Lumumba would definitely be hardening in terms of what he considers to be legitimate actions in the foreign policy sphere. This probably does lend itself to circumventing ethnic politics, which may impact the development of democracy into something different to a liberal democracy, but he does realise that you can't completely ignore ethnic politics in a country like the Congo without tearing apart everything he has worked to build.
Stars and Sickles - An Alternative Cold War
- Thread starter Hrvatskiwi
- Start date
-
- Tags
- cold war
Lumumba would definitely be hardening in terms of what he considers to be legitimate actions in the foreign policy sphere. This probably does lend itself to circumventing ethnic politics, which may impact the development of democracy into something different to a liberal democracy, but he does realise that you can't completely ignore ethnic politics in a country like the Congo without tearing apart everything he has worked to build.
I'm not saying he will ignore it, but it won't stop him from building a leftist-leaning dictatorship down the road(in fact it will be among the reasons why he will strive for it). Which of course won't necessary outlast him but I can't see him not pursuing autocratic personalised brand of government.
Last edited:
India
Something tells me that the subcontinent is going to be a hard place in a Hindu nationalist India for religious minorities.
Something tells me that the subcontinent is going to be a hard place in a Hindu nationalist India for religious minorities.
Deleted member 67076
Thailand's going to have a revolution sooner or later. Growing middle class left out of decision making, heavy handed military rule and dissatisfied peasantry are not a good combination.
Glad to be of service.
Good news. Lots of potential for a prosperous state to develop with this.
Glad to be of service.
Looks like my long-awaited prediction of Congo becoming a prosperous country is beginning to come to fruition. So it is not like Onkel Willie's "Freedom and Brotherhood", but more like, oh I forgot.
EDIT: Backread a bit and the title was "Glory and Dignity" by GiantMonkeyMan.
EDIT: Backread a bit and the title was "Glory and Dignity" by GiantMonkeyMan.
Just going to let err'one know that I won't be able to post any more updates until next week. Helluva lot of uni work has to come first.
But just so you guys know, the next update will be on the Philippines, since there's a lot of demand for that and its probably a bit cruel to keep you all waiting on that. There will also be a mini-update attached to it on another area of Asia that hasn't yet been mentioned... (but probably should have been earlier).
But just so you guys know, the next update will be on the Philippines, since there's a lot of demand for that and its probably a bit cruel to keep you all waiting on that. There will also be a mini-update attached to it on another area of Asia that hasn't yet been mentioned... (but probably should have been earlier).
Last edited:
Yay Burma update !
Is it awkward that I wasn't meaning Burma? Although, yes, I will be doing a Burma update relatively soon.
Chapter 47: From the Back of the Carabao - The Philippines (Until 1970)
From the Back of the Carabao: The Philippines (1945-1970)
With the liberation of the Philippines from the brutal Japanese occupation, the United States moved towards fulfilling its promise to vacate the islands and bestow upon Pinoys true self-government for the first time in centuries. In April 1946, elections were held which selected Manuel Roxas as the first President of an independent Philippines. On July 4th, the United States formally ceded its sovereignty over the archipelago. Nevertheless, the Philippine economy remained highly dependent on the United States. This issue was exacerbated with the passing of the Philippine Trade Act, which the Americans forced on the country as a precondition for war rehabilitation grants. The Trade Act essentially put the Philippine economy at the mercy of US interests and was criticised even at the time as a mere veil for neo-colonial exploitation. 1947 saw the signing of a military assistance pact between the two countries, granting the United States a 99-year lease on designated military bases throughout the Philippines. Historians have continued to debate the significance of these agreements on the early years of Philippine independence. Some have suggested that the Pinoy political elite lacked confidence and sought a continuation of American presence in the islands, at least partially to counteract the growing assertiveness of the communist guerrilla Hukbalahap movement which has swelled its ranks fighting against the Japanese in the jungles of Luzon. Unlike the Hukbalahap, the Roxas administration granted a general amnesty to collaborators, with the exception of those who had committed violent crimes.
Hukbalahap propaganda poster from the Second World War
With Roxas' death in April 1948 of a heart attack, Vice President Elpidio Quirino was elevated to the presidency. He successfully ran for the position in his own right in the 1949 elections, defeating Jose P. Laurel (who had been President during the Japanese occupation) and winning a four-year term. Under Quirino, Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay initiated a largely successful campaign to suppress the Hukbalahap. Huk activity waned in the early 1950s, finally coming to an end with the unconditional surrender of Huk leader Luis Taruc in May 1954. In the 1953 elections, Magsaysay was elected on a populist platform which promised economic reform. He initiated a system of land reform revolving primarily around resettling former revolutionaries and landless peasants from the north into primarily Muslim areas in Mindanao and Palawan. This did much to gain support for Magsaysay amongst the predominantly Catholic population, although it had the unfortunate impact of heightening religious tension in Mindanao particularly. Successfully winning another term in the 1957 elections[139], he continued to build upon his land reform campaign, whilst also sourcing foreign investment into industrialisation projects. Whilst initially confined to Manila, light industry production began in Quezon and Davao City. With the success of the suppression campaign against the Hukbalahap, Magsaysay successfully negotiated for the US relinquishment of military land reservations, whilst joining SEATO. In 1955 Magsaysay had also effectively campaigned to rectify the Philippines' disadvantageous trade terms with the United States, with the Laurel-Langley Agreement which gave the Philippines greater flexibility in economic matters whilst retaining its favoured status in American markets.
Ramon Magsaysay, the Philippines' most popular President ever
In the 1961 elections, Magsaysay refused to run again, and his successor for the Partido Nacionalista, Carlos Garcia, was defeated by Partido Liberal candidate Diosdado Macapagal. Macapagal committed himself to the liberalisation of the Philippine economy, lifting exchange controls and allowing the peso to float on international currency markets. The peso devalued to 3.8 to the dollar, but was supported by a $300 million stabilisation fund from the IMF. Despite his opposition to government intervention, he abolished tenancy in land reform in order to create a wide economic foundation of independent farmers. There were exceptions, however, particularly regarding the large ort plantations established during the Spanish period, and lands planted to permanent trees such as coconut palms. Macapagal also oversaw a declaration of rights for agricultural labour and machinery to extend credit and similar assistance to agricultural enterprises. He also commenced an anti-corruption campaign, which came to a head in the Stonehill controversy. Harry Stonehill, an American expatriate who ran a business empire in the Philippines, was being investigated on charges of tax evasion, smuggling, misdeclaration of imports and corruption of public officials. Secretary of Justice Jose W. Diokno uncovered ties to corruption within the government. Macapagal's reaction was to deport the American instead of prosecuting him, and dismissing Diokno from the cabinet.
Macapagal was unpopular, and failed to secure nomination from his party for another election. The 1965 elections saw another Partido Liberal politician, Macapagal's former VP Emmanuel Pelaez, rise to the presidency. Pelaez, a seasoned diplomat, strengthened ties with other anti-communist governments in Southeast Asia, including Thailand and Malaya. He campaigned with mixed success for recognition of the Philippines' claim over Eastern Sabah, although the territory remained under the control of the North Kalimantan Federation, itself under the protection of Indonesia. Domestically, Pelaez put a great deal of emphasis on scientific development, funding research projects and greatly improving the quality of higher education in the Philippines. He introduced scholarships for talented but poor prospective students, as well as personally serving as chairman of a foundation aimed at eradicating the cadang-cadang virus which plagued coconut plantations. A radical programme supported by many in the Partido Nacionalista, but largely opposed within Pelaez' own party was implemented. Pelaez' own initiative, it saw the establishment of large state-supported "agricultural parks", each focused towards the production of a particular cash crop, whilst attached to a research facility tasked with improving yield or quality. These novel agricultural parks were designed to ensure that rural areas could create their own sources of capital separate from the cities, slowing rural flight to Manila and Quezon.
Philippines Airlines advertisement, emblematic of the optimism of the 1960s Philippines===
[139] IOTL, he was killed in a plane crash, which is butterflied away in-universe. By all accounts, he was almost certain to win this election.
With the liberation of the Philippines from the brutal Japanese occupation, the United States moved towards fulfilling its promise to vacate the islands and bestow upon Pinoys true self-government for the first time in centuries. In April 1946, elections were held which selected Manuel Roxas as the first President of an independent Philippines. On July 4th, the United States formally ceded its sovereignty over the archipelago. Nevertheless, the Philippine economy remained highly dependent on the United States. This issue was exacerbated with the passing of the Philippine Trade Act, which the Americans forced on the country as a precondition for war rehabilitation grants. The Trade Act essentially put the Philippine economy at the mercy of US interests and was criticised even at the time as a mere veil for neo-colonial exploitation. 1947 saw the signing of a military assistance pact between the two countries, granting the United States a 99-year lease on designated military bases throughout the Philippines. Historians have continued to debate the significance of these agreements on the early years of Philippine independence. Some have suggested that the Pinoy political elite lacked confidence and sought a continuation of American presence in the islands, at least partially to counteract the growing assertiveness of the communist guerrilla Hukbalahap movement which has swelled its ranks fighting against the Japanese in the jungles of Luzon. Unlike the Hukbalahap, the Roxas administration granted a general amnesty to collaborators, with the exception of those who had committed violent crimes.
Hukbalahap propaganda poster from the Second World War
With Roxas' death in April 1948 of a heart attack, Vice President Elpidio Quirino was elevated to the presidency. He successfully ran for the position in his own right in the 1949 elections, defeating Jose P. Laurel (who had been President during the Japanese occupation) and winning a four-year term. Under Quirino, Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay initiated a largely successful campaign to suppress the Hukbalahap. Huk activity waned in the early 1950s, finally coming to an end with the unconditional surrender of Huk leader Luis Taruc in May 1954. In the 1953 elections, Magsaysay was elected on a populist platform which promised economic reform. He initiated a system of land reform revolving primarily around resettling former revolutionaries and landless peasants from the north into primarily Muslim areas in Mindanao and Palawan. This did much to gain support for Magsaysay amongst the predominantly Catholic population, although it had the unfortunate impact of heightening religious tension in Mindanao particularly. Successfully winning another term in the 1957 elections[139], he continued to build upon his land reform campaign, whilst also sourcing foreign investment into industrialisation projects. Whilst initially confined to Manila, light industry production began in Quezon and Davao City. With the success of the suppression campaign against the Hukbalahap, Magsaysay successfully negotiated for the US relinquishment of military land reservations, whilst joining SEATO. In 1955 Magsaysay had also effectively campaigned to rectify the Philippines' disadvantageous trade terms with the United States, with the Laurel-Langley Agreement which gave the Philippines greater flexibility in economic matters whilst retaining its favoured status in American markets.
Ramon Magsaysay, the Philippines' most popular President ever
In the 1961 elections, Magsaysay refused to run again, and his successor for the Partido Nacionalista, Carlos Garcia, was defeated by Partido Liberal candidate Diosdado Macapagal. Macapagal committed himself to the liberalisation of the Philippine economy, lifting exchange controls and allowing the peso to float on international currency markets. The peso devalued to 3.8 to the dollar, but was supported by a $300 million stabilisation fund from the IMF. Despite his opposition to government intervention, he abolished tenancy in land reform in order to create a wide economic foundation of independent farmers. There were exceptions, however, particularly regarding the large ort plantations established during the Spanish period, and lands planted to permanent trees such as coconut palms. Macapagal also oversaw a declaration of rights for agricultural labour and machinery to extend credit and similar assistance to agricultural enterprises. He also commenced an anti-corruption campaign, which came to a head in the Stonehill controversy. Harry Stonehill, an American expatriate who ran a business empire in the Philippines, was being investigated on charges of tax evasion, smuggling, misdeclaration of imports and corruption of public officials. Secretary of Justice Jose W. Diokno uncovered ties to corruption within the government. Macapagal's reaction was to deport the American instead of prosecuting him, and dismissing Diokno from the cabinet.
Macapagal was unpopular, and failed to secure nomination from his party for another election. The 1965 elections saw another Partido Liberal politician, Macapagal's former VP Emmanuel Pelaez, rise to the presidency. Pelaez, a seasoned diplomat, strengthened ties with other anti-communist governments in Southeast Asia, including Thailand and Malaya. He campaigned with mixed success for recognition of the Philippines' claim over Eastern Sabah, although the territory remained under the control of the North Kalimantan Federation, itself under the protection of Indonesia. Domestically, Pelaez put a great deal of emphasis on scientific development, funding research projects and greatly improving the quality of higher education in the Philippines. He introduced scholarships for talented but poor prospective students, as well as personally serving as chairman of a foundation aimed at eradicating the cadang-cadang virus which plagued coconut plantations. A radical programme supported by many in the Partido Nacionalista, but largely opposed within Pelaez' own party was implemented. Pelaez' own initiative, it saw the establishment of large state-supported "agricultural parks", each focused towards the production of a particular cash crop, whilst attached to a research facility tasked with improving yield or quality. These novel agricultural parks were designed to ensure that rural areas could create their own sources of capital separate from the cities, slowing rural flight to Manila and Quezon.
Philippines Airlines advertisement, emblematic of the optimism of the 1960s Philippines
[139] IOTL, he was killed in a plane crash, which is butterflied away in-universe. By all accounts, he was almost certain to win this election.
You sir have really impressed me. This is my most favorite timeline so far. Does this mean that the Philippines would become a first-world country early on and become a regional power? Very interested to know more. I could see more reforms coming, with more investment (removing the cursed 60/40 equity would be good for the Philippines). Few thoughts:
1. As I've said, the 60/40 equity.
2. Investment in making the country very green is good.
3. Water saving ala Singapore.
4. Technology consultation and buying from foreign countries (I think you're already doing this)
5. Much stronger armed forces (of course)
Also, a much better representation in the Olympics is good.
You are a great deal of help to me, for I am considering writing a TL about Magsaysay surviving the crash and becomes President.
1. As I've said, the 60/40 equity.
2. Investment in making the country very green is good.
3. Water saving ala Singapore.
4. Technology consultation and buying from foreign countries (I think you're already doing this)
5. Much stronger armed forces (of course)
Also, a much better representation in the Olympics is good.
You are a great deal of help to me, for I am considering writing a TL about Magsaysay surviving the crash and becomes President.
Last edited:
I'm reluctant to say that the Philippines will be a "regional power" in Southeast Asia, since in my view the region already has an excellent balance of power. Generally, most states are big enough not to be bullied around by others, but not big enough to be hegemonic. Indonesia is obviously the biggest country in the area, but is unwieldy. The Philippines is on par with Thailand and Vietnam as significant regional players, IMHO.
Avoiding Marcos and being one of a smaller group of pro-Western countries in Maritime Asia is going to make the Philippines a much more prosperous and developed country than in OTL, not to mention much less corrupt. It won't all be roses, however, especially with issues amongst Muslims in the south that resent the encroachment of Northern settlers.
Developed countries don't tend to be particularly environmentalist, especially when trying to industrialise. But maybe agricultural parks and greater research could lead to more interest in green methods? Unlikely, but possible. Technology transfer, as you pointed out, is already happening.
And yes, with the Philippines as a "frontline" capitalist nation, it sees more support from the United States in military spheres. Which is already a lot OTL, since its one of the few countries in the world where its easier to get an AR-15 on the black market than an AK-47. Plus there's the ongoing Sabah dispute.
Marcos not being in power and avoiding the economic freefall of the Philippines after Magsaysay's death? It will become a developed country (well, as a Filipino, I would say these things.)
Chapter 48: Between the Lotus and the Orchid - Hong Kong and Macao (Until 1970)
Between the Lotus and the Orchid: Hong Kong and Macau (1945-1970)
Whilst Japanese occupation had inflicted significant damage on the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong and Kowloon, the population of the city quickly bounced back as skilled migrants from the mainland flooded into the city to escape the Chinese Civil War and subsequent communist takeover. Many of these in-migrants had been based in the commercial cities of Shanghai and Guangzhou. They adapted well to the new environment, establishing small and medium-sized businesses. The 1950s saw rapid industrialisation built on the back of the growing textile exports and low labour costs. Industrialisation saw an increase in living standards, whilst the biggest socioeconomic concern, that of housing, was largely alleviated through the construction of public housing starting with the Shek Kip Mei Estate, established in 1953. 1956 saw major rioting between pro-KMT and pro-CCP factions in the city during Double Ten Day (a holiday celebrating the Wuchang Uprising) on October 10th. The violence was largely contained to Tsuen Wan, 5 miles from Central Kowloon. To suppress the rioting, the 7th Hussars were sent as reinforcements for the Hong Kong Police. Property damage was estimated at $1 million and there were 59 deaths and around 500 injuries.
A typical sight of Hong Kong in the 1960s
During the 1960s, manufacturing in Hong Kong continued to expand. The number of registered factories rose from 3,000 in the 1950s to 10,000 in the 1960s. Registered foreign companies increased from 300 to 500. With economic growth and development, the civil authorities began to focus on improving public infrastructure. From 1960 to 1965, the executive council introduced healthcare reform to provide improved medical assistance to a greater proportion of the population. Such investment proved timely, as the Hong Kong flu pandemic of 1968 could have been much more severe (as it was, it infected 15% of the Hong Kong population). Water rationing was introduced and Hong Kong became largely dependent on the purchase of 15,000 gallons a day from the Chinese East River. Serious droughts afflicted Hong Kong in 1963 and '67. Despite development by the British authorities, the late 1960s saw an increase in open dissatisfaction with the colonial administration, sparking the 1966 and 1967 riots. The 1966 riots began as a demonstration against an increase of fees on the Star Ferry between Hong Kong and Kowloon. Criticism of the government was largely based on the corruption of police and other public officials. These sentiments were exploited by Maoist agitators in the 1967 riots. Originating as demonstrations relating to a number of labour disputes, clashes with riot police provided the anger necessary for pro-Beijing leftists in the HK Federation of Trade Unions to spark violence. Hong Kong police engaged the rioters and implemented a curfew. The height of violence was 8th July, when armed militia from the PRC opened fire at Sha Tau Kok. Five policemen were killed in a bried shoot-out. In the next few days, the People's Daily newspaper ran editorials supporting the leftist struggle. The leftists failed to organise a general strike, and attempts to convince Chinese policemen to defect to the demonstrators failed. The Hong Kong government responded by imposing emergency regulations, including the provision of special powers to the police. Leftist schools, newspapers and offices were shut down, with many leaders arrested or detained. The leftists retaliated with the planting of bombs throughout the city. Over 8,000 bombs were defused by the British military, whilst many thousands more detonated. Many of these bombs were decoys, although approximately one in eight were genuine.
On July 19th, the agitators set up barbed-wire defenses on the 20-storey Bank of China building, which was owned by the government of the PRC. The police and British military responded with a number of raids on leftist strongholds. In one raid, helicopters from the HMS Hermes (a Royal Navy carrier) landed police on the roof of the Kiu Kwan Mansion. Inside police discovered an armoury, as well as a hospital for treating injured leftists. There was a public outcry against the violence used by the leftists, prompting the agitators to change tactics. On 24 August, radio personality Lam Bun, known for his anti-leftist views, was killed by a death squad on his commute to work. Other media figures who opposed the insurrectionists were also threatened and intimidated. The wave of bombings subsided in October 1967 when Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai ordered the leftist groups in Hong Kong to cease the bombings.
Hong Kong police attempting to disperse rioters in 1967
In nearby Macau, which had not been occupied by the Japanese, but merely converted into a de facto protectorate of the Japanese military in China, progress was comparatively slow. In 1951, the Salazar regime declared Macau an "Overseas Province" of Portugal. 1952 saw a significant border incident, with Portuguese African troops exchanging fire with Chinese border guards. According to some reports, one Portuguese soldier was killed and several dozens injured, whilst more than 100 casualties were inflicted on the Chinese side over the course of 100 minutes or so. 1954 saw the establishment of the Macau Grand Prix, which would become a major attraction in the city. 1962 saw a breakthrough in the gambling industry in Macau when the government granted the The Sociedade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau (STDM) syndicate a monopoly over all gambling in the territory. These introduced Western gambling games and modernised the ferries between Hong Kong and Macau, bringing in a greater number of gamblers to Macau and thus profits. Influenced by the Cultural Revolution, leftist dissidents broke out into a riot known as the 12-3 Incident. In the end, the Portuguese government backed down, signing an agreement with Macau Chinese representatives as well as a second agreement with the PRC government, prohibiting KMT activities and committing to compensating the local Chinese community. In essence, despite continued nominal Portuguese control, the PRC was essentially the arbiter over the fate of Macau, unlike neighbouring Hong Kong.
Casino Lisboa, one of the many casinos that sprung up in Macau
Whilst Japanese occupation had inflicted significant damage on the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong and Kowloon, the population of the city quickly bounced back as skilled migrants from the mainland flooded into the city to escape the Chinese Civil War and subsequent communist takeover. Many of these in-migrants had been based in the commercial cities of Shanghai and Guangzhou. They adapted well to the new environment, establishing small and medium-sized businesses. The 1950s saw rapid industrialisation built on the back of the growing textile exports and low labour costs. Industrialisation saw an increase in living standards, whilst the biggest socioeconomic concern, that of housing, was largely alleviated through the construction of public housing starting with the Shek Kip Mei Estate, established in 1953. 1956 saw major rioting between pro-KMT and pro-CCP factions in the city during Double Ten Day (a holiday celebrating the Wuchang Uprising) on October 10th. The violence was largely contained to Tsuen Wan, 5 miles from Central Kowloon. To suppress the rioting, the 7th Hussars were sent as reinforcements for the Hong Kong Police. Property damage was estimated at $1 million and there were 59 deaths and around 500 injuries.
A typical sight of Hong Kong in the 1960s
During the 1960s, manufacturing in Hong Kong continued to expand. The number of registered factories rose from 3,000 in the 1950s to 10,000 in the 1960s. Registered foreign companies increased from 300 to 500. With economic growth and development, the civil authorities began to focus on improving public infrastructure. From 1960 to 1965, the executive council introduced healthcare reform to provide improved medical assistance to a greater proportion of the population. Such investment proved timely, as the Hong Kong flu pandemic of 1968 could have been much more severe (as it was, it infected 15% of the Hong Kong population). Water rationing was introduced and Hong Kong became largely dependent on the purchase of 15,000 gallons a day from the Chinese East River. Serious droughts afflicted Hong Kong in 1963 and '67. Despite development by the British authorities, the late 1960s saw an increase in open dissatisfaction with the colonial administration, sparking the 1966 and 1967 riots. The 1966 riots began as a demonstration against an increase of fees on the Star Ferry between Hong Kong and Kowloon. Criticism of the government was largely based on the corruption of police and other public officials. These sentiments were exploited by Maoist agitators in the 1967 riots. Originating as demonstrations relating to a number of labour disputes, clashes with riot police provided the anger necessary for pro-Beijing leftists in the HK Federation of Trade Unions to spark violence. Hong Kong police engaged the rioters and implemented a curfew. The height of violence was 8th July, when armed militia from the PRC opened fire at Sha Tau Kok. Five policemen were killed in a bried shoot-out. In the next few days, the People's Daily newspaper ran editorials supporting the leftist struggle. The leftists failed to organise a general strike, and attempts to convince Chinese policemen to defect to the demonstrators failed. The Hong Kong government responded by imposing emergency regulations, including the provision of special powers to the police. Leftist schools, newspapers and offices were shut down, with many leaders arrested or detained. The leftists retaliated with the planting of bombs throughout the city. Over 8,000 bombs were defused by the British military, whilst many thousands more detonated. Many of these bombs were decoys, although approximately one in eight were genuine.
On July 19th, the agitators set up barbed-wire defenses on the 20-storey Bank of China building, which was owned by the government of the PRC. The police and British military responded with a number of raids on leftist strongholds. In one raid, helicopters from the HMS Hermes (a Royal Navy carrier) landed police on the roof of the Kiu Kwan Mansion. Inside police discovered an armoury, as well as a hospital for treating injured leftists. There was a public outcry against the violence used by the leftists, prompting the agitators to change tactics. On 24 August, radio personality Lam Bun, known for his anti-leftist views, was killed by a death squad on his commute to work. Other media figures who opposed the insurrectionists were also threatened and intimidated. The wave of bombings subsided in October 1967 when Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai ordered the leftist groups in Hong Kong to cease the bombings.
Hong Kong police attempting to disperse rioters in 1967
In nearby Macau, which had not been occupied by the Japanese, but merely converted into a de facto protectorate of the Japanese military in China, progress was comparatively slow. In 1951, the Salazar regime declared Macau an "Overseas Province" of Portugal. 1952 saw a significant border incident, with Portuguese African troops exchanging fire with Chinese border guards. According to some reports, one Portuguese soldier was killed and several dozens injured, whilst more than 100 casualties were inflicted on the Chinese side over the course of 100 minutes or so. 1954 saw the establishment of the Macau Grand Prix, which would become a major attraction in the city. 1962 saw a breakthrough in the gambling industry in Macau when the government granted the The Sociedade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau (STDM) syndicate a monopoly over all gambling in the territory. These introduced Western gambling games and modernised the ferries between Hong Kong and Macau, bringing in a greater number of gamblers to Macau and thus profits. Influenced by the Cultural Revolution, leftist dissidents broke out into a riot known as the 12-3 Incident. In the end, the Portuguese government backed down, signing an agreement with Macau Chinese representatives as well as a second agreement with the PRC government, prohibiting KMT activities and committing to compensating the local Chinese community. In essence, despite continued nominal Portuguese control, the PRC was essentially the arbiter over the fate of Macau, unlike neighbouring Hong Kong.
Casino Lisboa, one of the many casinos that sprung up in Macau
Chapter 49: A Red Garuda - The Birth of Revolutionary Nusantara (1950-1970)
A Red Garuda: A History of Nusantara (1950-1970)
For information on Indonesia in the 1940s: https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=8624485&postcount=66
===
With the goal of independence from the Dutch imperialists successful, the unity of the Indonesian people began to crack along ethnic, religious and political lines. The implementation of the Renville Agreement signed by Indonesian revolutionary leaders in 1948, which had temporarily ceded West Java to the Dutch prompted Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo to reactivate his Darul Islam insurgency. They had been most active in the Garut area of West Java against the Japanese occupiers, and until then had maintained amiable relations with the Indonesian national revolutionary movement. Kartosoewirjo's Darul Islam guerrillas attacked the Dutch occupying forces. After the Dutch Operatie Kraai offensive of December 1948, Republican guerrillas that re-infiltrated West Java came under fire from the Darul Islam mujahideen. On August 7th, 1949, Kartosoewirjo declared the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia (Islamic State of Indonesia), taking the title of Imam. After the transfer of West Java back from Dutch to Republican control, the Darul Islam refused to recognise Sukarno's authority and continued to attack returning Republican forces. During the 1950s, weak central government and uncoordinated military responses allowed the Darul Islam to widen its reach, controlling one-third of West Java at its height and raiding the outskirts of Jakarta. Additionally, Islamist rebels in South Sulawesi and Aceh declared allegiance to Kartosoewirjo's movement, although in practice there was little coordination between these disparate bands and the core of the movement in West Java. In 1957, agents of the Darul Islam attempted unsuccessfully to assassinate Sukarno with a grenade during a primary school function at Cikini in Central Jakarta. The declaration of martial law in the same year proved to be the death knell for the Darul Islam. The military introduced so-called "fences of legs", encircling and besieging the guerrillas' mountain bases and thus cutting off their supply and escape routes, leaving the guerrilla bands with two options: surrender or annihilation. Kartosoewirjo responded with a declaration of total war in 1961, his guerrillas stepping up banditry and terror attacks on local populations, alienating further the people that might otherwise have considered supporting them. In May 1962 agents of the Darul Islam attempted once again to assassinate Sukarno, this time during the Eid al-Adha prayers. A month later, Kartosoewirjo was captured at his hideout at Mount Geber. Under coercion from the Indonesian military, he made an order to all active mujahideen to surrender. The last band did so in August at Mount Ciremai. Kartosoewirjo was dragged in chains to Jakarta, where he was tried by the military and found guilty of rebellion and attempted assassination of the President. He was executed by firing squad on September 5th 1962.
Kartosoewirjo mere moments before paradise
Whilst the unsuccessful Darul Islam rebellion was one of the largest threats to the Republic, a more successful revolt erupted in the far east of the country. In 1951, the primarily protestant Ambonese declared independence as the Republic of the South Moluccas (Republik Maluku Selatan, RMS). The force behind the Ambonese assertion of its right to self-determination was provided by Ambonese men who had fought within the Royal Netherlands Army (KNIL) in a similar capacity as the famous Gurkhas of the British army. Whilst the Republican government opposed the independence of South Moluccas, they experienced stiff resistance when Indonesian troops landed on the island of Ambon, home to the capital of the self-proclaimed republic. The KNIL veterans of the South Moluccan militias initially repelled the Indonesians. After regrouping and reinforcing the beleaguered Republican forces, the Indonesians found that the South Moluccans had been themselves stiffened by the arrival of Dutch KNIL and Australian troops. Both the Dutch and Australian governments denounced what they portrayed as Indonesian aggression, citing the Indonesian failure to adopt the federal structure supposedly intended to ensure the rights of smaller groups such as the Ambonese. In the Australian press in particular, the issue was framed as one of "Mohammedan intolerance for pious Christians" and a "brave stand of the devout Ambonese against collaborationists". American commentary was notably absent, although it was revealed decades later that the CIA had been involved in assisting the South Moluccan rebellion, confirming Indonesian accusations[140]. In the end, the Indonesians, faced with other internal issues, were forced to back down to avoid escalation. The South Moluccans and their President Chris Soumokil received international recognition from a number of Western nations, although many non-aligned nations refused to recognise them, as well as the Eastern Bloc.
Warriors of South Maluku
Within Indonesia proper, the economy had been wrecked by three years of Japanese occupation followed by four years of war with the Dutch. The inexperienced revolutionary government struggled to boost food production and other necessities to match the demands of a growing population. Management skills were greatly lacking due to the exodus of Europeans and Eurasians to the Netherlands, whilst rampant smuggling and inflation frustrated economic growth. Many of the plantations of the country had fallen into disuse. The economic situation was exacerbated by a dysfunctional parliamentary system. The Provisional Constitution of 1950 had differed from the 1945 constitution (which had been declared under the Japanese occupation) in mandating a parliamentary system, stipulating constitutional guarantees for human rights based on those laid out by the UN in their Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The fractured and disorganised multi-party system led to rapid turnover and dissolution of coalition governments. 17 different cabinets existed between 1945 and 1958. Parliamentary elections were finally held in 1955. The Indonesian National Party (PNI), perceived by most Indonesians to be "Sukarno's party" topped the poll, with strong support also received by the Masyumi Party and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), although no party garnered more than 25% of the votes, resulting in short-lived and largely-unworkable coalitions.
By 1956, Sukarno began to openly criticise parliamentary democracy, claiming its inherently oppositional nature contradicted the traditional Indonesian emphasis on harmony. As an alternative, he proposed a three-fold blend of nasionalisme, agama (religion) and komunisme into a cooperative "Nasakom" government. On 15th March 1957, President Sukarno appointed PNI chairman Soewirjo to form a "working cabinet" which would be tasked with establishing the National Council in accordance with the president's ideas. This initiative failed due to the exclusion of the Masyumi, the largest opposition party. Sukarno intervened, handpicking a working cabinet headed by non-party Prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja on 8th April 1957. Although the PKI were not included, there were sympathetic figures amongst this cabinet. The National Council was established in May 1957. It was chaired by Sukarno himself, with Ruslan Absulgani as Vice Chairman. On its inauguration on July 12th, it contained 42 members, representing groups such as peasants, workers and women, as well as the various religious communities of the country. Decisions were to be reached through consensus rather than voting, in accordance with Sukarno's view of "Indonesian Democracy".
A divisive man with a confused legacy: President Sukarno
Not all were satisfied with Sukarno's system, however. With his careful attempts to balance the antagonistic military, Islamist and communist factions, schemes by each group to further their power were common. In September-October 1957, various rebellious army officers held meetings in Sumatra. They came to an agreement on three points: the need to appoint a new President; the replacement of Abul Nasution as Chief of Staff; and outlawing the PKI. Some believe these conspirators were behind another assassination attempt on the President on November 30th. On the 10th February, the dissidents, this time also including Masyumi leaders, held a summit in Padang, issuing an ultimatum to the government. The rebels demanded the dissolution of the cabinet, elections and the relegation of the Presidency (still held by Sukarno) to a figurehead role. Five days later, they declared the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) based in Bukittingi, Sumatra. The PRRI was joined two days later by the Permesta rebels in Sumatra, itself a regionalist movement supported by the CIA. CIA support for the Permesta-PRRI rebellion came in the form of 15 B-26 bombers and a handful of P-51 Mustangs which formed the Angkatan Udara Revolusioner/AUREV, the insurgent air force, as well as mercenaries from Taiwan, Poland, the Philippines and the USA. The rebels, whose CIA assets were primarily based in Manado in Sulawesi, began a series of airstrikes on Indonesian cities. In response the Indonesian Air Force seized control of the air over Sulawesi and launched a combined airborne and amphibious assault on Manado called Operasi Merdeka (Operation Independence). Some Permesta rebels began a guerrilla campaign, but the last of them surrendered by 1961. Simultaneously, Indonesian army units successfully repulsed a PRRI attack on the Caltex oil fields and refinery in Pekanbaru. The amount of US-made equipment left behind by the PRRI forces made the US support for the movement evident. The Sukarno government, which had been approaching the Americans for weapon supply for years, switched their arms acquisition focus to the Soviet Union, who readily commenced the sale of military equipment to Indonesia. In a number of lightning amphibious assaults, the Indonesian military drove the PRRI troops into the mountains and jungles, where they would finally capitulate in 1961.
PRRI troops armed with American Thompson submachineguns
In his Independence Day address on 17th August 1957, Sukarno laid down the ideology of guided democracy, later renamed 'Manipol'. In 1958, Masyumi and their splinter Nahdlatul Ulama party called for the planned 1959 elections to be postponed, fearing a PKI victory. In September, Djuanda announcement the postponement. The Constitutional Assembly remained incapable of reaching an agreement on the basis of a new constitution, and was deadlocked between those who wanted an Islamic constitution or one crafted in accordance with the values of Pancasila. Sukarno also endorsed Nasution's suggestion that Indonesia reinstate the 1945 constitution. The biggest resultant change would be a strengthening of the executive branch, with the President becoming once again both Head of State and Head of Government. On the economic front, the government implemented sweeping anti-inflationary measures on the 25th August 1959, devaluing the currency by 75% and declaring that all Rp500 and Rp1000 notes would henceforth be worth one-tenth of their nominal value. Meanwhile, anti-Chinese initiatives, including repatriation and forced transfer to the cities damaged economic confidence. By 1960, inflation had reached 100% per annum.
To counteract Nasution's dominance of the army, Sukarno gradually became closer to the PKI and the Air Force. On March 1960, Sukarno dissolved the legislature after it had rejected his budget. In June, a Mutual Cooperation House of Representatives (DPR-GR), in which the armed services had representation and a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) were established, with the Chairman of the PKI, Dipa Nusantara Aidit as a Deputy Chairman. The PKI was estimated to have 17-25% of seats in the DPR-GR and now had representation in all institutions of state except for the cabinet. Despite regional army commanders' attempts to suppress the PKI, Sukarno continued to defend it as he pushed the idea of Nasakom. In June 1962, Sukarno foiled Nasution's attempt to be appointed armed forces' commander, relegating him to a Chief of Staff role with no direct military command, although the General did retain his position as Minister of Defense and Security. By 1962, the PKI had over 2 million members, and in March Sukarno gave two of its key figures, Aidit and Njoto, cabinet positions without portfolios. In 1963, with the establishment of Malaysia, the PKI exploited the issue of North Borneo's incorporation into Malaysia by organising demonstrations in Jakarta. In the course of one of these demonstrations, the British embassy was burnt to the ground. On 17th September, Indonesia severed diplomatic relations with Malaysia and initiated the konfrontasi, which eventually resulted with the independence of North Kalimantan from Malaya. Later that year, the PKI began an aksi sepihak ("unilateral action") campaign to implement the 1959-1960 land reform laws, leading to low-intensity political violence. Sukarno was made President for Life by the MPRS.
Dipa Nusantara Aidit, head of the Communist Party of Indonesia
Increasingly concerned about the growing influence of the PKI, the army began to develop secret contacts with Malaysia and the West. Additionally, the USSR also began to court the military, perturbed by the pro-Chinese orientation of the PKI. Large numbers of Indonesian officers began to travel to the United States for training. Meanwhile, the PKI was attempting to infiltrate the army and in early 1965, Aidit proposed to Sukarno the creation of the "Fifth Branch" (in addition to the army, navy, air force and police), made up of armed workers and peasants. This posed a direct threat to the primacy of the army. In 1965, Sukarno announced the discovery of a document allegedly written by the British ambassador, the so-called Gilchrist Document, touted as proof of army plots against the government (It was in fact a forgery by the Czechoslovak StB on behalf of the PKI). During his 1964 Independence Day speech, Sukarno publicly denounced the United States. An anti-American campaign ensued in which American companies were threatened, American movies banned, American-occupied buildings attacked, American journalists banned or imprisoned, and the American flag defaced. Large anti-American posters appeared on the streets of Jakarta and aid from the US was cut off. In August 1965, President Sukarno declared Indonesia's withdrawal from the World Bank and IMF. In the 1965 Independence Day speech to the nation, he announced the existence of a "Jakarta-Phnom Penh-Hanoi-Peking-Seoul axis" and that the people would be armed to protect the "national revolution". On 27 September, Nasution announced that he opposed the "Fifth Branch" and "Nasakomisation" of the army.
The Indonesian economy continued to deteriorate. The 1964-1965 period saw an inflation rate of 600%. The government was unable to service massive foreign debt to both Western and Communist Bloc governments. The 1st October 1966[141] saw the seizure of the capital by the so-called "30 September Movement" (G30S). Ahmad Yani, head of the army, was killed, as was Nasution[142].The G30S was composed of members of the Presidential Guard, the Brawidjaja Division, and Diponegoro Division under the command of the communist Lieutenant-Colonel Untung bin Sjamsuri. The communist Fifth Branch militias sprung into action, as did the Air Force, which bombarded army units which intended to advance against the G30S positions. Over the course of the next two years, the communists, who had replaced the cabinet with a "Revolutionary Council" which had kept Sukarno as President, suppressed the military response, forcing those that didn't defect to the cause to surrender. The G30S had presented their actions as a preemptive strike against an emerging military coup backed by the CIA, although it is uncertain whether or not a coup was actually in the making. From 1968, the government, which despite Sukarno's nominal primacy was actually controlled by Aidit, began to purge "counter-revolutionary elements". Thousands were killed by merah milisi ("red militia"). The primary targets were relatively wealthy farmers, landlords (the so-called "seven village devils") and religious leaders. Estimates of those killed reach 20,000, with some Indonesian emigres claiming even greater numbers. Tandem with these purges was a limited imitation of Maoist policies seen in the Great Leap Forward, as well as a more aggressively militaristic stance towards neighbouring states, particularly Malaya, South Moluccas and the Republic of West Papua (Republik Papua Barat). Renaming itself "Revolutionary Nusantara", the country strongly oriented itself towards the PRC, often referring to Aidit himself as "Comrade Number Two", second only to Mao himself.
Indonesian milisi march in front of Borobudur===
[140] On May 18th 1958 OTL, USAF pilot Allen Pope was shot down over Ambon after sinking the KRI Hang Toeah and damaging its sister ship, the KRI Sawega.
[141] One year later than OTL.
[142] IOTL, Nasution narrowly escaped.
For information on Indonesia in the 1940s: https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showpost.php?p=8624485&postcount=66
===
With the goal of independence from the Dutch imperialists successful, the unity of the Indonesian people began to crack along ethnic, religious and political lines. The implementation of the Renville Agreement signed by Indonesian revolutionary leaders in 1948, which had temporarily ceded West Java to the Dutch prompted Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo to reactivate his Darul Islam insurgency. They had been most active in the Garut area of West Java against the Japanese occupiers, and until then had maintained amiable relations with the Indonesian national revolutionary movement. Kartosoewirjo's Darul Islam guerrillas attacked the Dutch occupying forces. After the Dutch Operatie Kraai offensive of December 1948, Republican guerrillas that re-infiltrated West Java came under fire from the Darul Islam mujahideen. On August 7th, 1949, Kartosoewirjo declared the establishment of the Negara Islam Indonesia (Islamic State of Indonesia), taking the title of Imam. After the transfer of West Java back from Dutch to Republican control, the Darul Islam refused to recognise Sukarno's authority and continued to attack returning Republican forces. During the 1950s, weak central government and uncoordinated military responses allowed the Darul Islam to widen its reach, controlling one-third of West Java at its height and raiding the outskirts of Jakarta. Additionally, Islamist rebels in South Sulawesi and Aceh declared allegiance to Kartosoewirjo's movement, although in practice there was little coordination between these disparate bands and the core of the movement in West Java. In 1957, agents of the Darul Islam attempted unsuccessfully to assassinate Sukarno with a grenade during a primary school function at Cikini in Central Jakarta. The declaration of martial law in the same year proved to be the death knell for the Darul Islam. The military introduced so-called "fences of legs", encircling and besieging the guerrillas' mountain bases and thus cutting off their supply and escape routes, leaving the guerrilla bands with two options: surrender or annihilation. Kartosoewirjo responded with a declaration of total war in 1961, his guerrillas stepping up banditry and terror attacks on local populations, alienating further the people that might otherwise have considered supporting them. In May 1962 agents of the Darul Islam attempted once again to assassinate Sukarno, this time during the Eid al-Adha prayers. A month later, Kartosoewirjo was captured at his hideout at Mount Geber. Under coercion from the Indonesian military, he made an order to all active mujahideen to surrender. The last band did so in August at Mount Ciremai. Kartosoewirjo was dragged in chains to Jakarta, where he was tried by the military and found guilty of rebellion and attempted assassination of the President. He was executed by firing squad on September 5th 1962.
Kartosoewirjo mere moments before paradise
Whilst the unsuccessful Darul Islam rebellion was one of the largest threats to the Republic, a more successful revolt erupted in the far east of the country. In 1951, the primarily protestant Ambonese declared independence as the Republic of the South Moluccas (Republik Maluku Selatan, RMS). The force behind the Ambonese assertion of its right to self-determination was provided by Ambonese men who had fought within the Royal Netherlands Army (KNIL) in a similar capacity as the famous Gurkhas of the British army. Whilst the Republican government opposed the independence of South Moluccas, they experienced stiff resistance when Indonesian troops landed on the island of Ambon, home to the capital of the self-proclaimed republic. The KNIL veterans of the South Moluccan militias initially repelled the Indonesians. After regrouping and reinforcing the beleaguered Republican forces, the Indonesians found that the South Moluccans had been themselves stiffened by the arrival of Dutch KNIL and Australian troops. Both the Dutch and Australian governments denounced what they portrayed as Indonesian aggression, citing the Indonesian failure to adopt the federal structure supposedly intended to ensure the rights of smaller groups such as the Ambonese. In the Australian press in particular, the issue was framed as one of "Mohammedan intolerance for pious Christians" and a "brave stand of the devout Ambonese against collaborationists". American commentary was notably absent, although it was revealed decades later that the CIA had been involved in assisting the South Moluccan rebellion, confirming Indonesian accusations[140]. In the end, the Indonesians, faced with other internal issues, were forced to back down to avoid escalation. The South Moluccans and their President Chris Soumokil received international recognition from a number of Western nations, although many non-aligned nations refused to recognise them, as well as the Eastern Bloc.
Warriors of South Maluku
Within Indonesia proper, the economy had been wrecked by three years of Japanese occupation followed by four years of war with the Dutch. The inexperienced revolutionary government struggled to boost food production and other necessities to match the demands of a growing population. Management skills were greatly lacking due to the exodus of Europeans and Eurasians to the Netherlands, whilst rampant smuggling and inflation frustrated economic growth. Many of the plantations of the country had fallen into disuse. The economic situation was exacerbated by a dysfunctional parliamentary system. The Provisional Constitution of 1950 had differed from the 1945 constitution (which had been declared under the Japanese occupation) in mandating a parliamentary system, stipulating constitutional guarantees for human rights based on those laid out by the UN in their Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The fractured and disorganised multi-party system led to rapid turnover and dissolution of coalition governments. 17 different cabinets existed between 1945 and 1958. Parliamentary elections were finally held in 1955. The Indonesian National Party (PNI), perceived by most Indonesians to be "Sukarno's party" topped the poll, with strong support also received by the Masyumi Party and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), although no party garnered more than 25% of the votes, resulting in short-lived and largely-unworkable coalitions.
By 1956, Sukarno began to openly criticise parliamentary democracy, claiming its inherently oppositional nature contradicted the traditional Indonesian emphasis on harmony. As an alternative, he proposed a three-fold blend of nasionalisme, agama (religion) and komunisme into a cooperative "Nasakom" government. On 15th March 1957, President Sukarno appointed PNI chairman Soewirjo to form a "working cabinet" which would be tasked with establishing the National Council in accordance with the president's ideas. This initiative failed due to the exclusion of the Masyumi, the largest opposition party. Sukarno intervened, handpicking a working cabinet headed by non-party Prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja on 8th April 1957. Although the PKI were not included, there were sympathetic figures amongst this cabinet. The National Council was established in May 1957. It was chaired by Sukarno himself, with Ruslan Absulgani as Vice Chairman. On its inauguration on July 12th, it contained 42 members, representing groups such as peasants, workers and women, as well as the various religious communities of the country. Decisions were to be reached through consensus rather than voting, in accordance with Sukarno's view of "Indonesian Democracy".
A divisive man with a confused legacy: President Sukarno
Not all were satisfied with Sukarno's system, however. With his careful attempts to balance the antagonistic military, Islamist and communist factions, schemes by each group to further their power were common. In September-October 1957, various rebellious army officers held meetings in Sumatra. They came to an agreement on three points: the need to appoint a new President; the replacement of Abul Nasution as Chief of Staff; and outlawing the PKI. Some believe these conspirators were behind another assassination attempt on the President on November 30th. On the 10th February, the dissidents, this time also including Masyumi leaders, held a summit in Padang, issuing an ultimatum to the government. The rebels demanded the dissolution of the cabinet, elections and the relegation of the Presidency (still held by Sukarno) to a figurehead role. Five days later, they declared the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) based in Bukittingi, Sumatra. The PRRI was joined two days later by the Permesta rebels in Sumatra, itself a regionalist movement supported by the CIA. CIA support for the Permesta-PRRI rebellion came in the form of 15 B-26 bombers and a handful of P-51 Mustangs which formed the Angkatan Udara Revolusioner/AUREV, the insurgent air force, as well as mercenaries from Taiwan, Poland, the Philippines and the USA. The rebels, whose CIA assets were primarily based in Manado in Sulawesi, began a series of airstrikes on Indonesian cities. In response the Indonesian Air Force seized control of the air over Sulawesi and launched a combined airborne and amphibious assault on Manado called Operasi Merdeka (Operation Independence). Some Permesta rebels began a guerrilla campaign, but the last of them surrendered by 1961. Simultaneously, Indonesian army units successfully repulsed a PRRI attack on the Caltex oil fields and refinery in Pekanbaru. The amount of US-made equipment left behind by the PRRI forces made the US support for the movement evident. The Sukarno government, which had been approaching the Americans for weapon supply for years, switched their arms acquisition focus to the Soviet Union, who readily commenced the sale of military equipment to Indonesia. In a number of lightning amphibious assaults, the Indonesian military drove the PRRI troops into the mountains and jungles, where they would finally capitulate in 1961.
PRRI troops armed with American Thompson submachineguns
In his Independence Day address on 17th August 1957, Sukarno laid down the ideology of guided democracy, later renamed 'Manipol'. In 1958, Masyumi and their splinter Nahdlatul Ulama party called for the planned 1959 elections to be postponed, fearing a PKI victory. In September, Djuanda announcement the postponement. The Constitutional Assembly remained incapable of reaching an agreement on the basis of a new constitution, and was deadlocked between those who wanted an Islamic constitution or one crafted in accordance with the values of Pancasila. Sukarno also endorsed Nasution's suggestion that Indonesia reinstate the 1945 constitution. The biggest resultant change would be a strengthening of the executive branch, with the President becoming once again both Head of State and Head of Government. On the economic front, the government implemented sweeping anti-inflationary measures on the 25th August 1959, devaluing the currency by 75% and declaring that all Rp500 and Rp1000 notes would henceforth be worth one-tenth of their nominal value. Meanwhile, anti-Chinese initiatives, including repatriation and forced transfer to the cities damaged economic confidence. By 1960, inflation had reached 100% per annum.
To counteract Nasution's dominance of the army, Sukarno gradually became closer to the PKI and the Air Force. On March 1960, Sukarno dissolved the legislature after it had rejected his budget. In June, a Mutual Cooperation House of Representatives (DPR-GR), in which the armed services had representation and a Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) were established, with the Chairman of the PKI, Dipa Nusantara Aidit as a Deputy Chairman. The PKI was estimated to have 17-25% of seats in the DPR-GR and now had representation in all institutions of state except for the cabinet. Despite regional army commanders' attempts to suppress the PKI, Sukarno continued to defend it as he pushed the idea of Nasakom. In June 1962, Sukarno foiled Nasution's attempt to be appointed armed forces' commander, relegating him to a Chief of Staff role with no direct military command, although the General did retain his position as Minister of Defense and Security. By 1962, the PKI had over 2 million members, and in March Sukarno gave two of its key figures, Aidit and Njoto, cabinet positions without portfolios. In 1963, with the establishment of Malaysia, the PKI exploited the issue of North Borneo's incorporation into Malaysia by organising demonstrations in Jakarta. In the course of one of these demonstrations, the British embassy was burnt to the ground. On 17th September, Indonesia severed diplomatic relations with Malaysia and initiated the konfrontasi, which eventually resulted with the independence of North Kalimantan from Malaya. Later that year, the PKI began an aksi sepihak ("unilateral action") campaign to implement the 1959-1960 land reform laws, leading to low-intensity political violence. Sukarno was made President for Life by the MPRS.
Dipa Nusantara Aidit, head of the Communist Party of Indonesia
Increasingly concerned about the growing influence of the PKI, the army began to develop secret contacts with Malaysia and the West. Additionally, the USSR also began to court the military, perturbed by the pro-Chinese orientation of the PKI. Large numbers of Indonesian officers began to travel to the United States for training. Meanwhile, the PKI was attempting to infiltrate the army and in early 1965, Aidit proposed to Sukarno the creation of the "Fifth Branch" (in addition to the army, navy, air force and police), made up of armed workers and peasants. This posed a direct threat to the primacy of the army. In 1965, Sukarno announced the discovery of a document allegedly written by the British ambassador, the so-called Gilchrist Document, touted as proof of army plots against the government (It was in fact a forgery by the Czechoslovak StB on behalf of the PKI). During his 1964 Independence Day speech, Sukarno publicly denounced the United States. An anti-American campaign ensued in which American companies were threatened, American movies banned, American-occupied buildings attacked, American journalists banned or imprisoned, and the American flag defaced. Large anti-American posters appeared on the streets of Jakarta and aid from the US was cut off. In August 1965, President Sukarno declared Indonesia's withdrawal from the World Bank and IMF. In the 1965 Independence Day speech to the nation, he announced the existence of a "Jakarta-Phnom Penh-Hanoi-Peking-Seoul axis" and that the people would be armed to protect the "national revolution". On 27 September, Nasution announced that he opposed the "Fifth Branch" and "Nasakomisation" of the army.
The Indonesian economy continued to deteriorate. The 1964-1965 period saw an inflation rate of 600%. The government was unable to service massive foreign debt to both Western and Communist Bloc governments. The 1st October 1966[141] saw the seizure of the capital by the so-called "30 September Movement" (G30S). Ahmad Yani, head of the army, was killed, as was Nasution[142].The G30S was composed of members of the Presidential Guard, the Brawidjaja Division, and Diponegoro Division under the command of the communist Lieutenant-Colonel Untung bin Sjamsuri. The communist Fifth Branch militias sprung into action, as did the Air Force, which bombarded army units which intended to advance against the G30S positions. Over the course of the next two years, the communists, who had replaced the cabinet with a "Revolutionary Council" which had kept Sukarno as President, suppressed the military response, forcing those that didn't defect to the cause to surrender. The G30S had presented their actions as a preemptive strike against an emerging military coup backed by the CIA, although it is uncertain whether or not a coup was actually in the making. From 1968, the government, which despite Sukarno's nominal primacy was actually controlled by Aidit, began to purge "counter-revolutionary elements". Thousands were killed by merah milisi ("red militia"). The primary targets were relatively wealthy farmers, landlords (the so-called "seven village devils") and religious leaders. Estimates of those killed reach 20,000, with some Indonesian emigres claiming even greater numbers. Tandem with these purges was a limited imitation of Maoist policies seen in the Great Leap Forward, as well as a more aggressively militaristic stance towards neighbouring states, particularly Malaya, South Moluccas and the Republic of West Papua (Republik Papua Barat). Renaming itself "Revolutionary Nusantara", the country strongly oriented itself towards the PRC, often referring to Aidit himself as "Comrade Number Two", second only to Mao himself.
Indonesian milisi march in front of Borobudur
[140] On May 18th 1958 OTL, USAF pilot Allen Pope was shot down over Ambon after sinking the KRI Hang Toeah and damaging its sister ship, the KRI Sawega.
[141] One year later than OTL.
[142] IOTL, Nasution narrowly escaped.
Decade
Wonderful, the Cultural Revolution plus the Khmer Rouge. Would we call this the Decade of Living Dangerously?
Wonderful, the Cultural Revolution plus the Khmer Rouge. Would we call this the Decade of Living Dangerously?
Don't think it will be quite as bad proportionally as the Khmer Rouge, although the total death toll will likely be much higher due to the sheer size of Indonesia's population. Of course, one of the problems here is that whilst the Khmer Rouge were ousted by the big bad Vietnamese next door, no country is really capable of quickly dislodging PKI rule in Indonesia.
That being said, its not going to be pleasant, especially not in the short term as they seek to consolidate their power. It's already been covered how poorly Indonesia was faring economically during this period. This is likely to be exacerbated by PKI rule. Unfortunately famines are likely.
Australian troops would make RMS independence possible, but why were they sent to reinforce Ambon, I can't quite follow. Sure US has had different set of presidents, but I don't know how that will change Australia's stance on Indonesia's independence (I do notice there's no mention of Australia's formal declaration support as well as its act as Indonesia's representative in the meeting of 3 representatives. 2 others were US, representing UN and Belgium, representing Netherlands)
This policy difference is based on differing internal politics in Australia (even more right-wing than OTL), as well as the media picking up on the Ambonese struggle and a resultant increase in public interest.