Well, that's kinda why I was asking. I have a very, very poor mental picture of who controls what. I like to think I'd make the map myself, except, well I have a very, very mental picture/idea of who controls what, which is typically kinda important when making a map.
The eagle's left head
- Thread starter Lascaris
- Start date
By now Euboea has fallen back to the Venetians I think. Katakouzenos takes Argos and Nauplion and Ioannes takes Tinos and Naxos with the rest of the Cyclades coming soon or being split with the Empire who knows? Chios and Lemnos are under Ioannes as well, not Alexandros I think. And then the obvious changes are Achaea and Athens who change management to put it simple.
Something I've seen in speculation for this timeline I feel needs to be addressed is how people seem to think that the rise of the ottomans in Europe is inevitable, when in fact, they could either get wreaked by another Turkish group or simply fail to cross into Europe due to something like Andronikos III not dying relatively young. The point is, the many civil wars in the next 50 ish years are far from inevitable.
The easiest civil war that might happen next is the Vatatzes coming back to Constantinople to take the Imperial throne
Definitely, especially as soon a Andronikos does one of his signature stupids
Part 31
Venice, December 25th, 1309
It was Christmas. The churches were nevertheless closed as Venice was under papal interdiction after coming to blows with the papacy over control of Ferrara the previous year. The interdiction and the conflict with the papacy was affecting Venetian policy elsewhere. Calls to intervene in support of the Duchy of the Archipelago earlier in the year had been refused as it had been considered too risky to go to war with Vatatzes when it could be an alliance between Vatatzes of the Hospitalers and Genoa throwing its lot with them. The Serenissima would have to wait for more opportunate times. But Venice had a long memory...
Patras, April 1310
The soldiers of Alexios Philanthropenos begun loading to the transports that would bring them back to Messene. In four years he had led his army in the Morea from victory to victory, eliminating Frankish power. Now it was time to return to his new home. Ioannis and Theodore would remain behind for a while more organizing the newly liberated lands, before Ioannis returned too. Theodore would not, on the other hand as he would be made ketepano of Hellas governing in the name of his father.
Athens, July 15th, 1310
One hundred Almogavars sneaked into the Acropolis. after managing to bribe some of the starving guards. Walter after having held out for over a year would not survive the night. The Duchy of Athens, minus De La Roche's holdings and Aegina was now securely in Catalan hands. An Bernat, once a common soldier was now Bernat I duke of Athens. An ambitious man he begun organizing the army of his newly found duchy. Thessaly to the north beckoned. As did Epirus. Then... then he could revisit his deals with house Vatatzes. Or march north to Thessaloniki. He'd decide when the time came...
Rhodes, August 15th, 1310
The city of Rhodes finally surrendered to the Hospitalers. Fulque De Villaret, the knights grand master had amassed 35 galleys, 300 knights and over 3,000 infantry for the final successful push. Rhodes secured the Knights would turn their attentions in their surrounding region without much bothering about diplomatic niceties. After all god willed it.
Milan, January 6th, 1311
Henry VII was crowned king of Italy. But after being initially positively received by both the Guelph and the Ghibelline parties. But his initial popularity was quickly dissipating, at least with the Guelphs. Soon Henry would find himself embroiled in the siege of Cremona till April. Four more months would be wasted besieging Brescia. By the time the siege of Brescia was over and Henry had managed to reach Genoa it would be already September and Florence had allied herself with Lucca, Siena and Bologna to resist him.
Messina, April 1311
Work continued unabated rebuilding the fortifications of the city. Old fort Mategriffon, was being strengthened yet more. Now of course it was known as Neokastron, the new fortress, Alexandros grandfather Frederick II, had called the fortress Castrum Novum and Alexandros and the Messinese had brought the name back to use, somehow calling it "Greek killer" was not popular with either. A new fortress named Hagia Anna was getting completed to protect the port with another fort being built to strengthen the landward fortifications. Work, already underway for the past two years should be complete by Christmas.
Syracuse, Grand Harbor, July 1311
Another ten galleys were completed and put to the shipping pens. Neither Syracuse's nor Messina's shipyards could match in efficiency these of Venice and Genoa or for the matter Constantinople. Yet at least. Alexandros had ambitions and after nearly a decade of peace the part of Sicily under his control was fast growing. In the meantime the existing yards more than sufficed for the work needed from them.
Corinth, September 1311
Theodore Doukas Lascaris, freshly minted katepano of Hellas was getting agitated. The Hospitalers after capturing Rhodes were becoming a nuisance. They had seized Karpathos for the Venetians, seized Genoese merchantmen for trading with Mameluke Egypt which Clement V had forbidden and raided the despotate's holdings of Kos and Leros. Genoa had complained and been ignored as had Venice. His own envoys to Rhodes did not have any more luck. The Genoese had apparently already bribed the emir of Menteshe to attack Rhodes. His own fleet had clashed with the knights galleys but his father's orders from Syracuse were he should avoid all out war with the knights, Alexandros was apparently becoming wary of the situation back home and wanted to avoid a direct confrontation.
Vienne, March 22nd, 1312
Clement V succumbed to pressure from French king Philip IV and disbanded the Templar knights. It would prove good news for the Hospitalers who would be granted the Templars holdings and financial assets by the pope. A few days later the church council held at Vienne, would declare a crusade, order the collection of tithes across Europe... but then fail to decide where the crusade for which tithes were being collected should take place.
Lateran, June 29th, 1312
Henry VII was proclaimed Holy Roman emperor, in the palace of Lateran. German troops had forced their way into Rome earlier in May but had failed to take over the entire city, Angevin troops held the area around St Peter's basilica making impossible its use for the coronation. All attempts for compromise with Robert I had so far ended in failure, Robert had even demanded that Henry leave within four days. This would not do. It would be all out war from now on.
Palermo, July, 1312
"Hence it is the duty of every Christian king to come to the aid of the Holy Roman emperor. By fulfilling our Christian duty, we gain honor, Henry is proclaiming my majesty admiral of the Holy Roman Empire and we destroy once and for all the Angevin threat to Sicily. I'm asking for this parliament to agree to the alliance offered us and for the kingdom of Sicily to support the imperial cause with all the forces we can amass."
Applaud met Frederick's speech from most of the parliament. Most but not all.
"You are calling for the resumption of war with Naples. What are we going to gain from such war? We have been doing well for the past decade. The country is prospering. The peace aside from that scuffle over the Tunisian tribute is holding. What is this country going to gain from restarting the war?"
Frederick looked at his uncle with some disdain. He never liked people opposing him or telling him he was wrong. "Honor demands we follow the emperor. Even a Greek can understand this? "
Alexandros remained unperturbed "Henry is neither holy, nor Roman nor an emperor. I would have a better claim to the German crown than he does, had I wanted to claim it. I am Frederick's grandson. What is HIS claim to the crown? That a bunch of German princes selected by the pope proclaimed him one? I asked again. What is this country going to gain from starting a war against your brother in law?"
"God and honor will it. And the Angevins peace or no peace are a threat. One that we can now deal with once and for all."
"The pope is already telling Henry not to attack Robert. Given his French connections we can take for granted he will back the Angevins. As will the king of France. So victory is hardly as assured as you think."
"Me and Sicilian arms will assure it. Then Sicily will be free from the Angevin threat and be able to take her place in the lead of the Christian world for the fight in the end of times."
Alexandros suppressed the need to curse Arnaud de Villanova for the millennial garbage he had put to Frederick's and much of the realm's minds and pressed on. 'What will be the outcome of this war? If we lose it we are ruined. If we win it Henry will control all of Germany and Italy and will want to rule us as well. We will be exchanging a threat in Naples with an even greater threat."
"The emperor will be turning on his own loyal allies? Only a Greek would think such treason possible and use it as an excuse to shirk from his duty."
"Apparently my father was right in this as well then. In our race of the Greeks wisdom rules. Your majesty should be happy so many of the inhabitants of this island are Greek. But I understand our presence here is neither needed nor wanted. Ten years ago you had no trouble to have your peace with the House of Anjou without us. You can now have your war without us as well."
Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes left the chamber followed by the representatives of the communes of eastern Sicily. The remainder of the parliament overwhelmingly vote for allying with Henry and fighting by his side.
It was Christmas. The churches were nevertheless closed as Venice was under papal interdiction after coming to blows with the papacy over control of Ferrara the previous year. The interdiction and the conflict with the papacy was affecting Venetian policy elsewhere. Calls to intervene in support of the Duchy of the Archipelago earlier in the year had been refused as it had been considered too risky to go to war with Vatatzes when it could be an alliance between Vatatzes of the Hospitalers and Genoa throwing its lot with them. The Serenissima would have to wait for more opportunate times. But Venice had a long memory...
Patras, April 1310
The soldiers of Alexios Philanthropenos begun loading to the transports that would bring them back to Messene. In four years he had led his army in the Morea from victory to victory, eliminating Frankish power. Now it was time to return to his new home. Ioannis and Theodore would remain behind for a while more organizing the newly liberated lands, before Ioannis returned too. Theodore would not, on the other hand as he would be made ketepano of Hellas governing in the name of his father.
Athens, July 15th, 1310
One hundred Almogavars sneaked into the Acropolis. after managing to bribe some of the starving guards. Walter after having held out for over a year would not survive the night. The Duchy of Athens, minus De La Roche's holdings and Aegina was now securely in Catalan hands. An Bernat, once a common soldier was now Bernat I duke of Athens. An ambitious man he begun organizing the army of his newly found duchy. Thessaly to the north beckoned. As did Epirus. Then... then he could revisit his deals with house Vatatzes. Or march north to Thessaloniki. He'd decide when the time came...
Rhodes, August 15th, 1310
The city of Rhodes finally surrendered to the Hospitalers. Fulque De Villaret, the knights grand master had amassed 35 galleys, 300 knights and over 3,000 infantry for the final successful push. Rhodes secured the Knights would turn their attentions in their surrounding region without much bothering about diplomatic niceties. After all god willed it.
Milan, January 6th, 1311
Henry VII was crowned king of Italy. But after being initially positively received by both the Guelph and the Ghibelline parties. But his initial popularity was quickly dissipating, at least with the Guelphs. Soon Henry would find himself embroiled in the siege of Cremona till April. Four more months would be wasted besieging Brescia. By the time the siege of Brescia was over and Henry had managed to reach Genoa it would be already September and Florence had allied herself with Lucca, Siena and Bologna to resist him.
Messina, April 1311
Work continued unabated rebuilding the fortifications of the city. Old fort Mategriffon, was being strengthened yet more. Now of course it was known as Neokastron, the new fortress, Alexandros grandfather Frederick II, had called the fortress Castrum Novum and Alexandros and the Messinese had brought the name back to use, somehow calling it "Greek killer" was not popular with either. A new fortress named Hagia Anna was getting completed to protect the port with another fort being built to strengthen the landward fortifications. Work, already underway for the past two years should be complete by Christmas.
Syracuse, Grand Harbor, July 1311
Another ten galleys were completed and put to the shipping pens. Neither Syracuse's nor Messina's shipyards could match in efficiency these of Venice and Genoa or for the matter Constantinople. Yet at least. Alexandros had ambitions and after nearly a decade of peace the part of Sicily under his control was fast growing. In the meantime the existing yards more than sufficed for the work needed from them.
Corinth, September 1311
Theodore Doukas Lascaris, freshly minted katepano of Hellas was getting agitated. The Hospitalers after capturing Rhodes were becoming a nuisance. They had seized Karpathos for the Venetians, seized Genoese merchantmen for trading with Mameluke Egypt which Clement V had forbidden and raided the despotate's holdings of Kos and Leros. Genoa had complained and been ignored as had Venice. His own envoys to Rhodes did not have any more luck. The Genoese had apparently already bribed the emir of Menteshe to attack Rhodes. His own fleet had clashed with the knights galleys but his father's orders from Syracuse were he should avoid all out war with the knights, Alexandros was apparently becoming wary of the situation back home and wanted to avoid a direct confrontation.
Vienne, March 22nd, 1312
Clement V succumbed to pressure from French king Philip IV and disbanded the Templar knights. It would prove good news for the Hospitalers who would be granted the Templars holdings and financial assets by the pope. A few days later the church council held at Vienne, would declare a crusade, order the collection of tithes across Europe... but then fail to decide where the crusade for which tithes were being collected should take place.
Lateran, June 29th, 1312
Henry VII was proclaimed Holy Roman emperor, in the palace of Lateran. German troops had forced their way into Rome earlier in May but had failed to take over the entire city, Angevin troops held the area around St Peter's basilica making impossible its use for the coronation. All attempts for compromise with Robert I had so far ended in failure, Robert had even demanded that Henry leave within four days. This would not do. It would be all out war from now on.
Palermo, July, 1312
"Hence it is the duty of every Christian king to come to the aid of the Holy Roman emperor. By fulfilling our Christian duty, we gain honor, Henry is proclaiming my majesty admiral of the Holy Roman Empire and we destroy once and for all the Angevin threat to Sicily. I'm asking for this parliament to agree to the alliance offered us and for the kingdom of Sicily to support the imperial cause with all the forces we can amass."
Applaud met Frederick's speech from most of the parliament. Most but not all.
"You are calling for the resumption of war with Naples. What are we going to gain from such war? We have been doing well for the past decade. The country is prospering. The peace aside from that scuffle over the Tunisian tribute is holding. What is this country going to gain from restarting the war?"
Frederick looked at his uncle with some disdain. He never liked people opposing him or telling him he was wrong. "Honor demands we follow the emperor. Even a Greek can understand this? "
Alexandros remained unperturbed "Henry is neither holy, nor Roman nor an emperor. I would have a better claim to the German crown than he does, had I wanted to claim it. I am Frederick's grandson. What is HIS claim to the crown? That a bunch of German princes selected by the pope proclaimed him one? I asked again. What is this country going to gain from starting a war against your brother in law?"
"God and honor will it. And the Angevins peace or no peace are a threat. One that we can now deal with once and for all."
"The pope is already telling Henry not to attack Robert. Given his French connections we can take for granted he will back the Angevins. As will the king of France. So victory is hardly as assured as you think."
"Me and Sicilian arms will assure it. Then Sicily will be free from the Angevin threat and be able to take her place in the lead of the Christian world for the fight in the end of times."
Alexandros suppressed the need to curse Arnaud de Villanova for the millennial garbage he had put to Frederick's and much of the realm's minds and pressed on. 'What will be the outcome of this war? If we lose it we are ruined. If we win it Henry will control all of Germany and Italy and will want to rule us as well. We will be exchanging a threat in Naples with an even greater threat."
"The emperor will be turning on his own loyal allies? Only a Greek would think such treason possible and use it as an excuse to shirk from his duty."
"Apparently my father was right in this as well then. In our race of the Greeks wisdom rules. Your majesty should be happy so many of the inhabitants of this island are Greek. But I understand our presence here is neither needed nor wanted. Ten years ago you had no trouble to have your peace with the House of Anjou without us. You can now have your war without us as well."
Alexandros Doukas Vatatzes left the chamber followed by the representatives of the communes of eastern Sicily. The remainder of the parliament overwhelmingly vote for allying with Henry and fighting by his side.
Well if Andronikos III doesn't kill his big brother then the lengthy civil war between him and his grandfather is butterflied away. On the other hand that means more years of Andronikos II rule which arguably is a bigger drawback. Then we have a totally different line taking the throne as both Anndronikos III father and brother survive so things go who knows where.
The Ottomans though still would have the upper hand against the Romans in the opening stages as proven at the battle of Pelacanon and Bapheus before it (the second we had in ITTL as well). So the Turks are proven as a better fighting force at the moment and the Empire needs a capable general to turn the tide or at least a major ally.... like Vatatzes I guess right?
So we are safe for the moment. Let's hope that the Despotate has a naval good ally on hand like Genoa for example.
Wait governing in the name of his father? Isn't Achaea dowry of Ioannes's wife? So technically he is the new prince of Achaea? Or were the holdings transferred to the Empire after the war?
I wonder if we could see a demonic coalition between Venice, Genoa and the Despotate to put some pressure on the Knights. I guess even a show of force could make the Knights understand and stop the raids to Christian vessels. But such a coalition is quite unlikely to form with the German emperor on the loose in Italy.
And so a new war begins. Let's see if Frederick invades the Despotate first as a pretext for not joining under their liege.
Oh boy! The long awaited resumption of hostilites between Sicily and Naples. This should be good 
What would be the time the Venetians strike?
Hmm I wonder... But I do think if the Catalans fight the Vatatzes I think the Venetians would attempt to cut them off by sea. They'd have the Catalans to distract them after all.
Considering the Vatatzes lives and dies from control over the seas I'm not surprised that Alexandros would be building fortifications and building ships for wartime. It'll help them a lot when they get good ship building ports and the power to prevent the strait of Messina from being cut off would be needed to keep the pieces of the Vatatzes realm together.
Lmao too true.
And from this the Despotate is officially independent from the whims of kings and popes. I'm pretty sure Robert would encourage the Vatatzes in their stint in neutrality because not having Frederick's armies in Calabria and the Strait of Messina would be a god send.
Ps I'd think a good nickname for Alexandros would be 'the crownless king', considering how he acts.
Yeah considering the Palailogos' weakness (and Andronikos II would make things worse) and the great starting position the Ottomans have, plus the fact that the Catalans were fighting the Ottomans ittl, I think they'll be a substantial enemy for a while, at least before we get the timurids which the Vatatzes could exploit. An ottoman empire that controls Arabia, Iraq, Palestine + Syria and most of Anatolia would still be a power to be reckoned with. Hell, a Timurid descendant that focuses on the ME from Persia and Iraq and projecting into Arabia and Syria would be a juggernaut.
And so it begins...
I think Frederick will try to defeat Alexander first. However he is a little shortsighted so he might really try to attack Robert first.
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Ketepano of Hellas? The title seems much too grand and anachronistic. Not only does it call to mind a pagan Greek title but in it of itself sounds like a a declaration of intent to rule over the old pagan Greek domains, much of which lie within Roman or Latin rule. I must say again that these people did not consider themselves Greek, if they just suddenly start using Greek titles and calling themselves Greeks, are they giving up their Roman heritage? If they are a chapter in it would be appreciated. A time I recall was when Byzantine scholars gave in to the depressive state of their empire and harkened to the old glory days. Ketapano of Morea would be a much better title.
Hellas is not anachronistic: the name was still current as a geographical term, and up to the late 12th century Hellas was still a theme with its own governor, often combined with the Peloponnese. The problem here is rather that Hellas designated Central Greece + Thessaly, and not the Peloponnese. And unless I am missing something, the Laskarids don't yet control anything beyond the Peloponnese.
OTOH, katepano is, by the 14th century, definitely anachronistic.
"Katepano of Hellas" is an interesting title. Hellas is vague enough to include all the greek fiefs of Vatatzes. And it might mean a potential claim over the old Theme of Hellas, currently ruled by those pesky Catalans.
And upgrading katepano for such an illustrious position? Since Alexandros is a despot, surely he cannot have a despot's despot, so katepano makes perfect sense. In a sense, it is a return to Macedonian-era offices. It is interesting that Alexandros is looking at this era for inspiration.
Messina has become a very tough nut to crack. The city will be impervious to naval assault. A blockade at the Age of Oar will be tough to implement since the currents of the Strait are nothing to sneeze at. And now even the landward approach would be challenging. Messina has become a very safe harbour. I expect the Greek merchants from the Katepanate of Hellas to flock to both Messina and Syracuse.
By the way, what about the syracusan fortifications? What about the Plemmyrion Cape that controls the entrance to the great harbor?
And Robert needs Alexandros now more than ever. The stronger the Ghibellines and the Emperor are, having a neutral Despotate is even more important.
The God-elected savior of Christendom has now to wage war against the Angevins and the Guelfs on his own. That will go well...
In OTL, Sicily managed to arm 65-70 galleys. Now without Messina, the second most important city and the rest of Val Demone and Val di Noto, I doubt they can arm more than 40 - 45 galleys. All the financial burden will fall on Val di Mazara that has been suffering from bad harvests and the loss of its export markets (Guelf cities).
If stubborn Frederick gets this force to Pisa to join the Emperor, he should pray that he won't encounter any enemy fleet. Either the Guelf Genoese or the Angevins have a significant superiority of the reduced sicilian fleet.
What pagan Greek domains? Theodore at the moment is administering what up to 1204 was the theme of Hellas plus parts of the theme of the Aegean. Ok the Catalans in Thebes or John Angelos up in Thessaly might feel uncomfortable... but well were I John Angelos I would be very uncomfortable already what with the Catalan company, the empire and my cousin in Thessaly all looking to grab my territory. Alexandros shenanigans in the Peloponnese is just the cherry in the proverbial cake.
Oh? Let me note that I had Alexandros quoting verbatim his father one John III Doukas Vatatzes basileus of the Romans writing to Gregory IX. As noted in post 486 the emperor in the very same letter is saying that he is the true basileus of the Romans AND Greek from a long line of Greek emperors. If the emperor of the Romans is saying he is Greek (and simultaneously Roman), perhaps we should be taking him at his word?
I'll further note John III and for that matter Theodore II, Alexandros brother were hardly the sole emperors doing so. To remember Constantine XI speech to his men, saved on George Frantzes history (the late emperor's close friend and minister I'll note) is telling his men to
να γνώσωσιν οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ὅτι οὐ μετὰ ἀλόγων ζῴων ὡς αὐτοί, παράταξιν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλὰ μετὰ κυρίων καὶ αὐθεντῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπογόνων Ἑλλήνων καὶ Ῥωμαίων
"make the infidels realize they are not battling insentient animals like themselves, but with their lords and masters and descendants of Greeks and Romans"
and then that Constantinople is
ἐλπίδα καὶ χαρὰν πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων
"the hope and happiness of all Greeks"
Why should they be giving up their Roman heritage? These people were happily claiming both their Greek and Roman heritage and were claiming they where inseparable from each other. Something that went on one notes well after the fall of Constantinople to the modern day.
Tbf prob not, I think Frederick would only go against the Vatatzes if he wanted to get rid of the Orthodox heretics in his lands, as keeping the straits of Messina open would be good for Frederick. I think he'd go for it tho, and it'd probably be even worse than otl with Alexandros gaining some land or claiming to be duke of Sicily in service of the Angevins.
Yeah Messina would be very hard to get through with such fortifications: I'd expect these fortifications to be upgraded to protect against gunpowder in the Renaissance period but the main fortifications would stay.
Syracuse already has good fortifications: they were built during the war as Syracuse wasn't attacked much after the Vatatzes took them over.
Robert will welcome Alexandros and Ionias being neutral as he'll have to deal with Frederick's forces in Calabria if the Vatatzes join the war in the Emperor's side. Hell, I'd think the Vatatzes would have to join Robert's side to deal with Frederick attacking his lands.
Tbf Frederick and the Sicilians would be in a much worse position than otl considering how the Vatatzes are a player which will leverage the Peloponnese much better than the Angevins and not having to deal with rebellious subjects. Hell, I'd think the Vatatzes' navy would be able to win against Frederick's navy considering how Frederick's navy lost against the Angevins: considering the navies on the Angevins' side I'd think Frederick would not be able to do anything at sea.
Tbf I wonder would we see the Vatatzes being the rulers of Naples: Frederick's descendants are weak rulers and I'd think the wars between Naples and the HRE would probably leave Joanna with no good succession, which the Vatatzes could exploit to take over and use it's base to take the ERE, or at least more of Hellas proper while the Ottomans become stronger and the ERE weakens (the Vatatzes probably would be bad for the ERE: they aren't vassals that'll just help the Palailogian dynasty, and the Lascarid rebels in the Empire would be a further destabilising force against the Empire).
Thanks Spatharios, I did not know if the Theme of Hellas and for that I apologize. I still think the title is too aggressive, as mentioned by others, the Hellas Theme was mainly in Thessaly, Boeotia, and Attica, none of which the si owns. I still feel Katepano of Morea/Peloponnese would be better.
On the topic of the Greek identity, I'm sorry my post was too black and white. It is just that you have been referring to them as Greek the whole chapter, no mention of greco-roman or Roman so I thought to mention it. I know that the Byzantines called themselves Greek and Roman, and I did not mean to disclaim that.
On the topic of the Greek identity, I'm sorry my post was too black and white. It is just that you have been referring to them as Greek the whole chapter, no mention of greco-roman or Roman so I thought to mention it. I know that the Byzantines called themselves Greek and Roman, and I did not mean to disclaim that.
Attachments
I would argue that the Vatatzes domains are something of a best case scenario for the Pope and the Council of Lyon re-unification attempt: here we have a "Greek" ruler supporting/not denying the end of the Schism and propping up the Basilian orders which are Catholic. The Pope should just stop supporting the Angevins dynastic claims against Alexandros and release the interdict(if he has not already) while calling on the Byzantines to duplicate what Alexandros is doing.
Peloponnesos was apparently split off the theme of Hellas about 800 AD to become its own theme, so it is still a valid geographic name. And it sends a message, which is most certainly the object of Vatatzes policies here.
From April 1306 entry:
In the last update we went over three years to mid 1312, so these have been three years of peace in the Peloponnese (Mantinea in August 1308, Patras and Corinth in early/mid 1309). I'm curious to see how far advanced has Theodore worked up things in the region, reorganized the administration and trade, managed the land from depossessed Frankish barons, and how are faring the Vatatze domain of the Aegean, and how is the economy and trade doing, in spite of the Hospitaler raids.
Plus, these have also been three years without having to pay for a war from Sicily and Calabria's coffers, so back home as well it must have had a significant impact to see the conquest achieved, the burdern on the treasury relieved and the revenue from trade between Sicily, Calabria and Hellas (Peloponnese and Aegean islands included) flowing in.
I forgot also to ask, but besides the number of Frankish nobles killed at Mantinea, how many have been captured and ransomed ? I understand ransoming nobles was a practice back then, ransom money that could be used then to fund further military operations.
@Lascaris , what would you say has been evoluting since 1306 the cost of campaigning in Achaea, the revenue generated in proportion to the land conquered/liberated (more conquest means more land, and more people, ie more taxes, but that is without accounting in economic disruption caused by the war)?
And what about the potential new revenues that would be generated once the war is over, mostly from the new trade network that would span across the Ionian sea between Syracuse, Messina and Hellas (Aegean islands included) within the expanded Vatatzes domains (not to mention the potential for captating some trade from Constantinople and the Black Sea)? Any trade agreement with the Basileus that could boost Sicilian fortunes against Genoese and Venitian competition ?
It seems to me as the work on Messina fortifications and in the shipyards of Syracuse is indicative of the state of the Despotate's economy after the end of the War of Achaea (even though the update only mentions the decade of peace in Sicily, I guess ship construction is very much tied to a thriving sea trade, which could be happening with the conquest of Achaea achieved , EDIT : Implicit being that this conquest in Peloponnese and the Aegean would be accompanied by less trade barriers and taxes for merchants from Sicily, and from Morean and Aegean merchants in Sicily as well, in a preference scheme by the Vatatzes within their own realms ).
And the status of Argolis after Michael Kantakouzenos marched in? Surely, that will require some negotiations between Alexandros and Andronikos to sort out.
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