Of sorts, as they're able to preserve the limited autonomy they had in the aftermath of the first war. Prim, before his assassination had wanted to pursue a pragmatic policy in regards to the Basques, but of course he was assassinated before that could be adopted and the more centralist instincts of the liberals took over.
A Most Glorious Revolution: Savoyard Spain
- Thread starter morbidteaparty
- Start date
Of sorts, as they're able to preserve the limited autonomy they had in the aftermath of the first war. Prim, before his assassination had wanted to pursue a pragmatic policy in regards to the Basques, but of course he was assassinated before that could be adopted and the more centralist instincts of the liberals took over.
The Carlists will still linger (they never really went away after their defeat IOTL) but for the moment they've been removed as a threat. The next chapter will most likely focus on Cuba, though I'll also focus on events in Spain in the post-war part of the 1870s.
There will be reforms introduced by the Spanish government over the period, in regards to both finances and the military. Most likely there will be other reforms, but I don't want to give to much away
The Carlists are still around today they might not be so relevant but they'll be factor ITTL Spain until at least the turn of the century if not longer.
Given the success of the Pirineo (who were pretty heavily based on OTL Alpini) the Alpini will be established in this timeline, while the Pirineo themselves will be expanded and integrated into the Spanish army as an elite corps.
The success might even encourage other countries to develop the model (France and Austria for example.)
Also given the royal couple are established as having around nine children and the majority surive into adulthood, Spain could become the new Britiain for royal marriages during the late nineteenth century, which could be interesting
Did the Austrians not already use Tyrolean units of mountain infantry? I suppose they weren't as organized in the same way.
As far as I'm aware the Alpini were the first fully organised mountain corps in the world. I'd be surprised if the Austrians hadn't developed some sort of Tyrolean corps later on though.
France did IOTL in 1888.
Austria had traditionally alpine regiments in the Landschutze (territorial militia) in Tirol, but they became an army elite unit only in 1907.
I'm pretty sure that ITTL something similar will happen too.
However IOTL the mountain troops came fully in their own only during WW1, on the Dolomites and the Asiago plateau.
Since Giuseppe Perrucchetti has come into the spotlight, I think he deserves to have his picture posted
Obviously this is at least thirty years after the Carlist revolution. He had a very good career IOTL, being promoted to general (1895) and appointed as senator (1912) by the king of Italy. The most curious thing is that he never served in the Alpini corps, even if he was one of their two fathers (the other father was gen. Cesare Ricotta Magnani who was minister of War in the early 1870s)
Obviously this is at least thirty years after the Carlist revolution. He had a very good career IOTL, being promoted to general (1895) and appointed as senator (1912) by the king of Italy. The most curious thing is that he never served in the Alpini corps, even if he was one of their two fathers (the other father was gen. Cesare Ricotta Magnani who was minister of War in the early 1870s)
The Aftermath of the Carlists: The Machete War (1868-1874) and the Beginning of the Progressive Era
The end of the Carlist War in favour of the government removed one of the seemingly intractable problems facing Spain in the aftermath of the abdication of Isabella II. Prim's pragmatic premiership had served the government and king well during the war, but the dormant tensions which characterised relations between the Progressives and the Liberals which had been buried in the name of national unity had begun to resurface not least in regards to the protracted, violent conflict in Cuba which had been ongoing since the dissolution of the Bourbon monarchy.
The Machete War: Cuba (1868-1875)
The roots of the rebellion in Cuba stretched back to the 1850s, where the Cuban planters and land owners who formed the bedrock of the local economic elite had begun to demand fundamental reform from the Spanish government in regards to the management of the colony. Lax enforcement of the ban on slavery had seen in a dramatic increase the forced importation of Africans to the colony with an estimated 90,000 African slaves arriving in the four-year period from 1856 to 1860. This increase was in the face of strong abolitionist opposition on the island itself and the prohibitive cost of employing slaves in the plantations of the east. An economic crisis in the island in late 1857 had seen the collapse of several sugar plantations and refineries, and the general economic malaise saw the abolitionist movement grow in strength with the publication of a manifesto (Los Diez Puntos or "The Ten Points) [1] which among other things called for the gradual emancipation of slaves with compensation for slaveowners. [2]
The slave ship Amistad (1839)
The increased opposition towards slavery on the part of the plantation owners saw the beginnings of a demographic shift in parts of the island as around 200,000 Chinese and Filipino immigrants were brought to the island as indentured labourers in anticipation of the abolition of slavery. [3] In 1865 the Creole elite of the island sent its four demands to the Spanish government: tariff reform, Cuban representation in parliament, judicial equality with Spaniards and full enforcement of the slave trade ban. [4] The government's rejection of these measures and the colonial government's imposition of six percent tax increase on the planters and businesses, with the majority of money raised used to fund the colony's military expenditure and colonial government's expenses with little reinvested in the colony. The onset of another economic crisis in 1867 and the government's heavy handed approach to dissent, including the execution and inprisonment of those opposed to colonial reform led to the formation of the Consejo de trece (Council of Thirteen) who founded the Revolutionary Committee in the city of Bayamo in early 1868. Following the abdication of Isabella II and the onset of instability within Spain, the revolutionaries struck seizing the town of Yara on 11 October. By the end of the month, the uprising had formed an army of 12,000 volunteers [5] and under the command of former military officer Máximo Gómez had begun to terrorise the colonial military with the adoption of the machete charge, though the bulk of losses sustained by the colonial military were due to yellow fever.
The rebels made early ground seizing the city of Bayamo, where the provisional republican government was established in November 1868. The rebels adopted guerrilla tactics suited to the terrain, which allowed them to ambush and harry the colonial forces who while better armed, made use of increasingly outdated orthodox tactics, resulting in them suffering heavy losses in the early stages of the war. The decision of Cuban leader Carlos Manuel de Céspedes to appoint the former Confederate Brigadier Thomas Jordan to joint command of the military with Gómez created tensions within the rebellion as Jordan's orthodox tactics clashed with Gómez's innovations. The ruthless policies adopted by Governor-General Blas Villate in 1869 to contain the rebellion further intensified the conflict and angered the radicals and progressives within the Spanish parliament. These included the summary execution of captured rebels and collaborators, the seizure of ships carrying arms and supplies to the rebels and the summary execution of those on board, any male aged over fifteen found outside of his plantation or place of residence would be summarily executed while cities or towns which failed to raise the white flag or otherwise support the government would be raised to the ground. The ruthlessness of the policies sharply divided opinion within the Spanish parliament, as well as international opinion generally though no country officially declared support for the Cuban cause. [6]
Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, leader of the Cuban Rebellion
Máximo Gómez, Thomas Jordan and Blas Villate
The war remained a relatively low key if vicious affair until 1872 when Villate was removed as Governor-General and replaced by the more reformist Arsenio Martínez-Campos who swiftly abandoned the "war of extermination" pursued by his predecessor as well as disbanding the feared Voluntary Militias who had terrorised the islands since the outbreak of hostilities. [7] The reversal of policy was heavily advocated by Prim, who viewed the heavy-handed repression employed by the colonial government with barely concealed disgust. The Virginia Affair in early 1873 where an American vessel used for smuggling arms and supplies to the Cuban rebels was captured by the Spanish navy and impounded in Havana where it's crew (predominantly British and American sailors) were imprisoned without trial for the duration of the conflict. This sparked a minor diplomatic incident between Spain and the two countries, though this was eventually resolved through an agreement to repatriate the prisoners to the U.S. where they would be put on trial for their offences. [8]
Captain Joseph Fry of the SS Virginia
The change in Spanish policy saw the government announce the abolition of slavery with immediate effect in all Spanish territories in early 1873. While partially declared from conviction, and partially from political considerations the de jure abolition would not become de facto until the end of the conflict, though it's proclamation had the desired effect of disrupting the unity hitherto enjoyed by the rebels. [9] The capture of Céspedes in July 1873 and the death of Cuban commander Ignacio Agramonte in early May that same year, had seemingly handed the advantage to the government who following successes in the war against the Carlists were beginning to dispatch reinforcements from Spain. Following the surrender of the Carlists in the Autumn more and more troops were sent, including a small detachment of the Pirineo who were raised from volunteers from the established Navarrese and Aragonese battalions (numbering around 300 men in total.) [10] The Spanish authorities under the command of Martínez-Campos began to recruit among the emancipated slaves of the western regions of the island, where the revolt had failed to win significant support. The government also offered amnesties to those mambises they captured, though this was not extended to the political leaders held by the Spanish who were imprisoned in the Canary Islands or Fernando Pó, though some who renounced the revolution were kept under house arrest in Spain. [11] The fragmenting of the rebels in the aftermath of the abolition limited their operations to the eastern regions of the island, though Gómez launched an invasion of the west in early 1874 aiming to capture the province of Santa Clara he was repulsed with a heavy loss of life, and saw his most trusted general the American Henry Reeve captured in the aftermath. [12]
A photograph of the Mambises, the Cuban guerrilas
The number of Spanish troops in Cuba by early 1874 numbered some 250,000 including detachments from the battle hardened Northern Army of Quesada [13] with the bulk stationed in the eastern provinces of Santiago de Cuba and Puerto Príncipe to contain the continued activities of the guerrillas, who following the failure in Santa Clara were now firmly on the defensive. The II Corps drawn from veterans of the vicious fighting in the Basque Country during the Carlist War captured Puerto Príncipe in July 1874 following a three-month pacification operation, which saw the Spanish authorities make use of native troops formed from the freedmen of the west. [14] A disastrous attempted landing in western Cuba near the Bahia de Cochinos by Cuban exiles based in the U.S.A further dented the cause as the poorly organised revolutionaries were detained by the small Spanish detachment based near the bay. [15] The failed invasion ended any further attempts to attack the west of the island, which remained firmly under Spanish control. Following this setback, and the capture of the Cuban leader Tomás Estrada Palma, Gómez the military leader of the rebellion and Martínez-Campos agreed to a temporary truce, with negotiations to end the conflict held in La Habana following the outcome of the Spanish general election held in September 1874.
The General Election, September 10 1874
The scheduled dissolution of the Cortes [16] was held in the aftermath of a tumultuous few years for Savoyard Spain, with the Progressive-Liberal coalition which had governed in the name of national unity during the period fragmenting and eventually collapsing in August 1874 following the Liberal Union's withdrawal of support. [16] The election was fought over the issue of Cuba and reform more generally, with Prim hoping that his longevity in office and the relative stability his government had provided during the four years of war would secure him victory. The Liberal Union, had firmly opposed Prim's decision to abolish slavery, arguing instead in favour of a programme of gradual emancipation, and in their opposition, they had been supported by the Moderates. Prim was able to force through the policy with support from the Radicals and Republicans, while the Progressive's slight majority in the senate and the king's assent saw it passed into law. This though proved to be the final straw for the Liberals who gradually began to rebel against government legislation within parliament with Progressive and Liberal deputies forcibly separated following several incidences of fisticuffs within the chamber. [17] The election, following a month of campaigning resulted in the following:
(Election results, September 10 1874, 196 seats needed for a majority)
Progressive Party (Partido Progresista)-212 seats out of 391 [18]
Liberal Union (Unión Liberal)-113 seats out of 391 [19]
Radical Party (Partido Radical)-29 seats out of 391 [20]
Federal Democratic Republican Party (Partido Republicano Democrático Federal)-23 seats out of 391[21]
Moderate Party (Partido Moderado)-12 seats out of 391 [22]
National Catholic Union (Unión Cathólico Nacional)-1 seat out of 391 [23]
Independent(s)-1 seat out of 391 [24]
The majority victory of the Progressives saw Prim continue as Prime Minister after the king confirmed his cabinet appointments, saw his new ministry overwhelmingly composed of a group of young progressives who had not held office during the Isabelline era. [25] Following the election, Prim's government sent delegates to the La Habana conference, chaired by Colonial Secretary Segismundo Moret and Governor-General Martínez-Campos with Gómez and Juan Bautista Spotorno representing the Cuban rebels. Following three weeks talks between the two sides in La Habana, the Pact of La Habana (sometimes referred to as the Historic Compromise) was signed by both sides and established the following:
Despite opposition of some members of the rebellion, who wished to fight on for independence the pact was accepted by Gómez and Bautista Sportorno as the likely best deal they could get. The terms of the treaty were extended to Puerto Rico as well, in separate negotiations held in San Juan. [28]
Arsenio Martínez-Campos, Governor-General of Cuba
The resolution of the Cuban situation in favour of admitting deputies would see the political stock of both Moret and Martínez-Campos rise, with the latter accepting the position of Minister of War in Prim's cabinet. Spain, after years of turbulence could finally look forward to the prospect of peace.
(Extract from The Years of the Machete: Cuba in the Nineteenth Century, R.H. Mumby, University of Oxford Press)
BRIEF NOTES
[1] The ten points declared the formation of an independent republic, the abolition of slavery, and the freedom of press, expression and assembly amongst others. It was widely circulated in Cuba and among the émigré community in the U.S. and Spain. It's circulation in Spain caused controversy following its distribution by the anarchist press, which saw the arrest and eventual release of Ramón de la Sangra, the Galician founder and editor of the world's first anarchist journal El Porvernir, which he had re-established in the aftermath of the Bourbon abdication.
[2] This had been one of the proposals of the "pragmatic abolitionists" in the U.S.A. during the 1850s, whose ideas became influential in Cuba during the 1860s.
[3] The demographic shift saw the establishment of shantytowns and ghettoes where the indentured labour lived, most notably the Barrio Chino de La Habana which gradually saw an improvement in living conditions.
[4] The lax enforcement of the slavery ban had seen the population of African slaves increase by some 90,000 in a four year period between 1856 and 1860 which partially contributed to an economic depression on the island as the slave based plantation economy became more and more unviable.
[5] The volunteers were predominantly from the east of the island, which formed the hinterlands of the independentists and among the Cuban émigré community in the U.S.A. and to a lesser extent Spain.
[6] Indeed despite numerous attempts to rally official opinion to the cause, the U.S. government remained firmly on the side of the Spanish, selling numerous weapons to the Spanish government for use in the Cuban theatre.
[7] The Voluntary Corps executed several students at the University of Havana in 1871 and seized the Virginia before the diplomatic resolution of the situation. Their disbandment was viewed as necessary to win native support for the Spanish military effort in the island.
[8] The acceptance that the nationals were mercenaries operating without sanction from either the American or British governments aided in defusing the situation. The men, including the captain were Joseph Fry were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison.
[9] The proclamation of abolition split the rebellion's leadership between those who viewed it as an opportunity to negotiate favourable terms, and those who wished to continue fighting.
[10] The Pirineo were dispatched to Cuba following belief that their effectiveness in the highlands of the Basque and Navarrese territories would translate to the guerrilla warfare being waged in Cuba. This would not prove to be the case, with the Pirineo suffering several casualties from yellow fever. Their effectiveness was hindered by unsuitability to the local conditions, though they managed a small success in attacking Cuban positions in the island's highlands. The failure of the Pirineo and the effectiveness of locally raised militia encouraged the Ministry of War to begin expanding the Pirineo model to its colonial possessions.
[11] Those who renounced the revolution were stridently denounced as traitors to the cause. Many of those who had abandoned the cause would come to form the new political class of the island in the aftermath of the war's end.
[12] Reeve would later commit suicide in prison.
[13] Quesada would eventually be made Chief of Staff of the reformed Spanish army.
[14] The policy was initially met with low rates of volunteers, before conscription was introduced which saw the formation of several battalions of native troops extensively recruited from the newly emancipated slaves.
[15] The Bay of Pigs.
[16] This was partially over the abolition of slavery but also over a dispute over the budget which included extensive levies on large estates, whose landowners tended to be Liberal Union supporters.
[17] As well as leading to several duels, none of which proved fatal, but did lead to one Progressive deputy being made permanently lame.
[18] The Progressives won big in the cities and had begun to extend their electoral coalition to the newly emergent industrial classes in the north and south. Prim who had dominated the party since the late 1860s continued as leader and Prime Minister/
[19] The collapse of the Liberal Union was largely attributed to the retirement of Serrano who retired from both politics and the military in the aftermath of the Carlist War. The new party, under the nominal leadership of Torpete though real power lay with Antonio Cánovas who began to organise a moderate conservative alliance with the Moderate Party.
[20] The Radicals, led by Zorilla had splintered from the Progressives and advocated the formation of a republic. Their republicanism attracted some of the radicals who were members of the nascent anarchist and socialist groups.
[21] The Federal Republicans found themselves gradually squeezed by the Progressives to the right and the Radicals to the left, and started to lose both votes and seats though they remained strong in their Catalan heartlands.
[22] The Moderates, the main liberal conservative grouping within the Cortes found themselves gradually drawn into the post-Serrano orbit of the Liberal Union, with the two eventually forming a common parliamentary group though their party organisations remained separate for the time being.
[23] The parliamentary arm of the Carlists had suffered heavily in the aftermath of the war, with the party losing almost all of its deputies though how much was this down to the voters turning against them or the informal pact between the three Savoyard parties to exclude them from parliament has long been debated.
[24] The independent was Pablo Iglesias Posse, a twenty-four year old deputy with strong connections to the emerging socialist movement.
[25] These included José Echagaray as Minister of Public Works, Segismundo Moret as Minister of Colonial Affairs, Nicolás Salmerón as Minister of Justice and Francisco Giner de los Ríos as President of the Board of Public Instruction. Older progressives such as Laureano Figuerola and Práxedes Mariano Mateo Sagasta also served as Minister of the Treasury and Secretary of State respectively.
[26] Who were indirectly elected by the legislative assembly established in Cuba.
[27] The de jure granting of citizenship was established in 1875 following the passing of the "October Edicts" which established the constitutional relations between the new provinces and the Spanish government.
[28] Puerto Rico was granted similar terms to Cuba, with it sending 8 MPs to the Cortes and indirectly electing one senator.
The Machete War: Cuba (1868-1875)
The roots of the rebellion in Cuba stretched back to the 1850s, where the Cuban planters and land owners who formed the bedrock of the local economic elite had begun to demand fundamental reform from the Spanish government in regards to the management of the colony. Lax enforcement of the ban on slavery had seen in a dramatic increase the forced importation of Africans to the colony with an estimated 90,000 African slaves arriving in the four-year period from 1856 to 1860. This increase was in the face of strong abolitionist opposition on the island itself and the prohibitive cost of employing slaves in the plantations of the east. An economic crisis in the island in late 1857 had seen the collapse of several sugar plantations and refineries, and the general economic malaise saw the abolitionist movement grow in strength with the publication of a manifesto (Los Diez Puntos or "The Ten Points) [1] which among other things called for the gradual emancipation of slaves with compensation for slaveowners. [2]
The slave ship Amistad (1839)
The rebels made early ground seizing the city of Bayamo, where the provisional republican government was established in November 1868. The rebels adopted guerrilla tactics suited to the terrain, which allowed them to ambush and harry the colonial forces who while better armed, made use of increasingly outdated orthodox tactics, resulting in them suffering heavy losses in the early stages of the war. The decision of Cuban leader Carlos Manuel de Céspedes to appoint the former Confederate Brigadier Thomas Jordan to joint command of the military with Gómez created tensions within the rebellion as Jordan's orthodox tactics clashed with Gómez's innovations. The ruthless policies adopted by Governor-General Blas Villate in 1869 to contain the rebellion further intensified the conflict and angered the radicals and progressives within the Spanish parliament. These included the summary execution of captured rebels and collaborators, the seizure of ships carrying arms and supplies to the rebels and the summary execution of those on board, any male aged over fifteen found outside of his plantation or place of residence would be summarily executed while cities or towns which failed to raise the white flag or otherwise support the government would be raised to the ground. The ruthlessness of the policies sharply divided opinion within the Spanish parliament, as well as international opinion generally though no country officially declared support for the Cuban cause. [6]
Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, leader of the Cuban Rebellion
Máximo Gómez, Thomas Jordan and Blas Villate
The war remained a relatively low key if vicious affair until 1872 when Villate was removed as Governor-General and replaced by the more reformist Arsenio Martínez-Campos who swiftly abandoned the "war of extermination" pursued by his predecessor as well as disbanding the feared Voluntary Militias who had terrorised the islands since the outbreak of hostilities. [7] The reversal of policy was heavily advocated by Prim, who viewed the heavy-handed repression employed by the colonial government with barely concealed disgust. The Virginia Affair in early 1873 where an American vessel used for smuggling arms and supplies to the Cuban rebels was captured by the Spanish navy and impounded in Havana where it's crew (predominantly British and American sailors) were imprisoned without trial for the duration of the conflict. This sparked a minor diplomatic incident between Spain and the two countries, though this was eventually resolved through an agreement to repatriate the prisoners to the U.S. where they would be put on trial for their offences. [8]
Captain Joseph Fry of the SS Virginia
The change in Spanish policy saw the government announce the abolition of slavery with immediate effect in all Spanish territories in early 1873. While partially declared from conviction, and partially from political considerations the de jure abolition would not become de facto until the end of the conflict, though it's proclamation had the desired effect of disrupting the unity hitherto enjoyed by the rebels. [9] The capture of Céspedes in July 1873 and the death of Cuban commander Ignacio Agramonte in early May that same year, had seemingly handed the advantage to the government who following successes in the war against the Carlists were beginning to dispatch reinforcements from Spain. Following the surrender of the Carlists in the Autumn more and more troops were sent, including a small detachment of the Pirineo who were raised from volunteers from the established Navarrese and Aragonese battalions (numbering around 300 men in total.) [10] The Spanish authorities under the command of Martínez-Campos began to recruit among the emancipated slaves of the western regions of the island, where the revolt had failed to win significant support. The government also offered amnesties to those mambises they captured, though this was not extended to the political leaders held by the Spanish who were imprisoned in the Canary Islands or Fernando Pó, though some who renounced the revolution were kept under house arrest in Spain. [11] The fragmenting of the rebels in the aftermath of the abolition limited their operations to the eastern regions of the island, though Gómez launched an invasion of the west in early 1874 aiming to capture the province of Santa Clara he was repulsed with a heavy loss of life, and saw his most trusted general the American Henry Reeve captured in the aftermath. [12]
A photograph of the Mambises, the Cuban guerrilas
The General Election, September 10 1874
The scheduled dissolution of the Cortes [16] was held in the aftermath of a tumultuous few years for Savoyard Spain, with the Progressive-Liberal coalition which had governed in the name of national unity during the period fragmenting and eventually collapsing in August 1874 following the Liberal Union's withdrawal of support. [16] The election was fought over the issue of Cuba and reform more generally, with Prim hoping that his longevity in office and the relative stability his government had provided during the four years of war would secure him victory. The Liberal Union, had firmly opposed Prim's decision to abolish slavery, arguing instead in favour of a programme of gradual emancipation, and in their opposition, they had been supported by the Moderates. Prim was able to force through the policy with support from the Radicals and Republicans, while the Progressive's slight majority in the senate and the king's assent saw it passed into law. This though proved to be the final straw for the Liberals who gradually began to rebel against government legislation within parliament with Progressive and Liberal deputies forcibly separated following several incidences of fisticuffs within the chamber. [17] The election, following a month of campaigning resulted in the following:
(Election results, September 10 1874, 196 seats needed for a majority)
Progressive Party (Partido Progresista)-212 seats out of 391 [18]
Liberal Union (Unión Liberal)-113 seats out of 391 [19]
Radical Party (Partido Radical)-29 seats out of 391 [20]
Federal Democratic Republican Party (Partido Republicano Democrático Federal)-23 seats out of 391[21]
Moderate Party (Partido Moderado)-12 seats out of 391 [22]
National Catholic Union (Unión Cathólico Nacional)-1 seat out of 391 [23]
Independent(s)-1 seat out of 391 [24]
The majority victory of the Progressives saw Prim continue as Prime Minister after the king confirmed his cabinet appointments, saw his new ministry overwhelmingly composed of a group of young progressives who had not held office during the Isabelline era. [25] Following the election, Prim's government sent delegates to the La Habana conference, chaired by Colonial Secretary Segismundo Moret and Governor-General Martínez-Campos with Gómez and Juan Bautista Spotorno representing the Cuban rebels. Following three weeks talks between the two sides in La Habana, the Pact of La Habana (sometimes referred to as the Historic Compromise) was signed by both sides and established the following:
- The abolition of slavery proclaimed by the government was now extended de facto across the island and Puerto Rico. The government agreed to compensate those slaveowners who had not yet agreed to compensation.
- Indentured servitude would be gradually abolished over a ten-year period: this policy was extended to the large numbers of Chinese and Filipino labour brought to Cuba during the 1860s.
- The Spanish tariff zone would be extended to cover Cuba.
- A general amnesty to those rebels who had willingly surrendered was proclaimed, while the majority of rebels who had been imprisoned were released. This amnesty was extended to those leaders who had renounced the revolution, though not to those sent to exile in Fernando Pó who would be tried following the signing of the pact.
- Cuba was granted parliamentary representation, with its six provinces divided into twenty-four electoral districts each electing a deputy to the Cortes. It was also granted three senate seats. [26]
- Cuba was granted limited autonomy in regards to its own affairs similar to that of the Basque fueros, through overall power remained with the Governor-General.
- Freedom of press, speech and assembly were guaranteed.
- Cubans were granted judicial equality with those of Spaniards, de facto granting them Spanish citizenship. [27]
Despite opposition of some members of the rebellion, who wished to fight on for independence the pact was accepted by Gómez and Bautista Sportorno as the likely best deal they could get. The terms of the treaty were extended to Puerto Rico as well, in separate negotiations held in San Juan. [28]
Arsenio Martínez-Campos, Governor-General of Cuba
The resolution of the Cuban situation in favour of admitting deputies would see the political stock of both Moret and Martínez-Campos rise, with the latter accepting the position of Minister of War in Prim's cabinet. Spain, after years of turbulence could finally look forward to the prospect of peace.
(Extract from The Years of the Machete: Cuba in the Nineteenth Century, R.H. Mumby, University of Oxford Press)
BRIEF NOTES
[1] The ten points declared the formation of an independent republic, the abolition of slavery, and the freedom of press, expression and assembly amongst others. It was widely circulated in Cuba and among the émigré community in the U.S. and Spain. It's circulation in Spain caused controversy following its distribution by the anarchist press, which saw the arrest and eventual release of Ramón de la Sangra, the Galician founder and editor of the world's first anarchist journal El Porvernir, which he had re-established in the aftermath of the Bourbon abdication.
[2] This had been one of the proposals of the "pragmatic abolitionists" in the U.S.A. during the 1850s, whose ideas became influential in Cuba during the 1860s.
[3] The demographic shift saw the establishment of shantytowns and ghettoes where the indentured labour lived, most notably the Barrio Chino de La Habana which gradually saw an improvement in living conditions.
[4] The lax enforcement of the slavery ban had seen the population of African slaves increase by some 90,000 in a four year period between 1856 and 1860 which partially contributed to an economic depression on the island as the slave based plantation economy became more and more unviable.
[5] The volunteers were predominantly from the east of the island, which formed the hinterlands of the independentists and among the Cuban émigré community in the U.S.A. and to a lesser extent Spain.
[6] Indeed despite numerous attempts to rally official opinion to the cause, the U.S. government remained firmly on the side of the Spanish, selling numerous weapons to the Spanish government for use in the Cuban theatre.
[7] The Voluntary Corps executed several students at the University of Havana in 1871 and seized the Virginia before the diplomatic resolution of the situation. Their disbandment was viewed as necessary to win native support for the Spanish military effort in the island.
[8] The acceptance that the nationals were mercenaries operating without sanction from either the American or British governments aided in defusing the situation. The men, including the captain were Joseph Fry were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison.
[9] The proclamation of abolition split the rebellion's leadership between those who viewed it as an opportunity to negotiate favourable terms, and those who wished to continue fighting.
[10] The Pirineo were dispatched to Cuba following belief that their effectiveness in the highlands of the Basque and Navarrese territories would translate to the guerrilla warfare being waged in Cuba. This would not prove to be the case, with the Pirineo suffering several casualties from yellow fever. Their effectiveness was hindered by unsuitability to the local conditions, though they managed a small success in attacking Cuban positions in the island's highlands. The failure of the Pirineo and the effectiveness of locally raised militia encouraged the Ministry of War to begin expanding the Pirineo model to its colonial possessions.
[11] Those who renounced the revolution were stridently denounced as traitors to the cause. Many of those who had abandoned the cause would come to form the new political class of the island in the aftermath of the war's end.
[12] Reeve would later commit suicide in prison.
[13] Quesada would eventually be made Chief of Staff of the reformed Spanish army.
[14] The policy was initially met with low rates of volunteers, before conscription was introduced which saw the formation of several battalions of native troops extensively recruited from the newly emancipated slaves.
[15] The Bay of Pigs.
[16] This was partially over the abolition of slavery but also over a dispute over the budget which included extensive levies on large estates, whose landowners tended to be Liberal Union supporters.
[17] As well as leading to several duels, none of which proved fatal, but did lead to one Progressive deputy being made permanently lame.
[18] The Progressives won big in the cities and had begun to extend their electoral coalition to the newly emergent industrial classes in the north and south. Prim who had dominated the party since the late 1860s continued as leader and Prime Minister/
[19] The collapse of the Liberal Union was largely attributed to the retirement of Serrano who retired from both politics and the military in the aftermath of the Carlist War. The new party, under the nominal leadership of Torpete though real power lay with Antonio Cánovas who began to organise a moderate conservative alliance with the Moderate Party.
[20] The Radicals, led by Zorilla had splintered from the Progressives and advocated the formation of a republic. Their republicanism attracted some of the radicals who were members of the nascent anarchist and socialist groups.
[21] The Federal Republicans found themselves gradually squeezed by the Progressives to the right and the Radicals to the left, and started to lose both votes and seats though they remained strong in their Catalan heartlands.
[22] The Moderates, the main liberal conservative grouping within the Cortes found themselves gradually drawn into the post-Serrano orbit of the Liberal Union, with the two eventually forming a common parliamentary group though their party organisations remained separate for the time being.
[23] The parliamentary arm of the Carlists had suffered heavily in the aftermath of the war, with the party losing almost all of its deputies though how much was this down to the voters turning against them or the informal pact between the three Savoyard parties to exclude them from parliament has long been debated.
[24] The independent was Pablo Iglesias Posse, a twenty-four year old deputy with strong connections to the emerging socialist movement.
[25] These included José Echagaray as Minister of Public Works, Segismundo Moret as Minister of Colonial Affairs, Nicolás Salmerón as Minister of Justice and Francisco Giner de los Ríos as President of the Board of Public Instruction. Older progressives such as Laureano Figuerola and Práxedes Mariano Mateo Sagasta also served as Minister of the Treasury and Secretary of State respectively.
[26] Who were indirectly elected by the legislative assembly established in Cuba.
[27] The de jure granting of citizenship was established in 1875 following the passing of the "October Edicts" which established the constitutional relations between the new provinces and the Spanish government.
[28] Puerto Rico was granted similar terms to Cuba, with it sending 8 MPs to the Cortes and indirectly electing one senator.
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So now that Cuba and Puerto Rico have more or less been dealt with, what's next? I live on Guam so I'm wondering about here and the Philippines. Might I suggest establishing a bank on Guam that loans out to locals, many natives here did very well in buisness, and perhaps adding a more centralized school system rather than the more town parish system that was in place until America took over.
I think my plan is to return to the plans for reform of the military and public finances (after all Spain's debt is still enormous)
As for the Philippines I haven't planned when I'll write about them but some time by the end of the 1870s?
I'm away this weekend, so we'll see what I think of when i get back
As for the Philippines I haven't planned when I'll write about them but some time by the end of the 1870s?
I'm away this weekend, so we'll see what I think of when i get back
The Progressive Reforms and the Prim Ministy (1874-1876)
Following the successful conclusions of the Carlist and Cuban insurrections in favour of the government, Juan Prim's Progressive ministry set about winning the peace. The reformist zeal which had characterised the early days of the Savoyard establishment had lain dormant in the face of calls for national unity, and the seemingly endless wars which had occupied the government for the duration of the Savoyard era and the constitutional establishment of 1869. [1] Following the end of the coalition government of the Progressives and Liberals in 1874 and the electoral victory of the Progressives that same year, the newly established Progressive government began to enact several reforms. Following the treaties of 1873 and 1874 which had ended the Carlist and Cuban conflicts, the government demobilised the bulk of the army [2] and proceeded to draw up legislation which would reform and renovate the state structures, which having been held together in the name of national unity, were now tottering on ragged foundations in the aftermath.
Social and Economic Reforms
Francisco Giner de los Ríos, architect of the public education system
The new government established the Board of Public Instruction in early 1874 to oversee the establishment of a public education system which would provide free, non-denominational education for all children until the age of twelve. The legislation established a system of district school boards to oversee local education, which were elected by local ratepayers. The act established compulsory attendance as part of the reform though this was difficult to enforce in practice. Despite the strong secularist instincts of the government, the act contained some concessions to religious interests with (limited) religious instruction allowed in schools which was almost entirely Catholic in character. The remaining religious schools were integrated into the system and were subordinate to the newly established boards, though they were allowed to maintain their religious character. The concessions were controversial within the Progressives and the more radical parties of parliament, though the bill was passed following support from the more conservative elements. The universities were also placed under the control of the Board of Public Instruction, which followed a policy of liberalism in regards to academic freedom. As part of the liberal reforms, the "medieval universities" [3] were granted the right to confer the title of "Doctor” on scholars. [4] The universities which had been abolished by Felipe V in the aftermath of the War of Spanish Succession were reconstituted. [5] The education reforms were an ambitious plan to alleviate the chronic illiteracy which plagued the nation, with almost half of all men and two-thirds of women unable to read and write.
The government also began to develop plans for industrial development, and thus fully modernise the economy. A nascent iron and steel industry was part funded by the government who reinvested revenue raised from the exports of iron ore to the United Kingdom from the Basque regions. The development of modern blast furnaces and heavier mining in Biscay was aided by the arrival of foreign capital (largely British) who established several mining companies in the region. The government provided subsidies to native industrial entrepreneurs to encourage the further development of Spanish industrial capital. The industrial development witnessed a demographic shift, with large numbers of immigrants from the poorer regions of Castille and the Basque countryside in search of work in the rapidly expanding industrial cities. The sudden influx of poorer, largely Spanish speaking migrants into the Basque regions would be a source of tension within the cities. The industrial development of the north was reflected in the east, with the Catalan textile industry growing rapidly to become the largest in the Mediterranean. The rail network was extended with lines built to connect the major cities, while it's extension connected the poorer regions of the south and west with the richer north and west, as well as the political centre Madrid. The government began to develop a road network in conjunction with the expanding railways. An ambitious plan to develop an irrigation network in the vast swathes of agrarian land that dominated the south was begun, though it was hindered by opposition from the traditional landowners. [6] Land reform was a particularly issue and one which would dog successive governments, as the power of the landowning magnates resisted any change which would threaten their position. [7] Finally, in a concession to the free trade elements within the cabinet the high tariff was lowered, and the de jure band on grain imports was lifted.
Military reforms
Despite difficulties in regards to land reform, the government's military reforms proved more successful, with the government establishing a new military model based on that of the Prussians. A new general staff headed by Jenero Quesada, the leader of the Northern Army during the Carlist Wars was established to oversee the reform of the army. The general staff was divided between the central staff in Madrid which was responsible to the Ministry of War (headed by Arsenio Martínez-Campos, the architect of the Historic Compromise in Cuba) and the general staffs of the regional corps and division headquarters. The Royal Military Academy was established in Toledo, while the number of officers was reduced through the early retirement of older officers. The conscription system used by the Prussians was adopted in Spain as well with an extensive reserve system established. The government, as part of its plan to modernise army weaponry had bought thousands of models 1873 Winchester rifles for use in Cuba, while in 1874 it signed a contract with the French state-owned manufacturer Manufacture d'armes de Saint-Étienne (MAS) to provide rifles for the Spanish army, including the modified Chassepot rifle (known as the Gras rifle.) In 1875, the government established the Real Manafacturas de Armas de España (Royal Arms Manufactory of Spain or RMAE) to produce the Gras rifle under licence in a factory in Zaragoza in Aragon. Finally, the Pirineo were integrated into the new army system and were heavily expanded with units from the Basque lands, Navarre, Aragon and Catalonia expanding from around 2,000 men at the time of its foundation to some 9,000 by 1876. Finally work began on a series of fortifications along the Pyrenees following fear of further Carlist incursions from France. The navy was also reformed with an ambitious programme to build and expand the system of drydocks, as well as to modernise the fleet with the remaining wooden ships in service to be fully replaced with ironclads, under a renewed programme of modernisation, extensively modelled on that of the British Royal Navy with the navy agreeing to the commission of modern vessels from British shipyards in Glasgow.
Foreign policy
King Amadeus's Italian links formed the basis of some aspects of Spanish foreign policy
The Spanish government had pursued a broad policy of neutrality during the early years of Amadeus's reign, though the links established with the Italians during the Carlist Wars would see the beginnings of cooperation between the two countries as Spain began to import grain from Italy, as well as the influence of the Italian military advisers during the Carlist Wars, though no formal alliance was established. The Spanish government maintained cordial ties with the Great Powers, while economic cooperation on the construction of a railway to link Lisbon to Madrid maintained good relations between Spain and Portugal, though the romantic notion of an Iberian Union between the two was rejected out of hand as mere fantasies by both governments. In regards to its northern neighbour, Spain established cordial relations with the French, with the 1874 agreement signed between the countries not only seeing the French selling thousands of rifles to the Spanish military, but also allowing the Spanish to develop the rifle under licence. Following the death of Napoleon III [8] and the succession of his nineteen-year-old son Napoleon IV in 1875 fears of the French transition leading to instability which might spill into Spain, saw the border briefly reinforced. Nevertheless, occupied as it was primarily by domestic concerns, the government's foreign policy during the "Years of Consolidation" [9] can largely be described as one of broad neutrality.
Collapse of the government and the General Election of 1876
Prim's government collapsed in February 1876 following fierce opposition to a proposed levy on the agrarian estates that dominated large swathes of Spain's territory. A proposed reform of land ownership which would have introduced government regulation of rents for tenant farmers in the south, was viewed by the landlords as an attempt to break up their land holdings and remove the monopoly they enjoyed over land in the area. As a result, the bill when introduced was highly controversial (and indeed had been opposed by members of the cabinet for fear that it would mobilise those elements hostile to the government) and the failure of the bill cast doubt over whether the government's budget would be passed. The inclusion of the levy, which would have taxed holdings of 250 hectares and over provoked fierce debate and opposition from the Conservative Party in parliament, while the rightist faction of the Progressives also heavily opposed the measure [9], resulting in the failure of the budget to pass and the collapsing of the ministry leading to the third election of Amadeus's reign.
(Election results, February 15 1876, 213 seats needed for a majority)
Conservative Party (Partido Conservador)-228 seats out of 423 [10]
Progressive Party (Partido Progresista)-127 seats out of 423
Radical Party (Partido Radical)-41 seats out of 423
Federal Democratic Republican Party (Partido Republicano Democrático Federal)-23 seats out of 423
National Catholic Union (Unión Cathólico Nacional)-3 seat out of 423
Independent(s)-1 seat out of 423
The election saw the victory of the recently formed Conservatives, with Antonio Cánovas del Castillo becoming the second Prime Minister of the reign of Amadeus following the eight years of Prim's premiership. Prim would continue as leader of Progressives, though he would struggle to contain the tensions which had begun to beset the party, while the election of the conservatives would see a shift in policy following the end of the Progressive Era.
BRIEF NOTES
[1] The fact that the state had survived and consolidated was perhaps the greatest achievement of the era.
[2] The rebellion in Cuba and the Carlist uprising had seen the army engaged in a near permanent state of war since 1868 with almost 700,000 men mobilised during the period.
[3] The Universities of Salamanca, Valladolid, Barcelona, Santiago de Compostela and Valencia respectively which were all founded during the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.
[4] The Moyano Law of 1857 had established Central as the sole university in Spain authorized to confer the title of Doctor on any scholar. The 1875 law extended this right to the medieval universities.
[5] These were the Catalan universities of Lleida, Girona, Tortosa, Vic and Solsona, which had been disestablished and replaced by the University of Cervera for their support of the Austrians in the War of Spanish Succession.
[6] While the irrigation network was necessary for the agricultural development of the region, it's construction would have created taxes on land holdings to fund it which was viewed with hostility by the landlord classes.
[7] This hostility would continuously hinder attempts at land reform.
[8] Napoleon III had suffered from ill health for some time and eventually succumbed to complications following an operation to remove gallstones in early 1875, whereupon he was succeeded by his young son Napoleon IV.
[9] The Progressives composed as they were of republican, radical, liberals and moderates were always prone to factionalism which had largely been kept in check by Prim's force of character. The proposed
land reform angered those on the right of the party who possessed significant business interests in land holdings, particularly the estates of west and south.
[10] The Conservatives were formed in Gijón as a merger between the Liberal Union and Moderate Party, thus unifying the conservative elements within parliament into a cohesive party.
Social and Economic Reforms
Francisco Giner de los Ríos, architect of the public education system
The new government established the Board of Public Instruction in early 1874 to oversee the establishment of a public education system which would provide free, non-denominational education for all children until the age of twelve. The legislation established a system of district school boards to oversee local education, which were elected by local ratepayers. The act established compulsory attendance as part of the reform though this was difficult to enforce in practice. Despite the strong secularist instincts of the government, the act contained some concessions to religious interests with (limited) religious instruction allowed in schools which was almost entirely Catholic in character. The remaining religious schools were integrated into the system and were subordinate to the newly established boards, though they were allowed to maintain their religious character. The concessions were controversial within the Progressives and the more radical parties of parliament, though the bill was passed following support from the more conservative elements. The universities were also placed under the control of the Board of Public Instruction, which followed a policy of liberalism in regards to academic freedom. As part of the liberal reforms, the "medieval universities" [3] were granted the right to confer the title of "Doctor” on scholars. [4] The universities which had been abolished by Felipe V in the aftermath of the War of Spanish Succession were reconstituted. [5] The education reforms were an ambitious plan to alleviate the chronic illiteracy which plagued the nation, with almost half of all men and two-thirds of women unable to read and write.
The government also began to develop plans for industrial development, and thus fully modernise the economy. A nascent iron and steel industry was part funded by the government who reinvested revenue raised from the exports of iron ore to the United Kingdom from the Basque regions. The development of modern blast furnaces and heavier mining in Biscay was aided by the arrival of foreign capital (largely British) who established several mining companies in the region. The government provided subsidies to native industrial entrepreneurs to encourage the further development of Spanish industrial capital. The industrial development witnessed a demographic shift, with large numbers of immigrants from the poorer regions of Castille and the Basque countryside in search of work in the rapidly expanding industrial cities. The sudden influx of poorer, largely Spanish speaking migrants into the Basque regions would be a source of tension within the cities. The industrial development of the north was reflected in the east, with the Catalan textile industry growing rapidly to become the largest in the Mediterranean. The rail network was extended with lines built to connect the major cities, while it's extension connected the poorer regions of the south and west with the richer north and west, as well as the political centre Madrid. The government began to develop a road network in conjunction with the expanding railways. An ambitious plan to develop an irrigation network in the vast swathes of agrarian land that dominated the south was begun, though it was hindered by opposition from the traditional landowners. [6] Land reform was a particularly issue and one which would dog successive governments, as the power of the landowning magnates resisted any change which would threaten their position. [7] Finally, in a concession to the free trade elements within the cabinet the high tariff was lowered, and the de jure band on grain imports was lifted.
Military reforms
Despite difficulties in regards to land reform, the government's military reforms proved more successful, with the government establishing a new military model based on that of the Prussians. A new general staff headed by Jenero Quesada, the leader of the Northern Army during the Carlist Wars was established to oversee the reform of the army. The general staff was divided between the central staff in Madrid which was responsible to the Ministry of War (headed by Arsenio Martínez-Campos, the architect of the Historic Compromise in Cuba) and the general staffs of the regional corps and division headquarters. The Royal Military Academy was established in Toledo, while the number of officers was reduced through the early retirement of older officers. The conscription system used by the Prussians was adopted in Spain as well with an extensive reserve system established. The government, as part of its plan to modernise army weaponry had bought thousands of models 1873 Winchester rifles for use in Cuba, while in 1874 it signed a contract with the French state-owned manufacturer Manufacture d'armes de Saint-Étienne (MAS) to provide rifles for the Spanish army, including the modified Chassepot rifle (known as the Gras rifle.) In 1875, the government established the Real Manafacturas de Armas de España (Royal Arms Manufactory of Spain or RMAE) to produce the Gras rifle under licence in a factory in Zaragoza in Aragon. Finally, the Pirineo were integrated into the new army system and were heavily expanded with units from the Basque lands, Navarre, Aragon and Catalonia expanding from around 2,000 men at the time of its foundation to some 9,000 by 1876. Finally work began on a series of fortifications along the Pyrenees following fear of further Carlist incursions from France. The navy was also reformed with an ambitious programme to build and expand the system of drydocks, as well as to modernise the fleet with the remaining wooden ships in service to be fully replaced with ironclads, under a renewed programme of modernisation, extensively modelled on that of the British Royal Navy with the navy agreeing to the commission of modern vessels from British shipyards in Glasgow.
Foreign policy
King Amadeus's Italian links formed the basis of some aspects of Spanish foreign policy
The Spanish government had pursued a broad policy of neutrality during the early years of Amadeus's reign, though the links established with the Italians during the Carlist Wars would see the beginnings of cooperation between the two countries as Spain began to import grain from Italy, as well as the influence of the Italian military advisers during the Carlist Wars, though no formal alliance was established. The Spanish government maintained cordial ties with the Great Powers, while economic cooperation on the construction of a railway to link Lisbon to Madrid maintained good relations between Spain and Portugal, though the romantic notion of an Iberian Union between the two was rejected out of hand as mere fantasies by both governments. In regards to its northern neighbour, Spain established cordial relations with the French, with the 1874 agreement signed between the countries not only seeing the French selling thousands of rifles to the Spanish military, but also allowing the Spanish to develop the rifle under licence. Following the death of Napoleon III [8] and the succession of his nineteen-year-old son Napoleon IV in 1875 fears of the French transition leading to instability which might spill into Spain, saw the border briefly reinforced. Nevertheless, occupied as it was primarily by domestic concerns, the government's foreign policy during the "Years of Consolidation" [9] can largely be described as one of broad neutrality.
Collapse of the government and the General Election of 1876
Prim's government collapsed in February 1876 following fierce opposition to a proposed levy on the agrarian estates that dominated large swathes of Spain's territory. A proposed reform of land ownership which would have introduced government regulation of rents for tenant farmers in the south, was viewed by the landlords as an attempt to break up their land holdings and remove the monopoly they enjoyed over land in the area. As a result, the bill when introduced was highly controversial (and indeed had been opposed by members of the cabinet for fear that it would mobilise those elements hostile to the government) and the failure of the bill cast doubt over whether the government's budget would be passed. The inclusion of the levy, which would have taxed holdings of 250 hectares and over provoked fierce debate and opposition from the Conservative Party in parliament, while the rightist faction of the Progressives also heavily opposed the measure [9], resulting in the failure of the budget to pass and the collapsing of the ministry leading to the third election of Amadeus's reign.
(Election results, February 15 1876, 213 seats needed for a majority)
Conservative Party (Partido Conservador)-228 seats out of 423 [10]
Progressive Party (Partido Progresista)-127 seats out of 423
Radical Party (Partido Radical)-41 seats out of 423
Federal Democratic Republican Party (Partido Republicano Democrático Federal)-23 seats out of 423
National Catholic Union (Unión Cathólico Nacional)-3 seat out of 423
Independent(s)-1 seat out of 423
The election saw the victory of the recently formed Conservatives, with Antonio Cánovas del Castillo becoming the second Prime Minister of the reign of Amadeus following the eight years of Prim's premiership. Prim would continue as leader of Progressives, though he would struggle to contain the tensions which had begun to beset the party, while the election of the conservatives would see a shift in policy following the end of the Progressive Era.
BRIEF NOTES
[1] The fact that the state had survived and consolidated was perhaps the greatest achievement of the era.
[2] The rebellion in Cuba and the Carlist uprising had seen the army engaged in a near permanent state of war since 1868 with almost 700,000 men mobilised during the period.
[3] The Universities of Salamanca, Valladolid, Barcelona, Santiago de Compostela and Valencia respectively which were all founded during the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.
[4] The Moyano Law of 1857 had established Central as the sole university in Spain authorized to confer the title of Doctor on any scholar. The 1875 law extended this right to the medieval universities.
[5] These were the Catalan universities of Lleida, Girona, Tortosa, Vic and Solsona, which had been disestablished and replaced by the University of Cervera for their support of the Austrians in the War of Spanish Succession.
[6] While the irrigation network was necessary for the agricultural development of the region, it's construction would have created taxes on land holdings to fund it which was viewed with hostility by the landlord classes.
[7] This hostility would continuously hinder attempts at land reform.
[8] Napoleon III had suffered from ill health for some time and eventually succumbed to complications following an operation to remove gallstones in early 1875, whereupon he was succeeded by his young son Napoleon IV.
[9] The Progressives composed as they were of republican, radical, liberals and moderates were always prone to factionalism which had largely been kept in check by Prim's force of character. The proposed
land reform angered those on the right of the party who possessed significant business interests in land holdings, particularly the estates of west and south.
[10] The Conservatives were formed in Gijón as a merger between the Liberal Union and Moderate Party, thus unifying the conservative elements within parliament into a cohesive party.
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Whoooooo, an update so soon? You spoil us morbid, you suave Italian literati you!
Spain seems well on track to recovery. I do wonder whether Spain will remain isolated or get more involved internationally. If nothing else I suspect they might butt heads with France over the Moroccan protectorate, which could draw them closer to Italy given the latter's stance on the French annexation of Tunisia.