces raised in the countryside by John Devoy that would march on Dublin as the rising began. It was expected that 10,000 men, including mutinous Irish soldiers from the garrisons in Dublin, would join them.

    With Dublin seized, the expectation was that a general rising across Ireland would begin. To help that process along however, some 3,000 men were organized under Thomas Bourke to seize Cork and then arm the people of the region. A further 5,000 had been readied in Leinster under William G. Halpin, a close confidant of Stephens, was to rise and seize vital points around the region. With the many American volunteers and their caches of arms secreted about the country, it was expected that, like in the Canadian plan, the British forces in Ireland would be too distracted trying to put out numerous fires which would allow the rebels to seize Dublin and from there fight for Irish independence.

    However, even here, serious flaws were apparent. Though plans had been laid for risings in Leinster and Munster, no concrete plans were drawn for Connacht or Ulster, leaving the beating heart of British loyalism in Ireland unchallenged. Worse, there was a general knowledge that the plan was set for June 1st, waiting only on a shipment of arms from the putative Fenian Navy in the form of the St. Patrick, set to arrive on May 30th. Even worse, the British, though lacking all the information on the Fenian plans, were aware of this date.

    Indeed, on both sides of the Atlantic, there was a general understanding of the plans for a rising. The ranks of the Fenian Brotherhood were riven with informants, with one Fenian quipping “wherever there are three Fenians, there are two informers” to a newspaper in the US. So lax was most of the Fenian operational security that both Strathnairn in Ireland and Russell in Canada, had a fairly good idea of what the Fenians planned to do, but the greatest question was whether they would follow through. On both counts, neither commander was certain. Strathnairn planned to stop the impending Fenian arms shipment, hoping it would stall the rising. Russell merely placed his troops on alert. Both men waited on their civilian superiors for further orders.

    However, there were holes in the British knowledge. For instance, none knew of the full extent of the planned rising in Leinster. The attack on the Maine - New Brunswick border was dismissed as bluster, and no one realized the Fenians had purchased three ships for their navy, not two. So it was that two ships, the former CSS Japan, and the former USS Chenango, now christened the Republic of Ireland Naval Ships (RINS) Erin and Shannon respectively. Taking on cannon and munitions illicitly bought, they would form the core of a squadron that aimed to liberate Ireland. Erin was set to sail up to the Canadian coast to cause mischief, while Shannon would aide in the liberation of Cork. Each ship set the stage for an international incident…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

    “Of all the players in the drama that was the 1867 Crisis, McClellan and the United States seemed to be the ones least prepared. Though he had ordered soldiers in the Department of the Atlantic on alert, he had not sent any reinforcements to General Grant which would help police the frontier. McClellan largely seemed to believe that the problem would solve itself, thinking the Fenians were all bluster, and unwilling to crack down on them. It would be far too much pandering to London, McClellan believed.

    Only Seymour, in his capacity as Secretary of State, seemed to believe otherwise. Having a finger on the pulse of New York politics, he was aware that the state was violently agitating for the Fenians, and all too many officials were looking the other way at their organizing. Seymour believed that there was no way the Fenians could be so confident, or so well armed, without some level of collaboration from inside the government. Though McClellan had met with Fenian leaders only once in 1866, Seymour and Barlow had met with them informally since that time and across 1867. When Barlow was bluntly asked whether the McClellan administration would support a Fenian invasion, he had said that the United States would not interfere in the matters of other nations.

    Seymour learned of this conversation, and the vagueness of who was to be ‘invaded’ (it seems Barlow had thought the matters being discussed were a Fenian action in Ireland and not Canada) and desperately sent messages to his operatives in New York to warn the Fenian leaders against “rash action” in the near future. Such warnings fell on deaf ears, and Seymour instead focused his energies on finding those who were complicit in arming the Fenians.

    McClellan, instead of supporting Seymour, merely relied on the word of Secretary of War Butler for what was going on. Butler insisted that there was no collusion with Fenians by the army, but as Seymour would discover, Butler had approved extensive leave for officers with known Fenian connections. For instance, at the beginning of March, six months leave was approved for Thomas Sweeney, known to act as the “Secretary of War” for the Fenian organization. He was then seen going to the Fenian headquarters at Moffat’s Mansion in New York.

    Despite his pleas for urgency, even after March passed, McClellan seemed convinced the Fenians would “fizzle” in his words. In fairness to McClellan then, he was ordering massive constructions projects across the continent, finalizing treaties with the Indian tribes on the plains, and dealing with an economic panic. The plight of the Fenians was the last thing on his mind. In retrospect however, Seymour proved to have the right of it…” - I Can Do It All: The Trials of George B. McClellan, Alfred White, 1992, Aurora Publishing


    -----

    1] His own true words. Denison was not an unintelligent man when it came to soldiering and assessing threats.

    2] It's endlessly amusing to me that you can basically just trace this line and say "invade Canada here" which was commented almost ad nauseum on by military planners of the day.

    3] All credit to the map by Peter Vronsky. He's written the best single volume book about the Battle of Ridgeway in my opinion and I heartily endorse anyone wanting to know more about that historic event to read his work!
     
    Chapter 134: The Fenians Are Coming! Part I
  • Chapter 134: The Fenians Are Coming! Part I

    “The events that triggered the international incident that was the Crisis of 1867 began in Cork on May 30th. When, as planned, the St. Patrick came into her moorings and began offloading her illicit cargo to waiting conspirators on shore, the Irish Constabulary acted. With fifty policemen, five detectives, and a company of infantry on standby, the ship was quickly seized with little resistance. The waiting conspirators were rounded up and swiftly hustled back to the barracks to be interrogated as authorities seized the ship itself.

    A question immediately popped up as the crew were revealed to largely be American born Irishmen who had no British citizenship. Though cannon were found on board, alongside ammunition and the aforementioned arms, she had not been caught in an act of piracy - which spared the crew the death penalty. However, they could be charged with ‘leveling war against Her Majesty’s Government’ by providing known rebels with arms. Whether to bring those charges forward was vexing, and the information was cabled to Whitehall that very afternoon.

    With that information going out though, the Fenian operators feared that the rising might be ruined if they delayed. So they transmitted orders that the plans for the rising would begin immediately. Instead of coordinated action come June 1st, the plans would go into motion on May 31st. That information was sent across the Atlantic at 2pm, arriving in New York at 9am on the 30th, reaching Sweeney is a frazzled state. He was now being ordered to begin the attack on Canada 24 hours in advance, while his forces were still mobilizing. He was not prepared, and neither were his commanders.

    Instead, he cabled back that he would proceed as planned, but with the utmost urgency. He then boarded a train for Albany from where he would direct his forces. He planned that for the next 24 hours he would do nothing but make sure all his preparations were in order…

    …McMicken received intelligence at 1pm that a Fenian attack was imminent, especially along the Detroit frontier. However, this was pleasant news to McMicken, who could communicate to his superiors that any attack was ‘sure to be hamstrung from the start’ on that axis. Why could he be so sure? It was because Fenian general Charles Tevis was a double agent. The soldier of fortune, while Irish, had no love for the Fenian Brotherhood and was duly reporting all his movements to the Crown, and to McMicken’s own agents. This meant that both the Canadians and British knew that there was supposed to be an attack on that frontier, but that if any materialized at all, it would be a fiasco. Tevis had not arranged for boats for his forces, had in fact resold many of the rifles that were supposed to support his men, and then done little to help organize the men who were showing up.

    A steady stream of apologies, delays, and demands for more resources reached Sweeney in Albany. Tevis, he was informed, would be unable to get his men moving by June 1st, let alone by June 2nd, perhaps as late as June 3rd. Infuriated and panicked, Sweeney instead ordered all the assembling Fenians in Cleveland to move to Buffalo where they would join Lynch’s force as it crossed the Niagara instead, fearing no boats could be found there either.

    Even there, however, Sweeney suddenly found himself with new obstacles. No one had heard from General Lynch for over two days. He had, by all appearances, fallen off the face of the Earth. Though later brought up on charges of cowardice, it seemed that he was instead suffering from old war wounds, but would still face ostracism from the Irish community and expulsion from the Fenians Brotherhood. However, his lack of appearance meant that many preparations were not undertaken. Men were unorganized, supplies not packed away, and there were many now openly questioning whether the attack would come to pass.

    Worried he might lose another piece in his very limited board, Sweeney telegramed O’Neill and informed him that he was now the leader of the Fenian center wing, and promoted to general on the spot[1]. More than a little surprised, O’Neill quickly leapt at the task however, taking the time to inventory his supplies, the men under his command, and all he had available for the coming invasion of Canada…

    …only 3,800 had gathered at Camp Sweeney by the 30th of May, and they were increasingly cold, hungry, and occasionally mutinous. Their secrecy however, was assured by the fact that the people of the surrounding counties, and the town of St. Albans especially where the war with Britain had begun for many[2], had a vested stake in seeing the British “get some of their own back” as one citizen put it. So it was that with 4,000 insurgents spread out, no one said anything to government officials. Many remembered the British campaigns of 1863 and brief subsequent occupation. Hopefully the Irish could deliver some justice.

    Spear then, had all the secrecy, and potentially all the men he was going to get. Though the numbers, less than one third of what Sweeney felt he’d need, were depressing, there was nothing for it. The odds were long, but when had the odds for Irish independence not been long? He would order the attack to go in on June 1st.

    To do so he had the 1,800 men who had shown up to support General Tevis, though many of them were melting away as it became clear there was no plan. Another 2,500 were gathered in Buffalo. Another 1,700 men were scattered around northern New York awaiting orders, with the 3,800 directly under Spear for his main thrust. Finally, 1,600 gathered on the border in Maine. All in all, almost 12,000[3] had come with weapons, and in some cases only their patriotism, ready to fight for Ireland. It may not be enough for his purposes, but it would certainly distract the British Sweeney reckoned.

    On that basis, he gave the go ahead for the attacks to begin June 1st…

    …gunshots rocked Dublin the morning of May 31st. Much to the surprise of the garrison, armed fighters had appeared in their midst. Overpowering sentries and seizing key intersections and several bridges in the city. The alarm belatedly went out and soldiers were called to arms.

    Despite having expected the attacks, Strathnairn was shocked by the sudden outbreak of violence. He had been preparing to place troops on alert this very day as he knew that the rising was scheduled for June 1st. He had already made plans, and dispatched troops to Tallaght Hill where he knew some 2,000 men were supposed to be gathering. The 52nd Regiment of Foot and most of the 2nd Dragoons had already left the city supported by a battery of artillery, leaving some 3,700 men, plus another 200 men of the Irish Constabulary within the city with 300 men of the Dublin Metropolitan Police. The Fenian attackers had roughly 3,000 armed fighters that morning, and they were expecting reinforcements from the countryside.

    Barricades were erected, and fighters quickly took up positions. However, despite the tactical surprise, the early morning forays were too numerically insignificant to seize key points in the city. The effort to storm the Magazine was repulsed by an alert sentry and a locked door. No effort was made for the Castle, but various other points were similarly held fast against the rebels purely by the efforts of sentries or the commotion causing officers to seal up their strong points. The various barracks were only isolated by barricades and snipers, but the rebels quickly found themselves stretched thin.

    That morning a proclamation was issued to Dublin by Duffy, declaring:

    The Irish People of the World

    We have suffered centuries of outrage, enforced poverty, and bitter misery. Our rights and liberties have been trampled on by an alien aristocracy, who treating us as foes, usurped our lands, and drew away from our unfortunate country all material riches. The real owners of the soil were removed to make room for cattle, and driven across the ocean to seek the means of living, and the political rights denied to them at home, while our men of thought and action were condemned to loss of life and liberty. But we never lost the memory and hope of a national existence. We appealed in vain to the reason and sense of justice of the dominant powers. Our mildest remonstrance's were met with sneers and contempt. Our appeals to arms were always unsuccessful. Today, having no honourable alternative left, we again appeal to force as our last resource. We accept the conditions of appeal, manfully deeming it better to die in the struggle for freedom than to continue an existence of utter serfdom. All men are born with equal rights, and in associating to protect one another and share public burdens, justice demands that such associations should rest upon a basis which maintains equality instead of destroying it. We therefore declare that, unable longer to endure the curse of Monarchical Government, we aim at founding a Republic based on universal suffrage, which shall secure to all the intrinsic value of their labour. The soil of Ireland, at present in the possession of an oligarchy, belongs to us, the Irish people, and to us it must be restored. We declare, also, in favour of absolute liberty of conscience, and complete separation of Church and State. We appeal to the Highest Tribunal for evidence of the justness of our cause. History bears testimony to the integrity of our sufferings, and we declare, in the face of our brethren, that we intend no war against the people of England – our war is against the aristocratic locusts, whether English or Irish, who have eaten the verdure of our fields – against the aristocratic leeches who drain alike our fields and theirs. Republicans of the entire world, our cause is your cause. Our enemy is your enemy. Let your hearts be with us. As for you, workmen of England, it is not only your hearts we wish, but your arms. Remember the starvation and degradation brought to your firesides by the oppression of labour. Remember the past, look well to the future, and avenge yourselves by giving liberty to your children in the coming struggle for human liberty. Herewith we proclaim the Irish Republic.


    However, rather than the spontaneous rising that the Fenians had anticipated, thousands instead fled the city or locked their doors. The rebels were further surprised when entreaties to the barracks were met, not by mutinies of men against their officers, but gunfire. Some few did turn out to join the rebels in the streets, but most saw the armed men and chose to keep their heads down. The Fenians had massively overestimated the desire of their countrymen to violently throw off the British yoke[4]. Especially in the cities.

    Though the countryside would provide more fruitful recruitment, the rising could not continue if they could not hold Dublin. That would depend on whether the column under Devoy could reach the city…

    …Tallaght Hill proved to be the only real stand up fight of the 1867 Rising. The column under Lt. Colonel Arthur Peel arrived well in advance of the rebels, who formed up with arms on the evening of May 31st. Devoy, after being ordered to surrender, instead led his 2,000 men, a mix of American veterans and Irish rebels against the formed men of the 52nd. It was less a battle than a farce. With full expectation of the approach of rebel forces, and supported by artillery and cavalry, the 850 men of the 52nd loosed a volley, followed by a short burst of artillery fire, and in fifteen minutes many of the Fenians were scrambling for cover. Though some companies stood and fought, most broke when the dragoons charged.

    The pursuit lasted longer than the battle. Sporadic firing continued for an hour, but the troops largely rounded up the Fenians who surrendered, or threw away their guns in haste to escape. Devoy was among those captured, compelled to surrender by pursuing cavalry.

    In total, the Battle of Tallaght Hill cost the British 3 dead and 7 wounded. The Fenians suffered a dozen killed, 47 wounded, and 847 men captured. An unknown number escaped into the countryside. The greatest impact, besides the loss of over 1,000 fighters at a stroke, was that there was no relief coming to the rebels in Dublin itself. Duffy’s men were on their own…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986


    -----

    1] Basically exactly what happened OTL so O’Neill ended up leading the invasion of Canada on that front. With a much bigger chip on his shoulder TTL he’s quite happy for this development.

    2] Just to remind everyone how history repeats! But in reality, OTL thanks to the St. Albans Raid the locals were thrilled to pretend the Fenians didn’t exist and to turn a blind eye to their activities.

    3] Much better than they managed historically.

    4] A recurring problem for the Irish rebels of all stripes was assuming the Irish people were ready for a violent rebellion, which most times they were not. So far as I understand it this was a combination of a social relief valve thanks to emigration, the policy of imprisoning or deporting rebel ringleaders post 1848, and that life had begun to improve in the aftermath of the Famine, alongside most thinking that armed rebellion could never work after so many failures in this period.
     
    Chapter 134: The Fenians are Coming! Part II
  • Chapter 133: The Fenians are Coming! Part II

    “Thanks to the trans-Atlantic cable, when North Americans opened their newspapers the morning of June 1st, the headlines screamed FENIANS SEIZE DUBLIN. Though an admittedly lurid title, based off incomplete reports from abroad, it sent a jolt of electricity through the Fenian movement in North America. Men who had previously been unsure of the Fenian cause, or reluctant to risk their lives, immediately grabbed rifles or old uniforms and raced for the frontier where everyone knew the Fenians were gathering.

    Better news could not have come for Sweeney, who had spent a sleepless night wondering whether the invasion would go off, but now knew that just as the rebels in Ireland were fighting for their freedom, he would be giving his own sacrifice to the Irish cause.

    The first invaders had actually set foot on Canadian soil well before midnight on May 31st. Owen Starr’s 17th Regiment of Fenians had crossed under the moonlight in boats, securing docks and rousing customs officials and local militia officers who had been assigned as guards. The ability of the Fenians to round up local officials and militia was all due to their own rather extensive reconnaissance efforts along the frontiers. A combination of spies, old maps from the war and new ones drawn by Fenian agents, as well as veterans, meant that they were largely operating on ground they knew almost as well, and in some cases better, than their counterparts. Fort Erie the town was secured in the early hours of the morning. The small number of militiamen on duty there, absent their small encampment at the ruins of Old Fort Erie, were quickly captured and placed under guard.

    The next morning, the Fenians began crossing in earnest using barges and rowboats to haul themselves and their supplies across. Notably they had three wagons with them, but no horses, alongside enough old army hardtack to sustain a division. The residents of Fort Erie could remember a similar crossing in 1862, and many had little good to say about their supposed defenders in the aftermath. The remainder of the militia encamped at Old Fort Erie, beating a hasty retreat to the rail station at Ridgeway. By 8am over 2,000 Fenians had crossed the Niagara River and were organizing to march inland with the goal of seizing the Welland Canal.

    A pertinent question for all at the time was, why did the United States government not stop the Fenians? Once again, a combination of local support for the Fenian cause and military misadventure led to the ease of the Fenian advance.

    In theory, the USS Michigan should have been able to easily interdict the Fenian crossing, but in reality the Fenians had already planned for just such an occasion. However, a local Fenian circle, including 17 of the Michigan's 120 man crew, had made plans to waylay the vessel. On the night of the 31st, Assistant Engineer James P. Kelley waylaid the pilot, and plied him with a steady stream of cigar, whiskey and the tender attentions of a “lady friend” until early in the morning on June 1st[1]. When the outraged commander of the Michigan found the two men the next morning, he ordered them arrested. However, he still ordered both to their posts, where they did their duty with admirable incompetence, forcing the Michigan to lay at anchor just off Black Rock, hapless to intervene.

    The small company of US Regulars in Buffalo was shut up in their barracks, their officer unwilling to order them out against an enormous crowd of well wishers who cheered the Fenians on. Hundreds more Fenians were arriving in Buffalo as the trans-Atlantic news led many Irishmen to believe that the moment had finally come. Grabbing old uniforms and rifles, or simply hunting guns and green sashes, men were rushing to the border. By the afternoon of June 1st, another 1,000 men would be eagerly crowding Buffalo for a chance to get in on the action.

    On the frontier with Quebec, the roughly 3,000 men of Spear’s little army were waiting for the order to cross. They were waiting on another 500 men from further in New York state who were under the guidance of Henry Le Caron, however, telegrams flashed saying that they would be delayed by a Federal Marshal. Unwilling to let the United States government organize more to prevent his passage into Canada, Spear requested permission from Sweeney to commence the invasion. Sweeney telegraphed the order to proceed and Spear, mounted on a splendid white horse, raised his sword and unfurled the green banner of the Fenians and sent the men over the border.

    Waiting on the other side, were roughly 50 men of the “red sashes”, a Home Guard of local Canadians led by Asa Westover. These were men who, five years earlier, had watched helplessly as their farms were looted or burned by American marauders. They were grimly determined to prevent history from repeating itself, and they had armed themselves accordingly with Ballard sporting rifles and trained for long range shots and accuracy. The day before they had sent word to Montreal that an invasion was coming, but they had no word on whether or not they would get reinforcements. So it fell to these men to protect their homes.

    In truth, they could not have picked a better spot for their stand. Eccles Hill was an imposing natural fortress crafted by retreating glaciers. Covered in rock faces, trees to obscure the fires of attackers, and nigh impervious to frontal assault with marshy ground at its base. It was a position “by which twenty men could defy a thousand,” one newspaperman would breathlessly report when writing of the aftermath of the battle[2]. From there the Home Guard could pour fire down on anyone marching into their little valley.

    This they did. The Fenian army crossing the frontier came under immediate, sustained and deadly accurate fire. Bunched in marching order, the men in green began to fall. Some maintained good order and sprinted for cover on the other side of the Chickabiddy River, while those in the rear fell back and took cover behind buildings on the opposite side of the river. Some retreated to a farmstead on the opposite side of the frontier, Richard’s Farm, which became a focal point of the ensuing firefight.

    Despite outnumbering their Canadian opponents roughly 60 to 1, the Fenians were at a disadvantage that they could hardly see where the enemy was and how he was operating. The return fire at Eccles Hill was ill organized, and a number of Fenians mistakenly fired on one another as the battle began and the Fenians lost track of their own units as they attempted to surround the hilltop fortress of the Canadians. Spear rode around rallying his men, and they finally began returning fire in an organized fashion. However, the rifle pits and natural impediments protected the Canadians who fired on in a methodical manner, almost every shot killing or wounding a Fenian. The Irish return fire was not so accurate.

    As the hours wore on, Spear issued the order for a bayonet charge by a company up the hill to compel the Canadians to surrender. Despite being simple farmers, the roaring charge by a hundred well armed Fenian soldiers met a gruesome end as the men held their fire until the Fenians were struggling towards the slope. The sudden and deadly accurate volley at close range killed or wounded forty-one Fenians, sending them in a panic down the hill. This demoralized the watching fighters at the base, and Spear’s officers urged him to leave a force to besiege this ground and march in haste into Canada where it could support Murphy’s column. Spear however, was reluctant to leave such a strong position in his rear and was determined to exterminate the small Canadian presence before advancing.

    However, Spear began to hesitate when 200 militiamen of Missisquoi County under Captain C. W. Carter, formerly of Her Majesty’s Sixteenth Regiment of Foot, arrived to survey the scene. At seeing so many Fenians he began to order a retreat until his own men cursed him for a coward and he reluctantly ordered them to engage the Fenian flank. At the upper end of the valley, Carter could see most of the Fenian force, and his men shook out into a skirmish line and began to fire in defence of their brethren.

    Many were now convinced the main body of British troops had arrived, and some men began to quietly slip across the border, while others regrouped there hoping to reform and counter attack. Spear, seeing his men trapped between a literal rock and an assumed hard place of the British vanguard, ordered a withdrawal by 4pm that day…

    Eccles Hill, later cheered as “The Canadian Thermopylae” was perhaps the most one sided engagement of the whole Canadian invasion. For only five wounded, the Canadians had killed 57 Fenians and wounded perhaps as many as 200 more. The casualties are difficult to establish as the Fenians took many of their wounded while leaving most of their dead. Spear’s invasion was a fiasco.

    He might have felt better had he known that Murphy’s 800 man column fared little better. Running into companies of Canadian militia and engaging in a running fight along the shores of Lake Champlain. He managed to stay in Canada a day longer before a regiment of Volunteers and Cavalry from Montreal arrived to chase him south again…” - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986


    Fenianlanding.jpg

    The Fenian landings at Fort Erie

    “The alarm went out the morning of June 1st. The Fenians had landed, and I was roused early by my then nineteen year old brother, Frederick Denison, cornet in the troop at that time, he said to me “1,500 Fenians have landed at Fort Erie. You had better get to town and see if there are any orders to go out!” I was up and in uniform with barely a chance to say goodbye to my wife. Fred and I were mounted and off like a rifle shot.

    General John Michel, a well liked man if somewhat contemptuous of our corps despite its proud history, immediately ordered my troop out[3]. Toronto was a riot of organizing soldiers and companies as men rushed to find their officers, officers their men, and companies their regiments. I was astounded at the lack of preparation. We had known of the oncoming problem for years, yet the officials in Ottawa for means of ‘economy’ had only sent single companies to the frontier, and were only now issuing a general mobilization! I cannot blame myself for not forseeing such. We had organized marvelously in the face of the Yankee invasion in 1861-62, and I had not then the confidence in the average stupidity of officials which, through long experience, I have since acquired.

    Battalions were dispatched pell mell with orders for companies to “follow on” as they assembled. As such, the Queen’s Own, and the 10th Battalion were dispatched with only half their contingent organized, only some 800 men all told. At Hamilton the whole of the garrison that showed up that morning was turned out for the frontier, but with only the first companies dispatched to Thorold, leaving almost a third of their strength unorganized in the city. Her Majesty’s soldiers, the 16th Regiment of Foot from Toronto, were also turned out, with companies from the 26th rushed from London to reinforce them.

    My troop was entrained to Thorold, joined by Major Bate’s two cavalry troops from Wentworth, forming an ad hoc cavalry battalion. We were the only units ready for duty, I am pleased to say that we beat Bate’s men by an hour despite coming from a further distance!

    By the evening of June 1st, over 2,400 men had gathered at Thorold, and our intelligence informed us that the Fenians had organized and were marching towards Black Creek…”
    - Soldiering In Canada, Recollections and Experiences of Brigadier General George T. Denison III, Toronto Press 1900

    “...the alarm had well and truly gone out by the afternoon of June 1st. Men were rushing to drill sheds to collect weapons and uniforms, officers sprinting from job sites, and the colonels of their respective districts had assembled their staffs and were sending orders to battalions to mobilize.

    At Kingston, the three mighty ironclads which had lain dormant since the guns fell silent on Lake Ontario in 1864 were hastily launched from their sheds alongside a flotilla of other gunboats from the Canadian naval companies to patrol Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence.

    Macdonald ordered out 25,000 men to protect the various frontiers, with the British forces mobilized in support…

    Come June 2nd, O’Neill had gathered 3,000 men in Canada. His advance guard was as far west as Ridgeway, eyeing the growing Canadian presence there, while he had formed a fortified position at Black Creek, expecting battle. He had another 500 men guarding his rear and ferrying supplies to his camps, while he had hoped to organize men now streaming to the frontier into new units to act as reinforcements. That was proving more difficult as the United States finally organized itself to divert the Fenian attacks.

    The night from June 2nd to June 3rd would prove crucial, as the 13th Battalion of Volunteers, then forming at Port Colborne under Major James A. Skinner, a veteran of all the hard fighting from the War of 1862, was in command. He had organized his men, now the whole battalion 800 strong and a single company of local Volunteers, into a force which could move swiftly. He had received orders from Col. Peacocke, to ‘make a junction with my command’ either by marching to Stevensville or ‘if practical’ to dislodge the Fenians at Ridgeway and follow the rail line to its terminus. These were surprisingly vague orders.

    Skinner was thus torn, until news from Canadian detectives on the frontier told him that the Fenian headquarters had moved to Black Creek and that ‘there were only 100 Fenians between [Skinner] at Fort Erie.” Skinner, now believing he had up to date information, telegraphed the news to Peacocke, and received only a one word reply: “Proceed”

    The nature of that reply has remained a mystery. Skinner adamantly believed that it meant to proceed to Fort Erie. While Peacocke, apparently not realizing that his order had not been properly transmitted, would resend his command as “Proceed to Stevensville” nearly an hour later. The reason for the confusion has never properly been explained. Either Peacocke dashed off an order quickly which was then missent, and then fell asleep, or the initial message was sent in error. Whatever the case, nearly 900 Canadians shouldered their rucksacks, took up arms, and marched to Fort Erie…


    Gustave_Paul_Cluseret_%28U.S.%29_%28cropped%29.jpg

    Gustave Cluseret in American uniform, circa 1864

    Duffy’s failure to seize all the bridges over the Liffey meant that Dublin Castle was not isolated, and along Barrach Street the garrison rapidly seized control of the bridges, driving off the Fenians who had been dispatched to guard them. This meant that, despite their control of central Dublin, the British were able to coordinate their response across the river, leaving the Fenians in a sorry state.

    Two days into the rising and their reinforcements had failed to arrive, the city had failed to rise up for them, and there was next to no news coming in from the countryside. A smattering of fighters had drifted in from the country, but Duffy was increasingly realizing he was on his own. Cluseret urged him to make a strike at Dublin Castle while they still had the time before more British reinforcements arrived. Duffy however, demured. He wanted to seize one of the barracks and more weapons, defeating one of the garrison regiments to demoralize the others.

    Cluseret disagreed, pointing out the heart of military and political power was the castle. If it was seized they had a rallying point for more fighters. Duffy shot back that if they failed there was no going back and it would most likely demoralize the whole rising. When he failed to make an impression upon Duffy, a frustrated Cluseret resigned his commission with the Irish Republic and left the city, managing to sneak past the British cordon and make a boat for France. He would not be the last.

    After two days of sporadic firing, Straithnairn would give the order for his men to storm the barricades…

    Two days of vicious street to street fighting had left 400 Fenians dead and a further 700 wounded, with 200 British dead and nearly 1,000 wounded. Duffy was compelled to surrender alongside most of his commanders, besides those who had managed to flee the city. Straithnairn rounded up all the prisoners and began to intern them. The question of just what to do with over 5,000 prisoners, and many of them American, would become a pressing issue in the coming days.

    Though the worst of the fighting was done in Dublin by June 4th, but the bleeding and the dying would continue on land, and most importantly, at sea…”
    - The Emergency of 1867, Howard Senior, 1986

    -----

    1] Amazingly, this is real.

    2] True description. It is something of an imposing rock mound that would be daunting to assault, and with a swamp covering the base its unpleasant to have to attack uphill against. Especially as I’m not exaggerating the farmers' preparations from OTL either.

    3] It should be noted this is a far cry better than what the Canadians managed in OTL’s Fenian raids of 1866. There’s more organization, most of the militia are veterans of the last war, and the Canadian government despite its laxity has more infrastructure in place to call out the militia.
     
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