Or maybe the Cruiser Arkhamshire, lost in the East Indies, every day the survivors dwindle, missing crew members replaced with a carved bone statuette of a winged figure with a hideous face.
The Great War at Sea ... Take 13
- Thread starter Perky50
- Start date
That could be a great lead to an ASB ISOT.
Just how might the crew do after being replaced?
Therein lies the terrible mystery of the lost island of Pulo Prabang. Discovering the truth drove most of the remaining survivors mad with visions of towering vistas of insane geometry, the very stars themselves dimmed by the profane hunger of half forgotten gods.
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... about a half a million miles back, I pulled into a truck stop in Wyoming. After I tucked my old shaker in against the back fence and pulled on my cow-tippers, I sauntered inside to find breakfast. Upon entering, I took in a fairly typical scene, a counter with stools across the back, tables in the middle, and booths around the border. As to the patrons, those there were pretty typical of what you might see in most road-side establishments across the western states at that time of the morning ... a goodly mix, small town businessmen debating main-street upgrades which had turned Petunias into Bachelor's Buttons ... the local sheriff, clean and well pressed ... seemingly moderating the floral debate, in a good-natured way ... musty old south bound truckers pondering if there'll be snow on top of the Raton, and a gaggle of those pro-typical slightly over weight, retired fellows,you see them around a lot in places like these. In their mid to late 60's .... They have mastered neither sleeping in or golf. They tend to gravitate to places like these in the early hours of the morning, and best left to their own devices.
I move by them all to a booth by the window, and settle there as one of the waitresses approaches ... you know the ones, approaching that matronly portion of her life, but not quite there yet, well tucked in, and properly touched up ... wearing a rather drab colored uniform and a million dollar smile. In her younger days she'd probably teach you a thing or two in the back row of the local drive-in theater, but today she'll be asking about your grand kids.
"Good morning, Trucker," says she with a wink as she fills my procured cup with joe. "there ya go ... can I get you something from the kitchen, Hon?" she offers a menu. I look at it for a moment, then not seeing what I was looking for, I looked at her, smiled and said, "You know, I don't see it here, but I'm really aching for a Denver Sandwich."
In that moment the place went silent ... you could have heard a pin drop, as they say.
Every eye in the place was on me. her eyes went dark,and her smile disappeared as she snatched back the menu, dropped it on the table in front of me, and with her right finger, she tapped an item half-way down the sandwich list.
"Cheyenne Sandwich," she says quietly, "It's called a Cheyenne Sandwich, "She stopped for a moment, glaring south as she did so, then turning back to me and almost hissing, continued, "Those damned Coloradans, they stole it from us .... it's a Cheyenne Sandwich."
"Yes, Ma'am ...sorry Ma'am, Could I have a Cheyenne Sandwich, Ma'am?" her smile came back, and the place went back to normal.
"Of course, Dear ... anything else with that?
True story ...
... I couldn't help myself ....this Arkham place sounds a bit like one of those edgy places ... and someone mentioned the 'Whale' , and I got hungry and ... well ... sorry ...
I move by them all to a booth by the window, and settle there as one of the waitresses approaches ... you know the ones, approaching that matronly portion of her life, but not quite there yet, well tucked in, and properly touched up ... wearing a rather drab colored uniform and a million dollar smile. In her younger days she'd probably teach you a thing or two in the back row of the local drive-in theater, but today she'll be asking about your grand kids.
"Good morning, Trucker," says she with a wink as she fills my procured cup with joe. "there ya go ... can I get you something from the kitchen, Hon?" she offers a menu. I look at it for a moment, then not seeing what I was looking for, I looked at her, smiled and said, "You know, I don't see it here, but I'm really aching for a Denver Sandwich."
In that moment the place went silent ... you could have heard a pin drop, as they say.
Every eye in the place was on me. her eyes went dark,and her smile disappeared as she snatched back the menu, dropped it on the table in front of me, and with her right finger, she tapped an item half-way down the sandwich list.
"Cheyenne Sandwich," she says quietly, "It's called a Cheyenne Sandwich, "She stopped for a moment, glaring south as she did so, then turning back to me and almost hissing, continued, "Those damned Coloradans, they stole it from us .... it's a Cheyenne Sandwich."
"Yes, Ma'am ...sorry Ma'am, Could I have a Cheyenne Sandwich, Ma'am?" her smile came back, and the place went back to normal.
"Of course, Dear ... anything else with that?
True story ...
... I couldn't help myself ....this Arkham place sounds a bit like one of those edgy places ... and someone mentioned the 'Whale' , and I got hungry and ... well ... sorry ...
---0---
While the Grand Fleet was transforming from its cruising formation into the battle line, on his flagship, HMS Iron Duke, Jellicoe was looking over the collections of signals received from various sources in the last two hours. While the actual results were still uncertain in actual losses and damages on both sides, it was beginning to become evident to him that, at the very least, the German scouting groups had been roughly handled and thrown back. That Cradock’s forces had taken damages as well was understood, however his cruisers were still in contact with Scheer’s advancing battleships, and other than Queen Mary and the 13th Flotilla and other assorted stragglers, Cradock would soon be attached to Hood’s squadron. While Cradock would be in tactical command of those amalgamated forces, Hood’s squadron would be in the lead, while Moore’s squadron would operate in the van to deal with any advancing scouting forces left with the High Seas Fleet.
Jellicoe’s own Scouting cruisers, Le Mesurier’s 4th LCS, was pushing ahead as well at that time, to aid in further locking down Scheer’s position and intentions, while at the same time to be in a better position to help deflect any approach by the High Seas Fleet’s remaining light cruisers and torpedo boats. Accompanying Le Mesurier would be Captain Charles Wintour’s 4th Destroyer Flotilla, to further bolster the forward scouting position of the battle cruiser fleet.
That Jellicoe would want to have ample protection against any impropriatous advance by Scheer’s torpedo boats was a given, considering Jellicoe’s grave and sometimes over blown concern with the dangers of torpedoes and mines being used against the Grand Fleet. That a stronger screen against Sheer’s light cruisers and destroyers would indeed better protect the Grand Fleet, there was another reason for the despatch of these extra forces to the screen. For even before Jellicoe had ordered the dispatch of Le Mesurier and Wintour, He had ordered the following signal sent to all cruiser squadrons and destroyer flotillas, as well as Admiral Moore’s squadron:
“take every opportunity to engage cruisers and torpedo boats”
In the early reports of the action between Boedicker and Cradock, most would see them in their purest tactical form – ships sunk or damaged, and position gained and lost. For all their brevity and vagueness, Jellicoe would see something else. If the facts so far presented were indeed true, almost half of the High Seas Fleet’s light cruisers and torpedo boats had been sunk, damaged, or forced back. While some might well return, the consensus from the battle reports so far was that any attempted riposte by Boedicker’s scouting groups would be extremely limited, if not completely unexpected. However, if by the chance that any of Boedicker’s forces did return, the screens of the Battle Cruiser Fleet, along with reinforcing elements of the bulk of the Grand Fleet, were well disposed to not only deal with these forces, but any additional units operating directly in support of Scheer’s battleships as well.
With that realization would come the understanding that not only would Scheer’s ability to use sorties by torpedo craft against the Grand Fleet be greatly curtailed, any further losses in such craft would limit such actions even more so.
That Jellicoe and his immediate staff had managed to identify this weakness in the High Seas Fleet’s dispositions, might be considered remarkable, however, if truth be known, it was more a matter of chance.
It had been a conversation between Jellicoe and his chief of staff, Rear Admiral Charles Madden and others, that had provided the catalyst needed. While looking over the consolidated list of probable losses and damages, one of Jellicoe’s Flag Officer’s would comment that it was a shame that Cradock had not been able to finish at least one of Boedicker’s battle cruisers. That had led to a reply from Madden countering it by stating the number of torpedo boats regarded as sunk or seriously damaged.
Jellicoe, standing on the side, and reviewing a signal just received from the Admiralty, turned about and asked what was the total number of torpedo boats that would normally sortie with the High Seas Fleet. Madden replied that while it varied somewhat, it was felt that roughly sixty would be present with a full sortie by the High Seas Fleet. Jellicoe remained silent for a moment, then turned to his signals officer, and dictated the signal.
This was a classic example of Jellicoe, no matter what the situation he would find himself in, he always seemed capable of finding the time to address new information as it appeared, and deal with it appropriately. As Madden would record in his memoirs:
“Admiral John Jellicoe was one of those remarkable people that never seemed to get flustered or confused, no matter what situation might arise. I have known him for many years, both in the Royal Navy and in personal life, as he is married to my Wife’s older sister. Not once have I seen a time where events have gotten the better of him, nor has he not had some sort of solution to the problem at hand.”
From: “On His Majesty’s Service” – Admiral John Madden
The other tactical operational gain delivered up by Cradock’s action against Boedicker was that with the removal of Hindenburg and Lutzow from the fight, it had left the Grand Fleet with an overall speed advantage; a fact in some ways overplayed, and in need of proper explanation, as it would have a bearing in the hours ahead. That the High Seas Fleet did include battleships that were as fast as their British counterparts is a fact, however with Mauve’s pre-dreadnoughts capable of not much more than 17 knots for relatively short periods, and the four dreadnoughts of the Nassau class limited to 19 knots maximum, and that speed being limited by the nature of their older reciprocating machinery wold make them a tactical liability for the High Seas Fleet as well. Even the newer Helgoland class, while rated for nearly 21 knots, would still find that their sustained speed would be limited by the inability of their reciprocating machinery to be operated at a continual maximum speed.
Even among their eleven newer second generation dreadnoughts, there was one that could not match the Grand Fleet’s sustained top speed, and that was SMS Prinz Regent Luitpold. Her original design would have seen her fitted with a three shaft turbine arrangement the same as her sisters. However, the decision was made to fit a marine diesel to the center shaft would have a negative effect on her final operational speed, when that diesel was not available when needed, leaving the sip to be completed without it. As a result, due to having a third less power than her sisters, SMS Prinz Regent Luitpold would be at least a knot slower.
The speed of battleships is sometimes overrated and even more often misunderstood in its effects, most notably in station keeping and gunnery. In large formations, the speed of advance is best when none of those vessels involved are forced to operate at maximum revolutions. By keeping the speed a knot or two below that allows for tighter station keeping and a better ability to respond to tactical manoeuvering as needed, which in turn will keep formations better disposed.
In regards to gunnery, particularly at the time of the battle, the best results would be achieved on stable courses, and with a speed of advance no greater than 18 knots. While good result can be gained by a manoeuvering ship at much higher rates of speed, that result will be gained only as of a result of expending much more of the available ammunition.
So in real terms many of the aspects of a speed advantage there was little benefit in several tactical situations. However, the pounding of Boedicker’s battle cruisers, and their resulting withdrawal from the battle had left a great tactical advantage for the Grand Fleet; that with their overall homogenous speed advantage being absolute, the Grand Fleet could now accept or decline combat as it saw fit, for the most part without regard to the High Seas Fleet’s intentions.
---0---
With his latest orders sent, signals dealt with and deployments made, Jellicoe would in the last bits of time before battle was likely to be joined, take that time to review all the preparations.
While confident in his command, and believing that every man would indeed “do their duty”, he also knew his operational choices were somewhat hamstrung by the political necessity that had brought him to that place and time. For the first time since his war had begun, it was not a matter of if the Grand Fleet would engage the High Seas Fleet, but when.
Here was another problem for Jellicoe, as while his forces were earlier well positioned to take advantage of gaining the eastern position in the coming battle, Scheer’s slower speed of advance had reduced that option. Jellicoe had seen that if he was to lead his fleet forward on that course, in doing so He would be allowing Scheer to block his passage to home waters. While that eastern position, with its advantages of shadow and wind for clear sighting was coveted, with the day dragging on, that advantage would not last. While it would initially give an advantage for possibly a couple of hours, after that the Grand Fleet would find itself caught between the Danish coast and Scheer’s battle line as night closed in, and being extremely limited tactically as to potential options for continuing the battle to a successful result.
If Jellicoe had one major concern with the Grand Fleet, it was its ability to conduct combat operations in the hours of darkness. While some headway had been made in this area over the past 18 months, it had not been a high priority given the considerable number of other concerns with the fleet that were also being dealt with, and while he had a good understanding of The Grand Fleets abilities, or lack thereof, in a night engagement, if such an event was forced on him, He would manage it as best he could. However, with the knowledge that the Grand Fleet’s abilities in such an engagement being far outweighed by the liabilities, he would not voluntarily seek such an encounter out.
Given the time of day, and with Scheer moving to the south-east, it had been well understood that to try to take the eastern side of Scheer’s line had no longer been considered viable. However, while this course was no longer available, there was another, and even as the first reports of clashes between Scheer’s screen and the outriding Royal Navy cruisers and destroyers were coming in, Craddock, Hood and Moore were all responding to the new orders from Jellicoe. As the lead elements of Scheer’s fleet came on to the SE, those few cruisers and torpedo boats that had caught sight of them would report that these wayward British ships were now arcing out to the east and disappearing into the low mist and haze on the horizon.
With these last details complete, Jellicoe would settle in his private cabin at the back of the bridge with a mug of cocoa, to look through the latest signals and reports as the last hour ran down.
“I was in my cabin reviewing orders, when Admiral Jellicoe’s Flag Officer arrived and requested that I join the Admiral in his day cabin on the bridge. I arrived to find Admiral Jellicoe sipping his cocoa while looking over a selection of signals. He pointed to an extra mug on the corner of his desk, the beckoned me to sit. As I took the mug and settled on the chair, he handed me the signal he had been looking at.
“It would appear they have finally forgiven us for Agincourt,” he quipped, with just a hint of a smile.”
From: “On His Majesty’s Service” – Admiral John Madden
---0---
While Jellicoe was in his final processes before the coming battle, so to Admiral Scheer was making his preparations as well. Like Jellicoe, his first concerns were with the result of the engagement between Boedicker and Cradock. That Boedicker had taken a beating and been forced back with his survivors was obvious, however the damage done to Cradock’s command must have been severe as well.
“I was on the bridge wing to take the salute from Boedicker and his great warriors as they passed down our portside. There was no doubt that these fine ships and men had suffered terribly under the guns of the British battle cruisers and their associated escorting vessels. However, I was firm in my beliefs that our ships and men were very much the better of whatever the British might throw at us, and that it was only vastly superior numbers put against us that had allowed them to gain such result. From the reports I had received by that point, it was understood that along with at least seven enemy battle cruisers in action against Boedicker, several of the battleships of Jellicoe’s fast wing had been sighted as well, and only with all these ships engaging, they had been able to damage our great battle cruisers in such a way.
That this many heavy warships were needed to damage just two of our warships in an action where at least four of their vessels were seen to take hits, two of them being reported as taking serious damage, would speak well for our performance in the coming battle. With an advantage in numbers approaching four to one, these British sailors had managed to force Boedicker back. In the coming battle with numbers closer to even, I would expect a much more positive return.”
From - ‘My War’ -Admiral Reinhart Scheer (1923)
While Scheer was a bright and able officer was without question, in many ways Jellicoe’s equal, and in some arguably the better. He had his weaker points as well, the most glaring of which was his inability to accept that while his ships and crews did have some advantages over their antagonists in the Royal Navy, they were not likely as pronounced at that time as he continued to believe, if as in the case of several of them, they might have been in the first place.
This process of biased thought, in conjunction with a poorly thought out evaluation of the very limited reconnaissance and battle reports received thus far, were taking Scheer away from a position whereby he might not only properly better understand the potential results of the coming battle, but take a different tactical stance as well. While there were others in position of command in the High Seas Fleet that would support that view, there were some who were beginning to have some doubts about the perceived advantage.
A case in point would be Rear Admiral Paul Behnke, who led the High Seas Fleet’s powerful 3rd Battle Squadron during the battle. Behnke was already in somewhat of a ‘falling star’ in the High Seas Fleet, with his stance on U-boat production, and how the concentration of the bulk of the limited assets available to the navy had negatively impacted on the surface fleet in general, and his beloved battleships in particular. As he reflected in his usual blunt manner his biography:
“… that while I too believed in the strengths of our ships and men as we approached battle that day, I did have personal reservations that I managed to keep to myself. While our newer battleships were immensely strong, and easily better in several ways than our English opponents, those advantages were probably beginning to wear thin, as while the Englanders would continue to complete their latest versions of both battleships and battle cruisers as the war progressed, along with a glut of advanced cruisers and destroyers, our building efforts for surface units had been deferred by the need to construct large numbers of the U-boats, which were so desired by their proponents who held close the ear of the Admiralstab.
That to that point in the war we had delivered telling blows on the Royal Navy that had worn down their numbers in a positive manner is without doubt, if one just had to base returns on such calculations. However, two points of consideration should have tempered our opinions on these matters.
The first was that while we had indeed accounted for a good number of British dreadnought types in earlier actions, while losing fewer of our own in return was true. However, many of the British ships lost were their older examples, including a good portion that would have been of dubious value at Jutland if they had survived, and, with the risk of being considered biased, their value was not much better when they were lost. It is wise to remember that many of these losses were more the result of poor design and questionable handling, and if indeed they had been better ships or better led, we might not have even gained the result as we did.
Of what I believe to be of most importance on this matter was that these losses were never taken for what they actually were, the destruction of older obsolescent types. Instead, in many cases they were presented as striking down the Royal Navy’s finest. There was a bias prevalent in our fleet in those days, that no matter what the Royal Navy might do, it would never be enough to counter our efforts. This line of thought was further enhanced by the fact that the relatively easy destruction of said older units of the Royal Navy was applied to their newer, better developed units as well, an opinion that would be proven wrong at a most inopportune time.
The second point of concern might be best stated thusly, while as much has been written regarding the various yokes carried by the Royal Navy during those war years, and how they impacted on their performance, it is seldom, if ever mentioned that the High Seas Fleet had its millstones as well. During the war, the Royal Navy would take positive steps to address many of their earlier issues. Sadly, for us in the High Seas Fleet, we would not make that same effort.
During the duration of the war all that would be added to the High Seas Fleet would be a pair each of battleships and battle cruisers, along with that odd bastard Brandenburg. In that same period, the Royal Navy would complete nearly five times that number, with more on the builder’s stocks, while at the same time developing sufficient measures to, if not defeat the vaunted U-boats, at least deter them sufficiently to limit their usefulness.
In our planning for the High Seas Fleet, we had made horrendous mistakes, putting too much into one portion of the navy with no regard for the rest. As I would watch the passage of Boedicker’s heavily damaged survivors as they struggled north to safety, I would take a moment and wonder to myself if the same fate might await my command.”
-Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
While as a member of Germany’s version of the ‘Battleship Club’, a bit of leavening might be needed with this quotation, however, elements of Behnke’s comments would still ring true in many ways. Even as the High Seas Fleet would continue on to meet the Grand Fleet, there would be others who would begin to consider similar opinions, if they had not already held them.
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The lack of a proper ability to discern the intentions of the Grand Fleet was the biggest handicap that Scheer would have that day, and it would reach its breaking point as the outer screen of Scheer’s battle line ran afoul of Cradock’s reinforced light units. With the withdrawal of the remnants of Boedicker’s force, the High Seas Fleet’s ability to scout out the enemy had been reduced to just six light cruisers, 24 torpedo boats and one lone zeppelin that had arrived shorty after the departure of the last of the English aircraft. The result of this was as to be expected, given the situation at that point of the day.
The Zeppelin L-22, under the command of Lt. Martin Dietrich, had attempted to look over the Grand Fleet, and while gleaning some information, the low overcast had prevented him from getting a better view of the British, without jeopardizing his craft. He would retire back to the High Seas Fleet reporting on Cradock’s movements and getting fired at in the process, as where Jellicoe’s fleet hadn’t spotted his airship, Cradock’s had. The zeppelin would linger in the area, with limited result, due to lack of visibility and enemy fire, before retiring in the early hours of the new day.
For the cruisers and torpedo boats, the situation was much more lively in a rather black manner, as out numbered and out gunned, these out board elements of Scheer’s fleet were singled out to be marked down.
Even as Boedicker’s retiring remnants were passing Behnke’s battle squadron at the head of the German line, the first of Scheer’s screen were being engaged on the south-eastern arc. Commodore Goodenough’s 2nd LCS was covering that quadrant, with his four light cruisers spreading out down the column’s eastern flank, covering nearly half the advancing German fleet. HMS Nottingham, the ship closest to Cradock’s ships, had fired without result on the last of Boedicker’s retiring torpedo boats, before retiring after a pair of unsettling salvoes from Hindenburg. Nottingham would swing out to the east before coming back toward the estimated position of the head of the German line. In doing so, the British cruiser was rewarded for their tenacity by sighting SMS Danzig, one of the 4th SG’s light cruisers. In a spirited ten-minute scuffle, both sides would take several hits before Danzig would reach the safety of Behnke’s heavy guns. While the five 4.1” hits on Nottingham would cause little damage, nor really impair the fighting ability of the cruiser, the six hits by Nottingham’s heavier 6” guns resulted in serious damage to the old German cruiser. Two of her mid ships main guns had been wrecked, while another shell had struck the near the waterline just aft of her rearmost gun mount. With the resultant blast temporarily jamming the rudder, along with opening up the hull to flooding. Before rudder control could be regained, the old cruiser would take three more hits amidships, which would shatter boats and leave portions of the upper decks well swept by shards of steel. The odd angle of her fore funnel would be noted by gun layers on Nottingham as the first salvoes from SMS Konig would announce that the British cruiser’s presence was no longer welcome. As Danzig would lay in closer to the German line, her crew would do their best to effect repairs, and control the flooding and fires. Nottingham in turn, would simply lay off to the east of the German line, at a distance deemed safe from the battleship’s main batteries, to continue their reporting on the High Seas Fleet’s advance, and hopefully find more targets.
At the head of the German line, lookouts would finally get their first glimpse of the shadowy form of HMS Queen Elizabeth low on the horizon. Still well beyond the range of their guns, they would watch as British battleship would swing out to the east and disappear into the dark low misty smudge on the horizon, followed by at least six other vessels behind her.
A signal was sent to Scheer regarding the contact and their new course, and while Behnke waited for a reply, another signal would be received from the light cruiser Berlin, who along with two torpedo boats were under fire from battle cruisers, supported by cruisers and destroyers, to the ESE of Behnke’s position. Directly to his south, a further pair of torpedo boats were falling back toward his flagship after being drawn out by a single British destroyer, only to be brought under fire by four large cruisers.
Less than 15 minutes later, torpedo boat V71, the last unmolested torpedo boat to his south east, reported that the ship was under fire from British cruisers and destroyers. A following report would say they were damaged and retiring back on the head of the German line. His own look outs were already reporting in that not only could the see V71, but that there definitely under concentrated fire from several unknown vessels. That was followed by one last signal, reporting the sighting of several battleships advancing to the west. After that there would be no more heard from V71, as the spotters high in the battleship were reporting numerous hits and smoke from the lone torpedo boat.
---0---
Across on the south west arc similar encounters had been unfolding as well. An example of which involved HMS Cordelia, once again entering the fray, and catching a pair of torpedo boats from the 10th half flotilla. While G10 would get off lightly, G9 would take a serious pounding, and only the arrival of the flotilla mates, G8 and V5, would force Cordelia off.
As Cordelia put over to the west, and G9 struggled off to the SE to attend to her damages, fires and wounded, her flotilla mates dashed after Cordelia, with a mind to torpedo their compatriot’s assailant. However, the arrival of HMS Canterbury would change their minds, with the end result being some damage to Canterbury and V5 vainly trying to clear off to the east before sinking.
As with the other engagements along the High Seas Fleet’s screen at that point of the battle, it was short and sharp. Dash in, shoot a few salvoes and if lucky a torpedo as well, then dash out again. The Royal Navy men would try to draw the German light cruisers and torpedo boats out and away from the supporting fire of their larger brethren, then put them down, while in turn, the German sailors would try to lead their British antagonists under the guns of the High Seas Fleet’s battleships.
These skirmishes, best described as similar to coyotes drawing out farmer’s hounds, would take place all about the head of Scheer’s fleet as the British ships did their utmost to knock back the last of Scheer’s cruisers and torpedo boats. There would be losses and damages to both sides, with the Royal Navy losing the light cruiser Phaeton after it was first caught in range of Kronprinz and Markgraf, then finished by a torpedo from Wiesbaden. Destroyers Midge, Fortune and Morris would also be claimed in these skirmishes, along with several more sustaining damages.
However, while the RN ships had taken losses and damages, so had the High Seas Fleet, who would lose no less than five of their torpedo boats sunk, and several more sustaining damage severe enough to limit their further participation.
The cruiser Wiesbaden would be badly handled as well, for as the German cruiser had closed and finished the badly battered Phaeton, she had in turn been caught by Cordelia and Canterbury and brought to task. The end result of this action would leave Wiesbaden silenced and burning as she would struggle off to the NE as her crews tried to stop her flooding.
While both sides would suffer heavily in these scraps, the Royal Navy could better handle these losses, the High Seas Fleet could not. Scheer’s fleet was down to just four light cruisers and sixteen torpedo boats when the lookouts on SMS Konig would once more report that a column of British battleships were advancing into view, this time to the south-west, at a range of 25,000 yards, and advancing to the WNW.
As the British ships sailed out of the mist, it was noted that at the same time the RN cruisers and destroyers from the south east to the south west were clearing out of the firing arcs.
“Soon I could see these ships as well, as the range had dropped to under 23,000 yards. The ship at the end was distinctive enough to easily be identified ah HMS Tiger, while the five in the lead would be none other than the Queen Elizabeth’s. The two ships between, larger than even Tiger, had to be the new Renown class. I remembering chuckling for a moment as I pondered the seemingly odd new desire of the English to have their battleships names start with the letter ‘R’. It was almost as odd as the fact that these eight warships looked like they were preparing to give battle with the whole of the High Seas Fleet.
A moment later, two things would happen that would stop my musing about the English and their alphabet, or the number of ships engaging us. The first would be when those distant ships began to belch out orange tinted-brownish smudges as they opened fire on us.
The second would be when one after another, more battleships would fall in behind them, each one in turn firing as they came broadside on and acquired their target.”
-Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
With just short of two hours of daylight remaining, the Grand Fleet had arrived.
---0---
While the Grand Fleet was transforming from its cruising formation into the battle line, on his flagship, HMS Iron Duke, Jellicoe was looking over the collections of signals received from various sources in the last two hours. While the actual results were still uncertain in actual losses and damages on both sides, it was beginning to become evident to him that, at the very least, the German scouting groups had been roughly handled and thrown back. That Cradock’s forces had taken damages as well was understood, however his cruisers were still in contact with Scheer’s advancing battleships, and other than Queen Mary and the 13th Flotilla and other assorted stragglers, Cradock would soon be attached to Hood’s squadron. While Cradock would be in tactical command of those amalgamated forces, Hood’s squadron would be in the lead, while Moore’s squadron would operate in the van to deal with any advancing scouting forces left with the High Seas Fleet.
Jellicoe’s own Scouting cruisers, Le Mesurier’s 4th LCS, was pushing ahead as well at that time, to aid in further locking down Scheer’s position and intentions, while at the same time to be in a better position to help deflect any approach by the High Seas Fleet’s remaining light cruisers and torpedo boats. Accompanying Le Mesurier would be Captain Charles Wintour’s 4th Destroyer Flotilla, to further bolster the forward scouting position of the battle cruiser fleet.
That Jellicoe would want to have ample protection against any impropriatous advance by Scheer’s torpedo boats was a given, considering Jellicoe’s grave and sometimes over blown concern with the dangers of torpedoes and mines being used against the Grand Fleet. That a stronger screen against Sheer’s light cruisers and destroyers would indeed better protect the Grand Fleet, there was another reason for the despatch of these extra forces to the screen. For even before Jellicoe had ordered the dispatch of Le Mesurier and Wintour, He had ordered the following signal sent to all cruiser squadrons and destroyer flotillas, as well as Admiral Moore’s squadron:
“take every opportunity to engage cruisers and torpedo boats”
In the early reports of the action between Boedicker and Cradock, most would see them in their purest tactical form – ships sunk or damaged, and position gained and lost. For all their brevity and vagueness, Jellicoe would see something else. If the facts so far presented were indeed true, almost half of the High Seas Fleet’s light cruisers and torpedo boats had been sunk, damaged, or forced back. While some might well return, the consensus from the battle reports so far was that any attempted riposte by Boedicker’s scouting groups would be extremely limited, if not completely unexpected. However, if by the chance that any of Boedicker’s forces did return, the screens of the Battle Cruiser Fleet, along with reinforcing elements of the bulk of the Grand Fleet, were well disposed to not only deal with these forces, but any additional units operating directly in support of Scheer’s battleships as well.
With that realization would come the understanding that not only would Scheer’s ability to use sorties by torpedo craft against the Grand Fleet be greatly curtailed, any further losses in such craft would limit such actions even more so.
That Jellicoe and his immediate staff had managed to identify this weakness in the High Seas Fleet’s dispositions, might be considered remarkable, however, if truth be known, it was more a matter of chance.
It had been a conversation between Jellicoe and his chief of staff, Rear Admiral Charles Madden and others, that had provided the catalyst needed. While looking over the consolidated list of probable losses and damages, one of Jellicoe’s Flag Officer’s would comment that it was a shame that Cradock had not been able to finish at least one of Boedicker’s battle cruisers. That had led to a reply from Madden countering it by stating the number of torpedo boats regarded as sunk or seriously damaged.
Jellicoe, standing on the side, and reviewing a signal just received from the Admiralty, turned about and asked what was the total number of torpedo boats that would normally sortie with the High Seas Fleet. Madden replied that while it varied somewhat, it was felt that roughly sixty would be present with a full sortie by the High Seas Fleet. Jellicoe remained silent for a moment, then turned to his signals officer, and dictated the signal.
This was a classic example of Jellicoe, no matter what the situation he would find himself in, he always seemed capable of finding the time to address new information as it appeared, and deal with it appropriately. As Madden would record in his memoirs:
“Admiral John Jellicoe was one of those remarkable people that never seemed to get flustered or confused, no matter what situation might arise. I have known him for many years, both in the Royal Navy and in personal life, as he is married to my Wife’s older sister. Not once have I seen a time where events have gotten the better of him, nor has he not had some sort of solution to the problem at hand.”
From: “On His Majesty’s Service” – Admiral John Madden
The other tactical operational gain delivered up by Cradock’s action against Boedicker was that with the removal of Hindenburg and Lutzow from the fight, it had left the Grand Fleet with an overall speed advantage; a fact in some ways overplayed, and in need of proper explanation, as it would have a bearing in the hours ahead. That the High Seas Fleet did include battleships that were as fast as their British counterparts is a fact, however with Mauve’s pre-dreadnoughts capable of not much more than 17 knots for relatively short periods, and the four dreadnoughts of the Nassau class limited to 19 knots maximum, and that speed being limited by the nature of their older reciprocating machinery wold make them a tactical liability for the High Seas Fleet as well. Even the newer Helgoland class, while rated for nearly 21 knots, would still find that their sustained speed would be limited by the inability of their reciprocating machinery to be operated at a continual maximum speed.
Even among their eleven newer second generation dreadnoughts, there was one that could not match the Grand Fleet’s sustained top speed, and that was SMS Prinz Regent Luitpold. Her original design would have seen her fitted with a three shaft turbine arrangement the same as her sisters. However, the decision was made to fit a marine diesel to the center shaft would have a negative effect on her final operational speed, when that diesel was not available when needed, leaving the sip to be completed without it. As a result, due to having a third less power than her sisters, SMS Prinz Regent Luitpold would be at least a knot slower.
The speed of battleships is sometimes overrated and even more often misunderstood in its effects, most notably in station keeping and gunnery. In large formations, the speed of advance is best when none of those vessels involved are forced to operate at maximum revolutions. By keeping the speed a knot or two below that allows for tighter station keeping and a better ability to respond to tactical manoeuvering as needed, which in turn will keep formations better disposed.
In regards to gunnery, particularly at the time of the battle, the best results would be achieved on stable courses, and with a speed of advance no greater than 18 knots. While good result can be gained by a manoeuvering ship at much higher rates of speed, that result will be gained only as of a result of expending much more of the available ammunition.
So in real terms many of the aspects of a speed advantage there was little benefit in several tactical situations. However, the pounding of Boedicker’s battle cruisers, and their resulting withdrawal from the battle had left a great tactical advantage for the Grand Fleet; that with their overall homogenous speed advantage being absolute, the Grand Fleet could now accept or decline combat as it saw fit, for the most part without regard to the High Seas Fleet’s intentions.
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With his latest orders sent, signals dealt with and deployments made, Jellicoe would in the last bits of time before battle was likely to be joined, take that time to review all the preparations.
While confident in his command, and believing that every man would indeed “do their duty”, he also knew his operational choices were somewhat hamstrung by the political necessity that had brought him to that place and time. For the first time since his war had begun, it was not a matter of if the Grand Fleet would engage the High Seas Fleet, but when.
Here was another problem for Jellicoe, as while his forces were earlier well positioned to take advantage of gaining the eastern position in the coming battle, Scheer’s slower speed of advance had reduced that option. Jellicoe had seen that if he was to lead his fleet forward on that course, in doing so He would be allowing Scheer to block his passage to home waters. While that eastern position, with its advantages of shadow and wind for clear sighting was coveted, with the day dragging on, that advantage would not last. While it would initially give an advantage for possibly a couple of hours, after that the Grand Fleet would find itself caught between the Danish coast and Scheer’s battle line as night closed in, and being extremely limited tactically as to potential options for continuing the battle to a successful result.
If Jellicoe had one major concern with the Grand Fleet, it was its ability to conduct combat operations in the hours of darkness. While some headway had been made in this area over the past 18 months, it had not been a high priority given the considerable number of other concerns with the fleet that were also being dealt with, and while he had a good understanding of The Grand Fleets abilities, or lack thereof, in a night engagement, if such an event was forced on him, He would manage it as best he could. However, with the knowledge that the Grand Fleet’s abilities in such an engagement being far outweighed by the liabilities, he would not voluntarily seek such an encounter out.
Given the time of day, and with Scheer moving to the south-east, it had been well understood that to try to take the eastern side of Scheer’s line had no longer been considered viable. However, while this course was no longer available, there was another, and even as the first reports of clashes between Scheer’s screen and the outriding Royal Navy cruisers and destroyers were coming in, Craddock, Hood and Moore were all responding to the new orders from Jellicoe. As the lead elements of Scheer’s fleet came on to the SE, those few cruisers and torpedo boats that had caught sight of them would report that these wayward British ships were now arcing out to the east and disappearing into the low mist and haze on the horizon.
With these last details complete, Jellicoe would settle in his private cabin at the back of the bridge with a mug of cocoa, to look through the latest signals and reports as the last hour ran down.
“I was in my cabin reviewing orders, when Admiral Jellicoe’s Flag Officer arrived and requested that I join the Admiral in his day cabin on the bridge. I arrived to find Admiral Jellicoe sipping his cocoa while looking over a selection of signals. He pointed to an extra mug on the corner of his desk, the beckoned me to sit. As I took the mug and settled on the chair, he handed me the signal he had been looking at.
“It would appear they have finally forgiven us for Agincourt,” he quipped, with just a hint of a smile.”
From: “On His Majesty’s Service” – Admiral John Madden
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While Jellicoe was in his final processes before the coming battle, so to Admiral Scheer was making his preparations as well. Like Jellicoe, his first concerns were with the result of the engagement between Boedicker and Cradock. That Boedicker had taken a beating and been forced back with his survivors was obvious, however the damage done to Cradock’s command must have been severe as well.
“I was on the bridge wing to take the salute from Boedicker and his great warriors as they passed down our portside. There was no doubt that these fine ships and men had suffered terribly under the guns of the British battle cruisers and their associated escorting vessels. However, I was firm in my beliefs that our ships and men were very much the better of whatever the British might throw at us, and that it was only vastly superior numbers put against us that had allowed them to gain such result. From the reports I had received by that point, it was understood that along with at least seven enemy battle cruisers in action against Boedicker, several of the battleships of Jellicoe’s fast wing had been sighted as well, and only with all these ships engaging, they had been able to damage our great battle cruisers in such a way.
That this many heavy warships were needed to damage just two of our warships in an action where at least four of their vessels were seen to take hits, two of them being reported as taking serious damage, would speak well for our performance in the coming battle. With an advantage in numbers approaching four to one, these British sailors had managed to force Boedicker back. In the coming battle with numbers closer to even, I would expect a much more positive return.”
From - ‘My War’ -Admiral Reinhart Scheer (1923)
While Scheer was a bright and able officer was without question, in many ways Jellicoe’s equal, and in some arguably the better. He had his weaker points as well, the most glaring of which was his inability to accept that while his ships and crews did have some advantages over their antagonists in the Royal Navy, they were not likely as pronounced at that time as he continued to believe, if as in the case of several of them, they might have been in the first place.
This process of biased thought, in conjunction with a poorly thought out evaluation of the very limited reconnaissance and battle reports received thus far, were taking Scheer away from a position whereby he might not only properly better understand the potential results of the coming battle, but take a different tactical stance as well. While there were others in position of command in the High Seas Fleet that would support that view, there were some who were beginning to have some doubts about the perceived advantage.
A case in point would be Rear Admiral Paul Behnke, who led the High Seas Fleet’s powerful 3rd Battle Squadron during the battle. Behnke was already in somewhat of a ‘falling star’ in the High Seas Fleet, with his stance on U-boat production, and how the concentration of the bulk of the limited assets available to the navy had negatively impacted on the surface fleet in general, and his beloved battleships in particular. As he reflected in his usual blunt manner his biography:
“… that while I too believed in the strengths of our ships and men as we approached battle that day, I did have personal reservations that I managed to keep to myself. While our newer battleships were immensely strong, and easily better in several ways than our English opponents, those advantages were probably beginning to wear thin, as while the Englanders would continue to complete their latest versions of both battleships and battle cruisers as the war progressed, along with a glut of advanced cruisers and destroyers, our building efforts for surface units had been deferred by the need to construct large numbers of the U-boats, which were so desired by their proponents who held close the ear of the Admiralstab.
That to that point in the war we had delivered telling blows on the Royal Navy that had worn down their numbers in a positive manner is without doubt, if one just had to base returns on such calculations. However, two points of consideration should have tempered our opinions on these matters.
The first was that while we had indeed accounted for a good number of British dreadnought types in earlier actions, while losing fewer of our own in return was true. However, many of the British ships lost were their older examples, including a good portion that would have been of dubious value at Jutland if they had survived, and, with the risk of being considered biased, their value was not much better when they were lost. It is wise to remember that many of these losses were more the result of poor design and questionable handling, and if indeed they had been better ships or better led, we might not have even gained the result as we did.
Of what I believe to be of most importance on this matter was that these losses were never taken for what they actually were, the destruction of older obsolescent types. Instead, in many cases they were presented as striking down the Royal Navy’s finest. There was a bias prevalent in our fleet in those days, that no matter what the Royal Navy might do, it would never be enough to counter our efforts. This line of thought was further enhanced by the fact that the relatively easy destruction of said older units of the Royal Navy was applied to their newer, better developed units as well, an opinion that would be proven wrong at a most inopportune time.
The second point of concern might be best stated thusly, while as much has been written regarding the various yokes carried by the Royal Navy during those war years, and how they impacted on their performance, it is seldom, if ever mentioned that the High Seas Fleet had its millstones as well. During the war, the Royal Navy would take positive steps to address many of their earlier issues. Sadly, for us in the High Seas Fleet, we would not make that same effort.
During the duration of the war all that would be added to the High Seas Fleet would be a pair each of battleships and battle cruisers, along with that odd bastard Brandenburg. In that same period, the Royal Navy would complete nearly five times that number, with more on the builder’s stocks, while at the same time developing sufficient measures to, if not defeat the vaunted U-boats, at least deter them sufficiently to limit their usefulness.
In our planning for the High Seas Fleet, we had made horrendous mistakes, putting too much into one portion of the navy with no regard for the rest. As I would watch the passage of Boedicker’s heavily damaged survivors as they struggled north to safety, I would take a moment and wonder to myself if the same fate might await my command.”
-Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
While as a member of Germany’s version of the ‘Battleship Club’, a bit of leavening might be needed with this quotation, however, elements of Behnke’s comments would still ring true in many ways. Even as the High Seas Fleet would continue on to meet the Grand Fleet, there would be others who would begin to consider similar opinions, if they had not already held them.
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The lack of a proper ability to discern the intentions of the Grand Fleet was the biggest handicap that Scheer would have that day, and it would reach its breaking point as the outer screen of Scheer’s battle line ran afoul of Cradock’s reinforced light units. With the withdrawal of the remnants of Boedicker’s force, the High Seas Fleet’s ability to scout out the enemy had been reduced to just six light cruisers, 24 torpedo boats and one lone zeppelin that had arrived shorty after the departure of the last of the English aircraft. The result of this was as to be expected, given the situation at that point of the day.
The Zeppelin L-22, under the command of Lt. Martin Dietrich, had attempted to look over the Grand Fleet, and while gleaning some information, the low overcast had prevented him from getting a better view of the British, without jeopardizing his craft. He would retire back to the High Seas Fleet reporting on Cradock’s movements and getting fired at in the process, as where Jellicoe’s fleet hadn’t spotted his airship, Cradock’s had. The zeppelin would linger in the area, with limited result, due to lack of visibility and enemy fire, before retiring in the early hours of the new day.
For the cruisers and torpedo boats, the situation was much more lively in a rather black manner, as out numbered and out gunned, these out board elements of Scheer’s fleet were singled out to be marked down.
Even as Boedicker’s retiring remnants were passing Behnke’s battle squadron at the head of the German line, the first of Scheer’s screen were being engaged on the south-eastern arc. Commodore Goodenough’s 2nd LCS was covering that quadrant, with his four light cruisers spreading out down the column’s eastern flank, covering nearly half the advancing German fleet. HMS Nottingham, the ship closest to Cradock’s ships, had fired without result on the last of Boedicker’s retiring torpedo boats, before retiring after a pair of unsettling salvoes from Hindenburg. Nottingham would swing out to the east before coming back toward the estimated position of the head of the German line. In doing so, the British cruiser was rewarded for their tenacity by sighting SMS Danzig, one of the 4th SG’s light cruisers. In a spirited ten-minute scuffle, both sides would take several hits before Danzig would reach the safety of Behnke’s heavy guns. While the five 4.1” hits on Nottingham would cause little damage, nor really impair the fighting ability of the cruiser, the six hits by Nottingham’s heavier 6” guns resulted in serious damage to the old German cruiser. Two of her mid ships main guns had been wrecked, while another shell had struck the near the waterline just aft of her rearmost gun mount. With the resultant blast temporarily jamming the rudder, along with opening up the hull to flooding. Before rudder control could be regained, the old cruiser would take three more hits amidships, which would shatter boats and leave portions of the upper decks well swept by shards of steel. The odd angle of her fore funnel would be noted by gun layers on Nottingham as the first salvoes from SMS Konig would announce that the British cruiser’s presence was no longer welcome. As Danzig would lay in closer to the German line, her crew would do their best to effect repairs, and control the flooding and fires. Nottingham in turn, would simply lay off to the east of the German line, at a distance deemed safe from the battleship’s main batteries, to continue their reporting on the High Seas Fleet’s advance, and hopefully find more targets.
At the head of the German line, lookouts would finally get their first glimpse of the shadowy form of HMS Queen Elizabeth low on the horizon. Still well beyond the range of their guns, they would watch as British battleship would swing out to the east and disappear into the dark low misty smudge on the horizon, followed by at least six other vessels behind her.
A signal was sent to Scheer regarding the contact and their new course, and while Behnke waited for a reply, another signal would be received from the light cruiser Berlin, who along with two torpedo boats were under fire from battle cruisers, supported by cruisers and destroyers, to the ESE of Behnke’s position. Directly to his south, a further pair of torpedo boats were falling back toward his flagship after being drawn out by a single British destroyer, only to be brought under fire by four large cruisers.
Less than 15 minutes later, torpedo boat V71, the last unmolested torpedo boat to his south east, reported that the ship was under fire from British cruisers and destroyers. A following report would say they were damaged and retiring back on the head of the German line. His own look outs were already reporting in that not only could the see V71, but that there definitely under concentrated fire from several unknown vessels. That was followed by one last signal, reporting the sighting of several battleships advancing to the west. After that there would be no more heard from V71, as the spotters high in the battleship were reporting numerous hits and smoke from the lone torpedo boat.
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Across on the south west arc similar encounters had been unfolding as well. An example of which involved HMS Cordelia, once again entering the fray, and catching a pair of torpedo boats from the 10th half flotilla. While G10 would get off lightly, G9 would take a serious pounding, and only the arrival of the flotilla mates, G8 and V5, would force Cordelia off.
As Cordelia put over to the west, and G9 struggled off to the SE to attend to her damages, fires and wounded, her flotilla mates dashed after Cordelia, with a mind to torpedo their compatriot’s assailant. However, the arrival of HMS Canterbury would change their minds, with the end result being some damage to Canterbury and V5 vainly trying to clear off to the east before sinking.
As with the other engagements along the High Seas Fleet’s screen at that point of the battle, it was short and sharp. Dash in, shoot a few salvoes and if lucky a torpedo as well, then dash out again. The Royal Navy men would try to draw the German light cruisers and torpedo boats out and away from the supporting fire of their larger brethren, then put them down, while in turn, the German sailors would try to lead their British antagonists under the guns of the High Seas Fleet’s battleships.
These skirmishes, best described as similar to coyotes drawing out farmer’s hounds, would take place all about the head of Scheer’s fleet as the British ships did their utmost to knock back the last of Scheer’s cruisers and torpedo boats. There would be losses and damages to both sides, with the Royal Navy losing the light cruiser Phaeton after it was first caught in range of Kronprinz and Markgraf, then finished by a torpedo from Wiesbaden. Destroyers Midge, Fortune and Morris would also be claimed in these skirmishes, along with several more sustaining damages.
However, while the RN ships had taken losses and damages, so had the High Seas Fleet, who would lose no less than five of their torpedo boats sunk, and several more sustaining damage severe enough to limit their further participation.
The cruiser Wiesbaden would be badly handled as well, for as the German cruiser had closed and finished the badly battered Phaeton, she had in turn been caught by Cordelia and Canterbury and brought to task. The end result of this action would leave Wiesbaden silenced and burning as she would struggle off to the NE as her crews tried to stop her flooding.
While both sides would suffer heavily in these scraps, the Royal Navy could better handle these losses, the High Seas Fleet could not. Scheer’s fleet was down to just four light cruisers and sixteen torpedo boats when the lookouts on SMS Konig would once more report that a column of British battleships were advancing into view, this time to the south-west, at a range of 25,000 yards, and advancing to the WNW.
As the British ships sailed out of the mist, it was noted that at the same time the RN cruisers and destroyers from the south east to the south west were clearing out of the firing arcs.
“Soon I could see these ships as well, as the range had dropped to under 23,000 yards. The ship at the end was distinctive enough to easily be identified ah HMS Tiger, while the five in the lead would be none other than the Queen Elizabeth’s. The two ships between, larger than even Tiger, had to be the new Renown class. I remembering chuckling for a moment as I pondered the seemingly odd new desire of the English to have their battleships names start with the letter ‘R’. It was almost as odd as the fact that these eight warships looked like they were preparing to give battle with the whole of the High Seas Fleet.
A moment later, two things would happen that would stop my musing about the English and their alphabet, or the number of ships engaging us. The first would be when those distant ships began to belch out orange tinted-brownish smudges as they opened fire on us.
The second would be when one after another, more battleships would fall in behind them, each one in turn firing as they came broadside on and acquired their target.”
-Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
With just short of two hours of daylight remaining, the Grand Fleet had arrived.
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Absolutely superb stuff and it seems that the 5th BS is leading the grand fleet, the Renown and Repulse are there as well which I consider a bit odd as if they are fast battleships or BC versions of the Queen Elizabeths (which the Hoods were too) then i'm surprised they were not with Craddock's forces.
The RN did the 'right' thing in this case, working with their advantage in cruiser and destroyer numbers to blind the HSF and keep its scouting forces either too busy to do their job or blinded to their own movements. And this has led to the HSF getting its T crossed. But here Scheer wants to have his fight, so its now a case of seeing if the HSF 180 nopescopes outta there or tries to engage. Its still going to be murder for the leading elements of the HSF though if they do try to turn and force a slugging match.
Excellent update
The RN did the 'right' thing in this case, working with their advantage in cruiser and destroyer numbers to blind the HSF and keep its scouting forces either too busy to do their job or blinded to their own movements. And this has led to the HSF getting its T crossed. But here Scheer wants to have his fight, so its now a case of seeing if the HSF 180 nopescopes outta there or tries to engage. Its still going to be murder for the leading elements of the HSF though if they do try to turn and force a slugging match.
Excellent update
“My date with destiny had arrived, yet here I was, quietly keeping my own council, while even in that moment the last preparations for battle were being completed on the great ships under my command. Any moment there would be a signal that Admiral Hood’s battleships had commenced fire on the High Seas Fleet, and for the first time since the war had begun, I had a strange small realization that, in that moment, I had nothing to do, or maybe better put, I had nothing to do of major importance.
All the plans had been set forth, the final decisions made, and the orders despatched. The focus of command would transfer to the actual captains and seamen of the fleet, while my position would become one of simply overseeing their good efforts and provide for them what ever they might require. I led them out and brought them to this place, yet even as they would answer my call, it would be their determined effort that would deliver up the final result.
This would be their battle, I would simply be a custodian of sorts, in many ways of much less importance than any of them. The fate of the empire would rest on their shoulders. With any minute the arrival of news of battle being joined, I felt my youth momentarily pulling me away from my lonely post to be with them. Perched in the sighting hood of a battleship’s turret, slamming the breach closed on a cruiser’s main gun, or hunched over the sights of a torpedo tube on a destroyer charging after its prey; there was a quiet draw to be in those honorable places, yet here I was in the iron grip of command.
A fury of fire and shot was about to break forth on these cold dark waters, the like of which the world had not seen before. We are no longer concerned with the scouting and patrol, or the move and parry, here is the foe, and the men of the Grand Fleet are ready; and they will bring him to task.
There can be no doubt that while the guns and armour are our sword and shield, we must never forget that what will deliver us this day is the fire in the soul and the steel in the heart of the men that that follow my command and bring forth these great vessels in defense of the realm. From the highest admiral to the lowest ship’s boy, a hero every one.”
-from “The Admiral’s Bridge -Jellicoe Remembers”
As Jellicoe would take a moment to ponder what was about to manifest, at the head of the Grand Fleet, Vice Admiral Sir Horace Hood was very much involved in the last details before battle. As HMS Queen Elizabeth led the column of great fighting ships on a bearing of west by north at a speed of 18 knots, he looked out across the hazy sea to the south at the long line of battleships, with the lead ship, HMS King George V, already beginning to swing into place behind HMS Tiger, noting to himself that all was in order and everything was as it should be, He walked back across his flagship, to the far bridge wing and stared out across the gray waters to the south east at the High Seas Fleet, which was coming steadily forward, then stopping for a moment:
“… he would drop his head for a moment, before looking up at that historic flag hoist. After a moment more, possibly for reflection, he came on into the bridge.
“Captain Pope, if you may Sir, what is the range to the head of the German line?” he would ask me.
“Twenty thousand yards, Sir” I replied.
“You may commence firing,” Was his reply”
Captain P.W. Hope RN
The great 15” rifles of HMS Queen Elizabeth were already swung out, ranged and loaded. Hope would turn and repeat the command, followed scant seconds later by the gong, and then the great thunderous roar of the first half salvo was sent on its way to seek out the enemy. Almost as soon as Queen Elizabeth fired her first salvo, it was followed by the seven ships immediately behind her.
The main act of what would come to be known as the Battle of Jutland’ was under way.
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On board his flagship, SMS Konig, Rear Admiral Paul Behnke, stood emotionless as he and the ship’s crew waited calmly for the arrival of the first salvo. While the British guns had been noted not only for their ability to fire at long ranges, and their gunners for their proclivity for engaging in such activities, their ability to gain result from such efforts had been, for the most part, unsuccessful. Past actions had shown it would take them a good eight to ten salvoes to get close enough to dampen the tough hulls of his ships with close shots, before even considering taking hits on board.
As a result, it would come as somewhat of a surprise to him when with the introductory whistle to moan of incoming heavy shells would be followed by the thunderous eruptions of pillars of sea water leaping out of the ocean, to the portside of his column. The shell grouping furthest away would be no more than 1500 yards, while the closest ones, off his third ship in line, SMS Markgraf, would both be reported as well under 500 yards off her port bows.
The next salvo would arrive with the tight knit patterns of shells walking closer toward them. Even as the shells of the leading warships fell alongside of them, more British battle ships were swinging into line and adding their weight of fire to those already engaged.
For the High Seas Fleet, this was not the position they wished to find themselves in as the battle commenced. Jellicoe, with his pronounced advantage in scouting and reconnaissance, had obtained that classic initial advantage known as ‘crossing the T’, the main advantage being that the British ships would be able to fire full broadsides, while the High Seas Fleet would only be able to fire the forward guns until such a time as they turned to a similar bearing, if Scheer held his current course.
A further disappointment would be that the bulk of the Grand Fleet was turning into position immediately behind the Hood’s and Cradock’s combined squadrons. Scheer’s staff had deduced from the last reports from the Zeppelin that there might be as much as an eight-mile difference between the two RN forces, and with that in mind they had hoped for even a short period of time whereby the leading British dreadnoughts might be marked down before the rest would come into range to support them. However, the large sweeping circle to starboard by the advanced British squadron when the first long range visual contact had been made, had negated that gap when it had been continued until the leading British battleship was finally headed in a westerly direction. This manoeuver would allow the Grand Fleet to fall into place immediately behind HMS Tiger.
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That Jellicoe had the initial advantage in position, can be put down to several points, starting with the decided benefit the Grand Fleet held in scouting. Thanks to his available aircraft and the skills of Cradock, and how he managed the Battle Cruiser Fleet and properly orchestrated the deployments of his attendant light cruisers and destroyers, the location and disposition of the High Seas Fleet was well understood by the time the final sighting was made. For Jellicoe, it would simply be a matter of forming the battle line behind the 5th Battle Squadron, bolstered by Cradock’s three remaining heavier battle cruisers and engaging the High Seas Fleet.
Jellicoe could settle for such a basic deployment was one of the main results of divining that the High Seas Fleet was actually looking for him. He needn’t concern himself with trying to catch Scheer and force him to battle, as Scheer had indeed delivered himself up. This had left Jellicoe better able to deal with Scheer’s initial deployments, as well as savaging his remaining light cruisers and torpedo boats. This had left Scheer for the most part blind in making his final approach, which would leave the German admiral with no choice but to react to however Jellicoe would deploy.
While Jellicoe had to give up his original plan to accept battle to the east of Scheer, He would take the second best option, and simply turn to a west by north course. While this would cancel the eastern placement advantage, it would at least keep Scheer from gaining it either, and keep the advantages of light and wind neutralized, for the most part.
The other advantage that helped in setting up the initial tactical advantage was the Grand Fleet’s speed of advance, which let Cradock and Hood be sure to have the proper location for the start of the actual duel. In the first minutes of the fight, this would allow the first units of the Grand Fleet to simply maintain a steady course while the gun layers and turret crews settled into their work. In comparison, the High Seas Fleet, whose main batteries had a shorter range, would be still closing the range at that time. That would leave them in the position of having not only being forced to make their initial ranging salvoes while under fire, but to be making their final course adjustments at the same time.
While in itself, these disadvantages wouldn’t be initially crippling, any hits registered on the High Seas Fleet during this window of opportunity would play well for the Royal Navy’s efforts as the battle progressed.
That the initial placement of the two fleets had given Jellicoe an initial advantage, and forced Scheer into the unenviable position of advancing to his fleet’s fighting range while under concentrated fire from the Gran Fleet, Scheer was not without options. There have been many that are critical of Scheer’s choice of approach, however a quick review of his options and orders might better explain his decision, and why out of his four basic choices, he decided on the one he did.
The first option was simply to turn away, and in undertaking that, refuse the engagement, or at least refuse to fight until a more advantageous contact might be made. With night approaching, and having enough torpedo boats left to hopefully provide enough smoke screening, He might well have been able to cover a course reversal, and withdraw. While this might have been arguably his best choice, Scheer, based on not only his orders, but also on his own beliefs in the strength of his ships when compared to the Royal Navy’s, would not consider it at that point. His biggest concern in taking this option was that it would give Jellicoe the chance to clear away as well, and that could not be allowed.
The second possible option was to continue his course to the south, in an attempt to break the British line, and destroy the Grand Fleet in detail, rather in the manner of Collingwood at Trafalgar. While the tactical positioning used by Nelson at that famous battle had delivered up the desired result, were one to attempt such a ploy against prepared and ready, modern dreadnought types, capable of accurate directed gun fire at longer ranges, the result would likely have been catastrophic to the head of the High Seas Fleet’s line.
The third choice would be to advance to gun range, then turn back to the east as the German fleet engaged their counterparts. This would effectively nullify the British battleships at the head of British line for long enough to allow for a decided gain against the rest of the British fleet. Then, having marked down the middle to rear of the British line, his forces could deal with the rest at his leisure.
The problem with this option was that the head of the British could, at the very least, simply roll starboard and run up the western flank of the High Seas Fleet. While this would give the High Seas Fleet the advantage of light conditions, which would be considerable for them, and it would be questionable if Jellicoe might take such an option.
Even if he did, with all the advantages of the light and wind conditions that went with it, the prevalent issue after that would be the ability to hold the opposing columns target, as they would be moving in opposite directions, and to expect a good result from shooting in such a tactical disposition, would be questionable at best for Scheer’s command, and for the Grand Fleet in all likelihood, much worse.
More than likely, given such a scenario, Jellicoe would have simply brought his fleet about, after first taking advantage of his superior speed and longer ranged guns, to simply first alter to port together, and increase the range to a point where the High Seas Fleet could not interfere while this delicate manoeuvering was undertaken.
It was felt that any attempt to divide the Grand Fleet, or engage only a portion there of, would be met by Jellicoe simply turning away, then manoeuvering in such a way as to deliver a better position to resume action. Whether by division or together, this would limit Scheer’s chances to bring the Grand fleet to an engagement where the desired result might be delivered.
His fourth choice would be to turn to the west, either before or after closing the range enough that his own ships could return fire. With the daylight remaining, it might be questionable regarding gaining a decided victory. However, if general battle could be joined whereby the bulk of the Grand Fleet could be engaged, then seriously damaged, Jellicoe might be forced to retire and leave his crippled vessels to be finished off by the High Seas Fleet. That both fleets would be moving in parallel, the chance of the escape of damaged RN units would be much less successful than if the battle fleet’s courses were more divergent.
Out of the four possibilities, only the last two would seriously be considered, given the current tactical position and strategic intent of the Admiralstab and the German government. While the third option may have been a possibility, it left too much chance for the Grand Fleet to break off and leave the High Seas Fleet in no proper position to pursue. As a result, Scheer would settle on the last choice, as when all was considered, he felt it was the only realistic way having the best opportunity to gain the positive outcome deemed necessary by his superiors.
The challenge with this option, as with the one previous, was when would the fleet execute its turn. To open the angle of approach would, while clearing the arcs of fire to enable full salvoes when the range closed sufficiently to do so, would mean that not only would the time to engagement range be somewhat longer, it would also show the intended course of action for the High Seas Fleet, and allow Jellicoe’s fleet to better appreciate the High Seas Fleet’s tactical presentation. If the Berman line turned too late, it would mean a somewhat longer time to organize the initial salvoes, while if the line turned too early, the High Seas Fleet would present a much better target for a longer period.
Scheer’s choice was to order a turn to the WSW which provided just enough of an angle to clear the firing arcs of his ship’s stern turrets, while at the same time minimize the time his ships would be exposed to unchallenged fire from the Royal Navy. His timing for this was just as the first ranging salvoes were being fired by the head of the British line, and by turning at that point, Scheer had hoped that it would prolong the British ranging process.
He hoped that when his choice for an ideal combat range was reached it would just be a more moderate adjustment to swing parallel to Jellicoe’s line to continue the engagement, and by that time the ships under his command would have time to be better prepared with their initial ranging.
---0---
“In the early stages of that historic engagement with Admiral Scheer’s High Seas Fleet, I felt that myself and those under my command had done everything possible to allow us the best position of advantage as the battle began. At the Battle of Tsushima, eleven years before, almost to the day, the great Admiral Togo delivered up a stunning victory over his Russian opponents by performing his now famous deployment, referred to as ‘crossing the T’.
From that point forward, the navies of the world would plan to emulate that manoeuver in all planned engagements of their own, as it would deliver up the most advantageous gunnery position possible. In our initial deployments for the main engagement for the Battle of Jutland, through advantages given us by our scouting forces and the skill of our captains, the Grand Fleet was able to deploy similarly.
Yet even as the Grand Fleet was moving to take full advantage of that commanding position, Admiral Scheer would order alterations which decidedly limit the return on our efforts.”
-from “The Admiral’s Bridge -Jellicoe Remembers”
That Scheer was able to manage this successfully, where the Russians had not those many years previously, can be explained as due to many factors. The Russian sailors were exhausted after sailing halfway around the world, while the High Seas Fleet was less than a day out of port. The German communications were arguably some of the best available, and their crews well trained for multiple eventualities, and their morale was good. Of more importance, was the fact that while Togo had been able to execute his plans with no real concern to previous historical reference, every navy of the world had by the time of this battle, been well versed in the implication of getting caught by such a manoeuver, and was loath to add such an event to their annals.
Even with all the variances in skill, morale and technical abilities, probably of greatest importance was that in Admiral Scheer, they had a commander with a level of skill and confidence as good as any afloat. He would assess the situation, and make changes in such a way that the Grand Fleet’s advantage would fade substantially. That Scheer was able to take these steps in the last minutes before battle would be joined, goes a long way to illustrate that, no matter his faults, he was still one of the most competent admiral’s of the period, and would be recorded in naval history as the admiral who ‘refused the T’.
---0----
As the range to the British line ran down to 17,000 yards, Behnke would give the order to adjust the course of the High Seas Fleet to a heading closer to parallel with the Grand Fleet, then he would give the order to commence fire. That he was willing to commence fire at that range was more for a need to answer the unmolested fire that the Royal Navy had enjoyed on his squadron for the last fifteen minutes.
In that period of time, the leading ships of the British column had begun to register hits on his ships, and those hits were showing that the British shells were still exhibiting signs that their designs were faulty. As a result, in several cases of either detonating on striking, or simply shattering without detonation, little in the way of expected damage had been done. The only serious damage reported was the lodging of a dud 15” shell against the turret race of turret Anton on SMS Kronprinz.
That is not to say that damage had not been taken, it had, and if the British fire was to continue as it was, the outlook would not be good. However, being events as they were at that time, Behnke felt that the sooner fire was returned the better, and the best chance for success would be to knock back the Grand Fleet before their steady fire and accumulating hits eventually wore down his squadron.
“ … we would note the slow deliberate fire of these British salvoes were delivering a steady result against our ships, and while initially at first the saving grace was the actual performance of their shells. There could be no denying the accuracy and tight grouping of those 15” shells, and even without a good number of them detonating on contact, or not detonating at all, significant damage was being done. As we were now starting to record result from our gunnery in return, I was beginning to think that we might well be able to address our issues with the Royal Navy in a much more positive manner.”
That the British shells were still showing serious defects and failing to penetrate properly would appear at first to show Behnke, and others under fire, that the quality issues of the British was still as it had been previously in the war. He felt that several reports of an improvement in the shells of the Royal Navy, while maybe bearing some truth, had not been implemented yet, and that the High Seas Fleet still maintained their advantage in that area.
---0---
Behnke’s rather positive take on the quality of the British shells would be short-lived however, for some time earlier, with the reports of the first hits on the German line, the Grand Fleet’s dreadnoughts would, according to their orders, switch to the new improved ‘Green Boy’ shells. While this at first would be seen as some sort of deception, it was actually based in the more mundane world of logistical necessity.
That the new Green Boy’s hadn’t been used initially had simply been due to the limited numbers available at that time. With no more than 75% of the shells carried by the 15” gunned battleships, and around half on those armed with the 13.5” guns, it had been policy since their introduction not to waste them on ranging salvoes, and instead use the older shells until the chance of hits was better.
That such an idea was something new is a good way from fact, as historically speaking, the common practice was to save the armoured piercing shells for the killing blows after the high explosive shells had reduced the target’s more unprotected areas. In fact, several of the older British ships present would do their ranging salvoes with high explosive shells, before switching to armour piercing shells once the range had been decided.
While the orders were given in good time, procedural necessity would not see all the ships switched over until several more salvoes would be fired, however, in due course by the time the German ships had begun to fire, the Royal Navy’s reply would be made up of these much improved green banded shells, and when they did, the results would be noted by the High Seas Fleet almost immediately.
Even as the first Green Boy’s were finally landing on target, the German battleships at the head of the line would soon be re beginning to note the more effective British shells as:
“… in very short order, we began to see that the British shells were having a much more decided effect on our vessels. That there would still be those that would either burst on contact or break up without proper detonation was true, however the incidence of this still happening would be greatly reduced, much to our chagrin. And those shells that did work, did so with a pronounced negative result on our battleships.”
- Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
--0—
While the sight lines and visibility conditions were similar for both sides at that point of the battle, the funnel smoke from Hood’s squadron was carrying slightly to the NE, and beginning to cause some concerns for Cradock’s ships behind them. After a quick consultation, Cradock would order his battle cruisers out to the north by a sufficient margin to clear his squadron’s directors from these fumes. At the same time, He would signal Vice Admiral Sturdee, who was leading the 2nd Battle Squadron into battle behind him, to do the same. As the advisement was passed down the line, the Grand Fleet would eventually form a staggered line by division as they came on.
--0--
By the time that Vice Admiral Cecil Burney’s 1st Battle Squadron had made the turn, and made its final preparations to join the battle, the salvoes were coursing back and forth between the two fleets. Both Hood and Cradock’s ships were gaining good results, as was Sturdee’s 2nd BS, each with several hits on their targets. While at first, due to the long range and the angle of the High Seas Fleet’s approach, ships had doubled up their fire on the lead ships at of the German line. By now however, their fire had been redirected to individual targets, as each German battleship in sequence would be brought under fire by the RN battleship opposite, with the High Seas Fleet responding in kind, for the most part.
--0—
While the German battleship’s gunnery was in fine form, and finally gaining hits on their English opponents, return fire from the British ships were leaving telling blows on their German counterparts. While not completely aware of the damages taken by his squadron so far, every ship under Behnke’s command had taken serious damage at an early stage of the fight.
Almost immediately on battle being joined, Behnke had been concerned with the improvements in the accuracy of the British fire, however with the continued onslaught from the heavy British shells, that concern would deepen.
“What had not long before now would give the appearance of something more threatening, as the British gunnery would continue to smite us on a regular basis with increasingly damaging blows. From the little that was reported from the other ships in the squadron I commanded, their position was very similar to that of my flagship.
That we were damaging our opponents in return was understood, however, in very short order our battleships were beginning to be torn apart before our eyes. while at the same time, it appeared to us that our return fire on the British was having no where near the same impact. Our position, one that we had been led to believe was insurmountable by our foes, had been cast aside, and replaced with something much more challenging and dark.”
- Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
That view was driven home to Behnke when a 15” shell from HMS Queen Elizabeth would strike the upper barbette of turret Dora on his flagship, SMS Konig. The improved shell, would punch through the armour and detonate on striking the far wall of the structure., unleashing a rather unrefined vision of hell throughout the structure. Sympathetic detonations of two nearby 12” shells, along with the ignition of powder being hoisted at the time, would further enhance the carnage. While the effects of the hit were isolated from the magazine and powder store long enough that they were successfully flooded, the destructive force of the blast and fire would find its way to the barbette structure of turret Emile, and the resulting flash would ignite powder charges there.
While there would be no explosion, and only a low level deflagration, it would be enough to disable the turret and kill most of its crew, with only three men struggling free from the structure, as the rest succumbed to fire and fumes. Here again, the magazine protection held true and it would be flooded successfully.
---0---
That the head of the German line was being mauled was a given at that point, as the combined power of both Hood’s and Cradock’s ships was indeed writing down Behnke’s command, with only the new battleship Bayern coming close to gaining similar return on HMS Malaya, and Konig Albert gaining good result on HMS Tiger. However, of the remaining ships in Behnke’s squadron, it was becoming very apparent that the results of combat were very much in favour of the Grand Fleet.
A little over an hour into the battle, Behnke was fast realizing that the position of his battle squadron was fast becoming a questionable position at best, and if their position deteriorated any farther, it might well turn into an unmitigated disaster of epic proportions. In a series of signals to Scheer he would do his best to convey his ever worsening position. Yet for the attempts made by Behnke to convince Scheer that they were indeed fast losing any imagined advantage, Scheer would hold on to the fight, like a terrier dragging a badger from beneath the cairn.
--0—
While Behnke’s position at the front of the line was crumbling fast under the weight of fire from the pounding salvoes of both Hood and Cradock, the portion of the battle that Scheer was able to see was coming together in a somewhat different manner. While his flagship, the powerful SMS Baden, had not escaped damage, their main target HMS Audacious, was in the process of having the last bits of life pounded out of her. The British battleship had been hit at least 22 times, according to the fire control records of Baden. With the last pair coming in over the belt amidships, and striking a well compromised portion of the lower deck, they would both punch through and detonate in the forward boiler rooms. The event would be further complicated by an additional hit just under the bridge which would kill most every man there, and with it end any hopes of saving the ship. With just Y turret still responding intermittently, the shattered dreadnought would stumble out of line as Baden hammered two more full salvoes into its carcass. With her last turret finally silenced, and the ship slowing to a stop as it fell out to port, HMS Audacious was finished. Listing decidedly to starboard, and with her crew finally thinking only to save themselves, Audacious would take one last salvo from Baden, before the German battleship began preparations to redirect her fire on the next target.
“As I watched, with no small satisfaction, that great British dreadnought begin her surrender to the sea, I knew in that moment that the only thing that could defeat us would be our own doubts. We had the better ships, we had the better men. But did our officers have the steel in their hearts to lead them, that would be the question. As I looked once again at the signals from Admiral Behnke, I would begin to wonder if he had the resolve to see the fight through.
I had seen with mine own eyes the resolute overwhelming power of our fleet as Baden’s guns took that hapless British battleship to pieces. We were winning, my flagship sinking the first of surely many more British battleships was the proof of that. I could see that, many of us could, yet even as the guns of Baden were swinging toward their next prey, Behnke was signalling again, saying his ships could stand the weight of fire from the British guns no longer, that he feared that if his squadron was not allowed to break off soon it would be lost.
From: ‘My War’ by Reinhardt Scheer
Scheer’s biggest challenge with the battle at that point, was just trying to discern exactly what was taking place. While from his position at the midpoint of the line, from what he could see, the High Seas Fleet was gaining the advantage. His flagship had just systematically pounded HMS Audacious to sinking condition, while the next British battleship behind Audacious, HMS Ajax, was suffering heavily under the guns of SMS Brandenburg, and would soon be getting the attention of Baden’s remaining guns as well. Ahead of Baden, his old flagship, Fredrich der Grosse, was holding its own against HMS King George V.
While from his location, the view of the battle would leave the observer with the opinion that the High Seas Fleet was gaining the advantage, after over an hour of battle, that was not the case. For while Audacious would be sunk, along with other British battleships that day, Baden’s kill was not the first, as in the line of battle behind Baden, several German battleships were in various stages of coming to the end of their days.
---0---
All the plans had been set forth, the final decisions made, and the orders despatched. The focus of command would transfer to the actual captains and seamen of the fleet, while my position would become one of simply overseeing their good efforts and provide for them what ever they might require. I led them out and brought them to this place, yet even as they would answer my call, it would be their determined effort that would deliver up the final result.
This would be their battle, I would simply be a custodian of sorts, in many ways of much less importance than any of them. The fate of the empire would rest on their shoulders. With any minute the arrival of news of battle being joined, I felt my youth momentarily pulling me away from my lonely post to be with them. Perched in the sighting hood of a battleship’s turret, slamming the breach closed on a cruiser’s main gun, or hunched over the sights of a torpedo tube on a destroyer charging after its prey; there was a quiet draw to be in those honorable places, yet here I was in the iron grip of command.
A fury of fire and shot was about to break forth on these cold dark waters, the like of which the world had not seen before. We are no longer concerned with the scouting and patrol, or the move and parry, here is the foe, and the men of the Grand Fleet are ready; and they will bring him to task.
There can be no doubt that while the guns and armour are our sword and shield, we must never forget that what will deliver us this day is the fire in the soul and the steel in the heart of the men that that follow my command and bring forth these great vessels in defense of the realm. From the highest admiral to the lowest ship’s boy, a hero every one.”
-from “The Admiral’s Bridge -Jellicoe Remembers”
As Jellicoe would take a moment to ponder what was about to manifest, at the head of the Grand Fleet, Vice Admiral Sir Horace Hood was very much involved in the last details before battle. As HMS Queen Elizabeth led the column of great fighting ships on a bearing of west by north at a speed of 18 knots, he looked out across the hazy sea to the south at the long line of battleships, with the lead ship, HMS King George V, already beginning to swing into place behind HMS Tiger, noting to himself that all was in order and everything was as it should be, He walked back across his flagship, to the far bridge wing and stared out across the gray waters to the south east at the High Seas Fleet, which was coming steadily forward, then stopping for a moment:
“… he would drop his head for a moment, before looking up at that historic flag hoist. After a moment more, possibly for reflection, he came on into the bridge.
“Captain Pope, if you may Sir, what is the range to the head of the German line?” he would ask me.
“Twenty thousand yards, Sir” I replied.
“You may commence firing,” Was his reply”
Captain P.W. Hope RN
The great 15” rifles of HMS Queen Elizabeth were already swung out, ranged and loaded. Hope would turn and repeat the command, followed scant seconds later by the gong, and then the great thunderous roar of the first half salvo was sent on its way to seek out the enemy. Almost as soon as Queen Elizabeth fired her first salvo, it was followed by the seven ships immediately behind her.
The main act of what would come to be known as the Battle of Jutland’ was under way.
---0---
On board his flagship, SMS Konig, Rear Admiral Paul Behnke, stood emotionless as he and the ship’s crew waited calmly for the arrival of the first salvo. While the British guns had been noted not only for their ability to fire at long ranges, and their gunners for their proclivity for engaging in such activities, their ability to gain result from such efforts had been, for the most part, unsuccessful. Past actions had shown it would take them a good eight to ten salvoes to get close enough to dampen the tough hulls of his ships with close shots, before even considering taking hits on board.
As a result, it would come as somewhat of a surprise to him when with the introductory whistle to moan of incoming heavy shells would be followed by the thunderous eruptions of pillars of sea water leaping out of the ocean, to the portside of his column. The shell grouping furthest away would be no more than 1500 yards, while the closest ones, off his third ship in line, SMS Markgraf, would both be reported as well under 500 yards off her port bows.
The next salvo would arrive with the tight knit patterns of shells walking closer toward them. Even as the shells of the leading warships fell alongside of them, more British battle ships were swinging into line and adding their weight of fire to those already engaged.
For the High Seas Fleet, this was not the position they wished to find themselves in as the battle commenced. Jellicoe, with his pronounced advantage in scouting and reconnaissance, had obtained that classic initial advantage known as ‘crossing the T’, the main advantage being that the British ships would be able to fire full broadsides, while the High Seas Fleet would only be able to fire the forward guns until such a time as they turned to a similar bearing, if Scheer held his current course.
A further disappointment would be that the bulk of the Grand Fleet was turning into position immediately behind the Hood’s and Cradock’s combined squadrons. Scheer’s staff had deduced from the last reports from the Zeppelin that there might be as much as an eight-mile difference between the two RN forces, and with that in mind they had hoped for even a short period of time whereby the leading British dreadnoughts might be marked down before the rest would come into range to support them. However, the large sweeping circle to starboard by the advanced British squadron when the first long range visual contact had been made, had negated that gap when it had been continued until the leading British battleship was finally headed in a westerly direction. This manoeuver would allow the Grand Fleet to fall into place immediately behind HMS Tiger.
---0---
That Jellicoe had the initial advantage in position, can be put down to several points, starting with the decided benefit the Grand Fleet held in scouting. Thanks to his available aircraft and the skills of Cradock, and how he managed the Battle Cruiser Fleet and properly orchestrated the deployments of his attendant light cruisers and destroyers, the location and disposition of the High Seas Fleet was well understood by the time the final sighting was made. For Jellicoe, it would simply be a matter of forming the battle line behind the 5th Battle Squadron, bolstered by Cradock’s three remaining heavier battle cruisers and engaging the High Seas Fleet.
Jellicoe could settle for such a basic deployment was one of the main results of divining that the High Seas Fleet was actually looking for him. He needn’t concern himself with trying to catch Scheer and force him to battle, as Scheer had indeed delivered himself up. This had left Jellicoe better able to deal with Scheer’s initial deployments, as well as savaging his remaining light cruisers and torpedo boats. This had left Scheer for the most part blind in making his final approach, which would leave the German admiral with no choice but to react to however Jellicoe would deploy.
While Jellicoe had to give up his original plan to accept battle to the east of Scheer, He would take the second best option, and simply turn to a west by north course. While this would cancel the eastern placement advantage, it would at least keep Scheer from gaining it either, and keep the advantages of light and wind neutralized, for the most part.
The other advantage that helped in setting up the initial tactical advantage was the Grand Fleet’s speed of advance, which let Cradock and Hood be sure to have the proper location for the start of the actual duel. In the first minutes of the fight, this would allow the first units of the Grand Fleet to simply maintain a steady course while the gun layers and turret crews settled into their work. In comparison, the High Seas Fleet, whose main batteries had a shorter range, would be still closing the range at that time. That would leave them in the position of having not only being forced to make their initial ranging salvoes while under fire, but to be making their final course adjustments at the same time.
While in itself, these disadvantages wouldn’t be initially crippling, any hits registered on the High Seas Fleet during this window of opportunity would play well for the Royal Navy’s efforts as the battle progressed.
That the initial placement of the two fleets had given Jellicoe an initial advantage, and forced Scheer into the unenviable position of advancing to his fleet’s fighting range while under concentrated fire from the Gran Fleet, Scheer was not without options. There have been many that are critical of Scheer’s choice of approach, however a quick review of his options and orders might better explain his decision, and why out of his four basic choices, he decided on the one he did.
The first option was simply to turn away, and in undertaking that, refuse the engagement, or at least refuse to fight until a more advantageous contact might be made. With night approaching, and having enough torpedo boats left to hopefully provide enough smoke screening, He might well have been able to cover a course reversal, and withdraw. While this might have been arguably his best choice, Scheer, based on not only his orders, but also on his own beliefs in the strength of his ships when compared to the Royal Navy’s, would not consider it at that point. His biggest concern in taking this option was that it would give Jellicoe the chance to clear away as well, and that could not be allowed.
The second possible option was to continue his course to the south, in an attempt to break the British line, and destroy the Grand Fleet in detail, rather in the manner of Collingwood at Trafalgar. While the tactical positioning used by Nelson at that famous battle had delivered up the desired result, were one to attempt such a ploy against prepared and ready, modern dreadnought types, capable of accurate directed gun fire at longer ranges, the result would likely have been catastrophic to the head of the High Seas Fleet’s line.
The third choice would be to advance to gun range, then turn back to the east as the German fleet engaged their counterparts. This would effectively nullify the British battleships at the head of British line for long enough to allow for a decided gain against the rest of the British fleet. Then, having marked down the middle to rear of the British line, his forces could deal with the rest at his leisure.
The problem with this option was that the head of the British could, at the very least, simply roll starboard and run up the western flank of the High Seas Fleet. While this would give the High Seas Fleet the advantage of light conditions, which would be considerable for them, and it would be questionable if Jellicoe might take such an option.
Even if he did, with all the advantages of the light and wind conditions that went with it, the prevalent issue after that would be the ability to hold the opposing columns target, as they would be moving in opposite directions, and to expect a good result from shooting in such a tactical disposition, would be questionable at best for Scheer’s command, and for the Grand Fleet in all likelihood, much worse.
More than likely, given such a scenario, Jellicoe would have simply brought his fleet about, after first taking advantage of his superior speed and longer ranged guns, to simply first alter to port together, and increase the range to a point where the High Seas Fleet could not interfere while this delicate manoeuvering was undertaken.
It was felt that any attempt to divide the Grand Fleet, or engage only a portion there of, would be met by Jellicoe simply turning away, then manoeuvering in such a way as to deliver a better position to resume action. Whether by division or together, this would limit Scheer’s chances to bring the Grand fleet to an engagement where the desired result might be delivered.
His fourth choice would be to turn to the west, either before or after closing the range enough that his own ships could return fire. With the daylight remaining, it might be questionable regarding gaining a decided victory. However, if general battle could be joined whereby the bulk of the Grand Fleet could be engaged, then seriously damaged, Jellicoe might be forced to retire and leave his crippled vessels to be finished off by the High Seas Fleet. That both fleets would be moving in parallel, the chance of the escape of damaged RN units would be much less successful than if the battle fleet’s courses were more divergent.
Out of the four possibilities, only the last two would seriously be considered, given the current tactical position and strategic intent of the Admiralstab and the German government. While the third option may have been a possibility, it left too much chance for the Grand Fleet to break off and leave the High Seas Fleet in no proper position to pursue. As a result, Scheer would settle on the last choice, as when all was considered, he felt it was the only realistic way having the best opportunity to gain the positive outcome deemed necessary by his superiors.
The challenge with this option, as with the one previous, was when would the fleet execute its turn. To open the angle of approach would, while clearing the arcs of fire to enable full salvoes when the range closed sufficiently to do so, would mean that not only would the time to engagement range be somewhat longer, it would also show the intended course of action for the High Seas Fleet, and allow Jellicoe’s fleet to better appreciate the High Seas Fleet’s tactical presentation. If the Berman line turned too late, it would mean a somewhat longer time to organize the initial salvoes, while if the line turned too early, the High Seas Fleet would present a much better target for a longer period.
Scheer’s choice was to order a turn to the WSW which provided just enough of an angle to clear the firing arcs of his ship’s stern turrets, while at the same time minimize the time his ships would be exposed to unchallenged fire from the Royal Navy. His timing for this was just as the first ranging salvoes were being fired by the head of the British line, and by turning at that point, Scheer had hoped that it would prolong the British ranging process.
He hoped that when his choice for an ideal combat range was reached it would just be a more moderate adjustment to swing parallel to Jellicoe’s line to continue the engagement, and by that time the ships under his command would have time to be better prepared with their initial ranging.
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“In the early stages of that historic engagement with Admiral Scheer’s High Seas Fleet, I felt that myself and those under my command had done everything possible to allow us the best position of advantage as the battle began. At the Battle of Tsushima, eleven years before, almost to the day, the great Admiral Togo delivered up a stunning victory over his Russian opponents by performing his now famous deployment, referred to as ‘crossing the T’.
From that point forward, the navies of the world would plan to emulate that manoeuver in all planned engagements of their own, as it would deliver up the most advantageous gunnery position possible. In our initial deployments for the main engagement for the Battle of Jutland, through advantages given us by our scouting forces and the skill of our captains, the Grand Fleet was able to deploy similarly.
Yet even as the Grand Fleet was moving to take full advantage of that commanding position, Admiral Scheer would order alterations which decidedly limit the return on our efforts.”
-from “The Admiral’s Bridge -Jellicoe Remembers”
That Scheer was able to manage this successfully, where the Russians had not those many years previously, can be explained as due to many factors. The Russian sailors were exhausted after sailing halfway around the world, while the High Seas Fleet was less than a day out of port. The German communications were arguably some of the best available, and their crews well trained for multiple eventualities, and their morale was good. Of more importance, was the fact that while Togo had been able to execute his plans with no real concern to previous historical reference, every navy of the world had by the time of this battle, been well versed in the implication of getting caught by such a manoeuver, and was loath to add such an event to their annals.
Even with all the variances in skill, morale and technical abilities, probably of greatest importance was that in Admiral Scheer, they had a commander with a level of skill and confidence as good as any afloat. He would assess the situation, and make changes in such a way that the Grand Fleet’s advantage would fade substantially. That Scheer was able to take these steps in the last minutes before battle would be joined, goes a long way to illustrate that, no matter his faults, he was still one of the most competent admiral’s of the period, and would be recorded in naval history as the admiral who ‘refused the T’.
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As the range to the British line ran down to 17,000 yards, Behnke would give the order to adjust the course of the High Seas Fleet to a heading closer to parallel with the Grand Fleet, then he would give the order to commence fire. That he was willing to commence fire at that range was more for a need to answer the unmolested fire that the Royal Navy had enjoyed on his squadron for the last fifteen minutes.
In that period of time, the leading ships of the British column had begun to register hits on his ships, and those hits were showing that the British shells were still exhibiting signs that their designs were faulty. As a result, in several cases of either detonating on striking, or simply shattering without detonation, little in the way of expected damage had been done. The only serious damage reported was the lodging of a dud 15” shell against the turret race of turret Anton on SMS Kronprinz.
That is not to say that damage had not been taken, it had, and if the British fire was to continue as it was, the outlook would not be good. However, being events as they were at that time, Behnke felt that the sooner fire was returned the better, and the best chance for success would be to knock back the Grand Fleet before their steady fire and accumulating hits eventually wore down his squadron.
“ … we would note the slow deliberate fire of these British salvoes were delivering a steady result against our ships, and while initially at first the saving grace was the actual performance of their shells. There could be no denying the accuracy and tight grouping of those 15” shells, and even without a good number of them detonating on contact, or not detonating at all, significant damage was being done. As we were now starting to record result from our gunnery in return, I was beginning to think that we might well be able to address our issues with the Royal Navy in a much more positive manner.”
That the British shells were still showing serious defects and failing to penetrate properly would appear at first to show Behnke, and others under fire, that the quality issues of the British was still as it had been previously in the war. He felt that several reports of an improvement in the shells of the Royal Navy, while maybe bearing some truth, had not been implemented yet, and that the High Seas Fleet still maintained their advantage in that area.
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Behnke’s rather positive take on the quality of the British shells would be short-lived however, for some time earlier, with the reports of the first hits on the German line, the Grand Fleet’s dreadnoughts would, according to their orders, switch to the new improved ‘Green Boy’ shells. While this at first would be seen as some sort of deception, it was actually based in the more mundane world of logistical necessity.
That the new Green Boy’s hadn’t been used initially had simply been due to the limited numbers available at that time. With no more than 75% of the shells carried by the 15” gunned battleships, and around half on those armed with the 13.5” guns, it had been policy since their introduction not to waste them on ranging salvoes, and instead use the older shells until the chance of hits was better.
That such an idea was something new is a good way from fact, as historically speaking, the common practice was to save the armoured piercing shells for the killing blows after the high explosive shells had reduced the target’s more unprotected areas. In fact, several of the older British ships present would do their ranging salvoes with high explosive shells, before switching to armour piercing shells once the range had been decided.
While the orders were given in good time, procedural necessity would not see all the ships switched over until several more salvoes would be fired, however, in due course by the time the German ships had begun to fire, the Royal Navy’s reply would be made up of these much improved green banded shells, and when they did, the results would be noted by the High Seas Fleet almost immediately.
Even as the first Green Boy’s were finally landing on target, the German battleships at the head of the line would soon be re beginning to note the more effective British shells as:
“… in very short order, we began to see that the British shells were having a much more decided effect on our vessels. That there would still be those that would either burst on contact or break up without proper detonation was true, however the incidence of this still happening would be greatly reduced, much to our chagrin. And those shells that did work, did so with a pronounced negative result on our battleships.”
- Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
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While the sight lines and visibility conditions were similar for both sides at that point of the battle, the funnel smoke from Hood’s squadron was carrying slightly to the NE, and beginning to cause some concerns for Cradock’s ships behind them. After a quick consultation, Cradock would order his battle cruisers out to the north by a sufficient margin to clear his squadron’s directors from these fumes. At the same time, He would signal Vice Admiral Sturdee, who was leading the 2nd Battle Squadron into battle behind him, to do the same. As the advisement was passed down the line, the Grand Fleet would eventually form a staggered line by division as they came on.
--0--
By the time that Vice Admiral Cecil Burney’s 1st Battle Squadron had made the turn, and made its final preparations to join the battle, the salvoes were coursing back and forth between the two fleets. Both Hood and Cradock’s ships were gaining good results, as was Sturdee’s 2nd BS, each with several hits on their targets. While at first, due to the long range and the angle of the High Seas Fleet’s approach, ships had doubled up their fire on the lead ships at of the German line. By now however, their fire had been redirected to individual targets, as each German battleship in sequence would be brought under fire by the RN battleship opposite, with the High Seas Fleet responding in kind, for the most part.
--0—
While the German battleship’s gunnery was in fine form, and finally gaining hits on their English opponents, return fire from the British ships were leaving telling blows on their German counterparts. While not completely aware of the damages taken by his squadron so far, every ship under Behnke’s command had taken serious damage at an early stage of the fight.
Almost immediately on battle being joined, Behnke had been concerned with the improvements in the accuracy of the British fire, however with the continued onslaught from the heavy British shells, that concern would deepen.
“What had not long before now would give the appearance of something more threatening, as the British gunnery would continue to smite us on a regular basis with increasingly damaging blows. From the little that was reported from the other ships in the squadron I commanded, their position was very similar to that of my flagship.
That we were damaging our opponents in return was understood, however, in very short order our battleships were beginning to be torn apart before our eyes. while at the same time, it appeared to us that our return fire on the British was having no where near the same impact. Our position, one that we had been led to believe was insurmountable by our foes, had been cast aside, and replaced with something much more challenging and dark.”
- Rear Admiral Paul Behnke
That view was driven home to Behnke when a 15” shell from HMS Queen Elizabeth would strike the upper barbette of turret Dora on his flagship, SMS Konig. The improved shell, would punch through the armour and detonate on striking the far wall of the structure., unleashing a rather unrefined vision of hell throughout the structure. Sympathetic detonations of two nearby 12” shells, along with the ignition of powder being hoisted at the time, would further enhance the carnage. While the effects of the hit were isolated from the magazine and powder store long enough that they were successfully flooded, the destructive force of the blast and fire would find its way to the barbette structure of turret Emile, and the resulting flash would ignite powder charges there.
While there would be no explosion, and only a low level deflagration, it would be enough to disable the turret and kill most of its crew, with only three men struggling free from the structure, as the rest succumbed to fire and fumes. Here again, the magazine protection held true and it would be flooded successfully.
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That the head of the German line was being mauled was a given at that point, as the combined power of both Hood’s and Cradock’s ships was indeed writing down Behnke’s command, with only the new battleship Bayern coming close to gaining similar return on HMS Malaya, and Konig Albert gaining good result on HMS Tiger. However, of the remaining ships in Behnke’s squadron, it was becoming very apparent that the results of combat were very much in favour of the Grand Fleet.
A little over an hour into the battle, Behnke was fast realizing that the position of his battle squadron was fast becoming a questionable position at best, and if their position deteriorated any farther, it might well turn into an unmitigated disaster of epic proportions. In a series of signals to Scheer he would do his best to convey his ever worsening position. Yet for the attempts made by Behnke to convince Scheer that they were indeed fast losing any imagined advantage, Scheer would hold on to the fight, like a terrier dragging a badger from beneath the cairn.
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While Behnke’s position at the front of the line was crumbling fast under the weight of fire from the pounding salvoes of both Hood and Cradock, the portion of the battle that Scheer was able to see was coming together in a somewhat different manner. While his flagship, the powerful SMS Baden, had not escaped damage, their main target HMS Audacious, was in the process of having the last bits of life pounded out of her. The British battleship had been hit at least 22 times, according to the fire control records of Baden. With the last pair coming in over the belt amidships, and striking a well compromised portion of the lower deck, they would both punch through and detonate in the forward boiler rooms. The event would be further complicated by an additional hit just under the bridge which would kill most every man there, and with it end any hopes of saving the ship. With just Y turret still responding intermittently, the shattered dreadnought would stumble out of line as Baden hammered two more full salvoes into its carcass. With her last turret finally silenced, and the ship slowing to a stop as it fell out to port, HMS Audacious was finished. Listing decidedly to starboard, and with her crew finally thinking only to save themselves, Audacious would take one last salvo from Baden, before the German battleship began preparations to redirect her fire on the next target.
“As I watched, with no small satisfaction, that great British dreadnought begin her surrender to the sea, I knew in that moment that the only thing that could defeat us would be our own doubts. We had the better ships, we had the better men. But did our officers have the steel in their hearts to lead them, that would be the question. As I looked once again at the signals from Admiral Behnke, I would begin to wonder if he had the resolve to see the fight through.
I had seen with mine own eyes the resolute overwhelming power of our fleet as Baden’s guns took that hapless British battleship to pieces. We were winning, my flagship sinking the first of surely many more British battleships was the proof of that. I could see that, many of us could, yet even as the guns of Baden were swinging toward their next prey, Behnke was signalling again, saying his ships could stand the weight of fire from the British guns no longer, that he feared that if his squadron was not allowed to break off soon it would be lost.
From: ‘My War’ by Reinhardt Scheer
Scheer’s biggest challenge with the battle at that point, was just trying to discern exactly what was taking place. While from his position at the midpoint of the line, from what he could see, the High Seas Fleet was gaining the advantage. His flagship had just systematically pounded HMS Audacious to sinking condition, while the next British battleship behind Audacious, HMS Ajax, was suffering heavily under the guns of SMS Brandenburg, and would soon be getting the attention of Baden’s remaining guns as well. Ahead of Baden, his old flagship, Fredrich der Grosse, was holding its own against HMS King George V.
While from his location, the view of the battle would leave the observer with the opinion that the High Seas Fleet was gaining the advantage, after over an hour of battle, that was not the case. For while Audacious would be sunk, along with other British battleships that day, Baden’s kill was not the first, as in the line of battle behind Baden, several German battleships were in various stages of coming to the end of their days.
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Fantastic story telling, skillfully written where in mid paragraph to think you have sussed out the end results of the battle and then you twist it around - oooooh you tease !
That there would be different perspectives of the battle from both sides at that point in the battle, would be made clear when the observer properly understands the way both fleets had deployed. The German squadrons were more homogenous than their English counterparts, and with their newer and stronger vessels leading, and their older vessels following, their advantage in strength should have been at the head of their line.
With the nine battleships of the 3rd Battle Squadron leading, this should have delivered a much better result than it did, however, with Hood’s 5th BS, backed by Cradock’s remaining three battle cruisers, would for the most part equalize, and even overpower their strength. Even the last of Behnkes’s command, SMS Fredrich der Grosse, would have a hard struggle to shrug off the attentions of HMS King George V, which was leading the Grand Fleet’s 2nd Battle Squadron, immediately behind Cradock’s battle cruisers.
Behnke’s squadron, with the four Konig class leading, the new Bayern in the middle, and four Kaiser class behind that, would begin to find itself being overpowered within the first hour of the battle however, as the seven leading British warships, all armed with their superlative 15” rifles, beat down their counterparts. Both HMS Tiger and HMS King George V would deliver good result as well with their older 13.5” guns as well, and while these last two ships would receive severe damage, their counterparts would not go unscathed.
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Of particular interest in this part of the battle was the engagement between SMS Bayern and HMS Malaya. Both of these ships, with their main armament of their nation’s version of the 15” naval gun, would give an excellent account of themselves, and through their action that day, set off one of longest running debates in naval ordinance study originating out of the Great War.
While the bulk of the argument for preference would be based on the fact that HMS Malaya would be lost to that catastrophic detonation of her starboard secondary magazines, the fact was that up until that point, her own gunnery had all but silenced Bayern’s return fire, and it was with one of her last few ragged volleys from turret Anton, that struck the decisive blow.
However, previous to that event, Malaya’s main battery had pounded Bayern to near complete ruin, and other than that fateful hit, had delivered much more severe damage to the German battleship than they had received. In the simplest of terms, it could be proved by the fact that while in her victory over Malaya, Bayern had only turret Anton still in operation, while Malaya was still firing with both her fore turrets regularly, and her rearmost Y turret in a less steady manner.
Observers had reported a large explosion amidships on the starboard side immediately after the hit, and almost immediately, the great ship had begun to fall out to starboard as she began to list to that side as well, not stopping until she had rolled over on her beam ends. Even as those crew men who could were seen scrambling off the decks and onto the side of the upturned hull, a tremendous detonation blew her bows to pieces, the main result being that all but a mere handful of her crew would be lost.
The loss of Malaya would be explained in the damages received by HMS Warspite that day, when a similar hit in her starboard secondary’s came near to the same result, when the blast and fire found its way into the ammunition trunks for the movement of ammunition and powder from the spaces below to the guns. While this same issue had been discovered many months before in action with the German battlecruisers when HMS Warspite might well have been lost from a similar hit, and remedial action had been taken, it had become obvious that the remedy had not been enough.
While a horrific loss of life, as the bulk of her crew were lost in the sinking of HMS Malaya, it was the most visible evidence that day that while much effort had been expended into making good shortfalls in the technologies of the Royal Navy, there was still a long way to go in overcoming all of their deficiencies.
While beyond the scope of the battle at this point, it is sufficing to say that in their loss, the brave crewmen would provide for the fellows in the future by the result of the inquiry into her loss, and the breaking of the ‘Powder Scandal’ and other revelations of industrial privilege in The British Empire in the years after the war.
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However, even with HMS Malaya meeting her sudden and untimely end, Behnke’s 3rd Battle Squadron was a mere shadow of what it had been a short time before. Behnke’s flagship, SMS Konig, was in a terrible state with only her forward turrets returning fire on HMS Queen Elizabeth intermittently. While still doing his best to maintain control, Behnke had bee reduced to flag hoists and light signals, as the ship’s wireless communications had been destroyed as well. Hits both fore and aft, along with strikes near the water line amidships were causing serious flooding. The ship was down by the bows and listing noticeably to port. While still maintaining the sixteen knot speed of the battle line, with the damages and flooding taken so far, Konig would not likely be able to do much better.
Behind Konig, SMS Grosser Kurfurst was in even worse shape, as the superb gunnery of HMS Warspite had finally silenced her. Two of Warspite’s shells had defeated her main belt and detonated deep in her bowels, causing great destruction in her engineering spaces. With her speed falling off and with no means to continue the fight, Grosser Kurfurst would fall out to starboard as her crew would concentrate on efforts to save their ship.
The next ship in line, Markgraf, was blundering on, effectively out of control after a series of salvoes from HMS Valiant had thoroughly ripped into the fore end of the ship, destroying both turrets Anton and Bruno, and shattering the bridge and conning tower with horrendous effect. The rearmost turrets were returning fire, but under local control, and their sights fouled by the smoke and soot from the fires forward, they were having little to no effect on her assailant.
The fourth ship, SMS Kronprinz, had fallen out as well, after the undivided attention of HMS Barham. With her forward superstructure shattered, intakes destroyed and flooding from hits forward, along with damages sustained to her main and secondary batteries, she was no longer effective. While Kronprinz would continue to fire when able, she was out of the fight for the most part. Baden’s action with Malaya came next, then t was on to the following division.
The four following Kaiser class ships had all taken damages in various degrees, from the hellish battering of both Kaiser and Kaiserin under the outstanding gunnery of HMS Renown and HMS Repulse, to the better handled damages taken on the remaining pair.
Out of all the ships in Behnke’s 3rd Battle Squadron, save for the sudden destruction of HMS Malaya, SMS Konig Albert would gain the best results, striking HMS Tiger over twenty times, and in the process silencing the British ship and forcing her to draw off, severely damaged. Tiger’s return fire had been very good initially, not letting the German battleship off easily, however, out of all of the ships under Behnke’s command, Konig Albert would take the least damage by that point in the battle.
The last ship in the High Seas Fleet’s 3rd BS, SMS Fredrich der Grosse, was tied into an all consuming death match of sorts with HMS King George V. Out of all the individual engagements in the battle, these warriors were both giving as good as they got, with neither side gaining on the other. Both were in serious condition, and while King George V was probably worse off at this point, with steady flooding and out of control fires, Fredrich der Grosse was fast approaching silence from the heavier British shells. Like two exhausted prize fighters, they would hang on for the time being, looking for that final knock out blow that continued to elude both of them.
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The ships under Hood and Cradock had taken damage as well, with the loss of HMS Malaya standing out as the worst on both sides in that portion of the battle. Warspite and Valiant both had main turrets silenced, with Warspite having her starboard battery burnt out as well. There were sufficient other damages to all the fast battleships present that the whole of the remainder of the 5th Battle Squadron would need long weeks in dockyard hands to make good their battle scars.
However, while Malaya was lost to the heavier shells of Bayern, the 12” guns on the rest did not have the same result. Behind the 5th BS, Renown and Repulse were shrugging off most of the hits as well with no serious penetrations of note received.
That left HMS Tiger and HMS King George V, both of which were suffering tremendously by that point. That Tiger even stood in the battle line has been questioned by many, however out of the older British battle cruisers she was the best protected, with her armour being better than the older first generation British battleships, and at least the equal of HMS Canada and her sister, HMS Eagle.
Being that as it may, Tiger would be forced off in a very serious state after taking no less than two dozen hits from Konig Albert, and her eventual passage to safe harbours would become one of the great naval epics of the era.
HMS King George V, flagship of Rear Admiral Arthur Leveson’s 1st Division of the Royal Navy’s 2nd Battle Squadron, had been roughly handled by Fredrich der Grosse. Levesen’s division would suffer the heaviest damages of any in the Grand Fleet that day, and his flagship would be no exception.
“Barely a half hour into the fight and we had suffered such damages under the excellent gunnery of our opponent, that our ability to see the fight through to a successful conclusion would be somewhat in doubt, if not for the fact that our gunners were returning the desperate labours of our foe with equal fury.
With reports that Audacious was driven from the line, I feared we would be the next to receive the attentions of Baden, but to our good fortune, the German flagship would adjust her fire to engage our division mate HMS Ajax with what would be deadly result for that good ship and crew.
Even without having to concern ourselves with that behemoth’s attentions, we would continue to take the blows laid upon us by our opponent, until a heavy shell struck A turret. The shell’s explosion inside the turret set off further secondary blasts, which splayed open the structure and cast loose one of its big guns. As a storm of shards and splinters cut down all before it, a pillar of flame and smoke burst upward from the remains of the turret as charges were ignited deep in the bowels of barbette’s structure.
As I was knocked to the deck by the explosion and fire, I felt I had breathed my last as I waited for the eruption of the magazines that must surely follow. It had seemed like an eternity, but in reality it was just seconds. As I began to regain my senses and my feet, I happened to see Admiral Levesen laying on the deck. He was split from stem to sternum by a shard, his bloody entrails wreathed about him like a demented bouquet.
He looked at me and without emotion instructed me to see to my ship, then mercifully went to his reward.”
- Captain Fredrick L. Field
Captain Field would see to his ship, and continue on in spite of his own serious wounds. While his ship would take a severe pounding, that pounding would be delivered in kind on Fredrich der Grosse. King George V would eventually make it clear of the fight, however her great damages would claim her before reaching England’s shores. The consolation for her loss that her opponent, SMS Fredrich der Grosse, would in turn meet a similar fate, thanks in large part to Captain Field’s ship and crew.
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The next behind King George V had been HMS Audacious, which had been marked down by Baden, as previously related. Behind Audacious was HMS Ajax, which was locked in battle with SMS Brandenburg, flagship of the High Seas Fleet’s 1st Battle Squadron. ’The bastard Brandenburg’, as so inelegantly described by Behnke, had originally been ordered by Greece, while not quite built to the same standard as the rest of the German ships of her vintage, was more than able to hold her place in the line of battle of the High Seas Fleet. The ship was originally to carry a main battery of 14” guns of an American model, however with the war starting before they were delivered, she had been altered to accept mountings of an Austrian designed turret assembly, including the 13.4” guns.
While these non standard mountings were not without their faults, and several issues with them were reported during the battle, the ship would still lay a good fire on HMS Ajax, landing several devastating hits, and by their efforts made a solid impact on that ship’s eventual demise.
Brandenburg would suffer in turn, being damaged sufficiently that if Baden had not been able to join in after Audacious was driven back, she might well have been bettered by the excellent gunnery of Ajax. However, with Baden adding her fire to the fight, the contest was decided, and under the concentrated fire of the two German battleships, Ajax’s fate would be brought to task.
Behind Ajax however, the situation for the High Seas Fleet would be markedly poorer. With the balance of the division led by Brandenburg made up of the trio of surviving Helgoland class battleships, for the most there could be no expected advantage over the Royal Navy ships that they faced, as their age and older design would have a very negative effect on their fate.
A case in point would be the exchange between the German battleship Oldenburg and HMS Benbow, flagship of Vice Admiral Sir Doveton Sturdee’s 2nd Battle Squadron. This pairing would very much set the pace for the engagement for the balance of the fight for the High Seas Fleet’s 1st BS, for while Oldenburg would deliver good result with her fire on Sturdee’s flagship, and gain several damaging hits, Benbow’s 13.5” guns would wreak havoc on Oldenburg, until just after Ajax came under fire from Baden:
“… a hit was observed on Oldenburg, just beneath her portside forward wing turret. An explosion was noted almost immediately and a small amount of smoke and flame exhausted from the turret. A moment later, a bright flash burst forth from the ship, followed by the sight of large pieces of her flying skyward. As the back of the stricken ship disappeared in the smoke from the blast, we could still observe her bows, by then quickly rolling to port. The ship disappeared from view in under two minutes. I ordered Our ship to retarget on the next ship ahead, and our battle continued.”
- Vice Admiral Sir Doveton Sturdee
Behind Oldenburg, her sisters Ostfreisland and Helgoland, would be battered to pieces under the guns of HMS Marlborough and HMS Conqueror. Here again while landing hits on the British ships, the damage they inflicted was nowhere near comparable to what the heavy British shells would wreak on them in return. As the battle wore on they were steadily marked down, with first Helgoland, followed soon after by Ostfreisland being reduced to a marked inefficient status.
Next would come SMS Prinz Regent Luitpold, which was the flagship of the 1st Battle Squadron’s 2nd Division, and flagship of Rear Admiral Walter Engelhardt. His counterpart would be Jellicoe’s flagship HMS Iron Duke, and in the early stages of the engagement, both ships would land telling blows.
As the engagement would continue, Iron Duke’s heavier shells would begin to wear down the German battleship’s defences, and as a result after an hour of exchanging salvoes, Iron Duke was gaining the advantage at about the time HMS Canada would begin to add her weight of fire to her after her target, SMS Nassau had been reduced and silenced.
HMS Canada’s duel with the much older Nassau had been very one sided, as the German battleship’s 11” guns and dated fire control would have little effect on her British opponent. Aft of this pair, a near mirror image engagement had delivered up a very similar result as HMS Eagle pummeled Nassau’s sister, SMS Rhineland to a stop.
The last ship in the High Seas Fleet’s 1st Battle Squadron, SMS Westfalen, had initially done better against the older HMS Colossus. While the heavier British guns had their allotments of the new ‘Green Boys’, those British ships armed with the 12” guns, had to make due with their original shells, and their gunnery results were markedly lessened as a result. As well as being, along with her lost sister HMS Hercules, the last British battleships built with the 12” gun, the model of which was mounted was one of the worst naval pieces ever put to sea by the Royal Navy.
In spite of these deficiencies, her commander, Captain Dudley Pound had brought both ship and crew up to a high standard. This had been proven in their actions against the Austrian fleet in the Adriatic, during the early days of the war, and in every aspect of their service since that time.
In the engagement with Westfalen, despite his best efforts, Pound’s ship would be roughly handled by the German ship. While the number of hits obtained by Colossus was one of the highest percentages in the fleet that day, the failure rate was high as well, and as a result, Westfalen was nowhere near as badly damaged as she might have been. Even as Colossus had managed to silence the aft portside wing turret on Westfalen, an 11” shell from that ship would strike the bridge of Colossus, striking down most everyone there, including Captain Pound.
While further damage would accumulate as the Westfalen’s excellent gunnery continued to gain hits, Colossus would survive her ordeal. HMS Eagle would come to her assistance after driving Rhineland from the fight, and the heavily damaged Colossus, would help see off her antagonist.
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