Chapter 37-Conquering a Paradise
  • -XXXVII-
    "Conquering a Paradise"

    "If there is the purest evil walking this earth,
    It is them, it is them, it is them."

    - Poet Amir Khusrau on the Mongols, early 14th century

    ---​
    "Once Delhi was a twin of paradise above
    Now it is the twin of hell below.
    Once Delhi was a place of pure law
    Now it is the place of pure chaos."

    - Excerpt from Amir Khusrau's lamentation on the fall of Delhi

    ---
    Delhi, Chagatai Khanate, December 15, 1299​

    Ryouchuu and his lieutenant Jinshou rode through the tall gate into that city they called "Delhi", truly one of the most splendid places he had seen among so many during his journey. Eighteen warrior monks followed him, their heads turning to take in every bit of the scenery from the strange arches to the great spires of the buildings. In the distance, he saw a high brick pillar rising into the sky, a pillar he knew those Muslims called "minarets." A few citizens of the city knelt before them and cast coins and belongings before them, but Ryouchuu led by example and ignored them, for he knew there would be far greater treasure.

    "That may be the only treasure, Tono no Houin," Jinshou said. "We are toward the rear of those forces entering the city."

    Ryouchuu gestured toward the great brick pillar. "Should we chant the sutras from the highest place in the city, we shall be rewarded."

    "As you command," Jinshou said, pausing to shout the order once more to the other monks. His face still bore a fresh scar received at the Battle of Siri just a day prior.

    Other Mongol warriors in the city had already occupied the important streetcorners and heights of the buildings and Ryouchuu smelled the characteristic odor of the smoke of burning bodies. Fresh flames rose in the distance, and Ryouchuu knew the sack of the city had become in earnest. That Mongol prince Qutlugh-Khwaja tried his hardest, but there are wicked people in his army and wicked people in this city. It is no surprise they clash. What a shame so many will be beaten, robbed, and killed by people who do so not in the name of spreading truth but only in the name of increasing their wealth!

    The great brick minaret now loomed before them, and Ryouchuu and his warrior monks could only gape in awe at its height.

    "It must be twice the height as the pagoda at Houryuu-ji or even Tou-ji's pagoda in the Capital," Jinshou noted with amazement. "Perhaps it is even higher than the great pagoda at Toudai-ji looked like before the Taira clan burnt it during their disturbance." [1]

    "Indeed. What a shame that those who preach the dharma have no tower this height!" Ryouchuu said. "Come, let us proclaim the dharma from it."

    They passed through a grand archway and entered into a courtyard, where first Ryouchuu decided to inspect the mosque. A forest of colonnades awaited the monks, where citizens crouched in hiding. They appeared to be Muslim women by their dress, perhaps the wives and daughters of the enemy soldiers. A few small children clutched them tight, gazing in fear at Ryouchuu and his monks. He gestured at them, motioning for them to rise to their feet. When none followed orders, he grabbed an elderly woman by the neck and dragged her to her feet.

    Ryouchuu's face lit up as a golden goblet clanked to the ground from beneath her robe. He snatched it and inspected it, impressed with the hefty weight.

    "It is a shame you resist offering alms to a monk," he sneered. "Jinshou, you speak their language better than I do, tell them to lay down their treasures before us." Jinshou stepped to the front and did as commanded, but few of the women or children complied.

    "Give it now, or enjoy damnation in your next life!" Ryouchuu shouted, drawing his long, narrow spiked club and bashing a woman on the shoulder, slamming her into a column. A few coins spilled from underneath her robes.

    "Kill everyone here," Ryouchuu ordered, frustrated at the resistance. "They are hoarders of wealth who hold in their hearts the wicked desire that we humble monks might starve. Let us slay them with prayers in our hearts that by killing these sinners now and ensuring they acquire no more bad karma that they might find release in their next life."

    He twirled his club around and brought it down on the woman's skull. The others started fleeing, but the archers among his part fired arrows into their backs. Treasure fell from their robes as the warrior monks chased the women and children through the mosque, so much treasure that Ryouchuu wondered just how large a Buddha image might be cast. The screams of the victims only enthused him, for they were the screams of sinners. Every place in this world is a battlefield, but there is no greater battlefield than the land of India where we can grant the mercy of death to innumerable sinners.

    "Let us set this temple aflame," Ryouchuu suggested. "There is no use chasing them. They will leave this life inside this shrine of their worthless god whose followers persecute the sangha. We will collect their treasure from their bodies and use it as an offering that they may not regress any further from enlightenment in their next life."

    ---​

    Of all Temur Khan's accomplishments during his rule of Yuan, perhaps none came higher than the nigh-reunion of the Mongol Empire in 1304. Beginning with the defection of princes from Kaidu and the Chagatai Khanate and peace brokered with the Golden Horde, Temur Khan's diplomacy brought even the rebellious houses of Chagatai and Ogedei back into the fold of the Mongol Empire. For the first time in over a generation, the Mongol Empire stood at peace, answering to the same Great Khan as they mutually coordinated offensives. A renewed golden age of the Mongol Empire seemed imminent.

    Throughout Asia, the Mongol Empire advanced again, unhindered by internal struggles. Temur Khan launched the great fourth invasion of Japan in 1297, begging the other khanates for aid which was granted. Duwa of the Chagatai Khanate invaded the Delhi Sultanate in India in great numbers, while the Ilkhanate under Ghazan made another effort at invading Syria--like Japan, these were great undertakings which had failed in the past, in the latter case so dramatically it is said to mark the end of the Mongol invasions [2]. The White and Blue Hordes stood in a state of internal conflict, conflict which periodically spread to their tributaries such as invasions of Bulgaria and another sack of Kiev in 1299. Yet those internal tensions died off as well following the elimination of Kaidu and those Ogedeids who sought power, and the Horde focused on renewing their strength.

    The Chagatai target India lay in chaos at the end of the 13th century--it was ruled by a mixture of Hindu states who were frequently raided by the powerful Delhi Sultanate. This gravely weakened many of the Hindu states, which only furthered the wealth looted by the Mamluks of Delhi. Although Islam had only a small foothold for its power centered around forts and cities the Turkic Muslims (called Turushka by the Hindu elite) used as bases, its power in India, particularly the north, was clearly ascendent.

    In 1296, the general Ali Gurshasp assassinated his uncle Jalaluddin and seized the throne of the Delhi Sultanate, taking the name Alauddin. An ambitious, vigorous, and legendarily cruel tyrant, Alauddin conducted a great purge of nobles and conquered the city of Multan near the Chagatai border, executing members of Jalaluddin's family and their allies. Duwa's warriors raided Delhi in these years, but to little avail. Duwa's invasions of Delhi in 1297 and 1298 in particular had ended in disaster at the hands of the talented Delhi Sultanate general Zafar Khan.

    In the intervening time, the Delhi Sultanate was struck with a rebellion of slave soldiers. Alauddin and his two chief generals, Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan, returned home to Delhi with much loot in their caravan after a great victory over the Vaghela of Gujarat marked with plundering and raiding Hindu temples. Among their soldiers were 4,000 Mongols, taken prisoner and converted to Islam after the previous failed Chagatai invasion. The generals ordered the soldiers to pay a portion of their loot, which under Islamic law was 20%--dispute rose within the camp as the generals ordered several soldiers tortured, and subsequently these Mongols broke into outright mutiny.

    These slave soldiers murdered Nusrat Khan's brother (a secretary) and then attacked Ulugh Khan's camp where the general was slain while using the latrines [3]. Several lesser nobles died as well before loyal soldiers drove off the mutineers, but not before they confiscated much of the loot. Some of these mutineers sought shelter with the Vaghela, others allied with the powerful Hindu king Hammiradeva Chauhan of Ranthambore, but many rejoined the Chagatai army. However, this came at a brutal price--Alauddin and Nusrat ordered the destruction of their families, raping and murdering thousands of women and children and selling others into slavery or prostitution. This extreme violence shocked even contemporary observors with its cruelty.

    By this point, Duwa now focused on India. He aggressively recruited from Kaidu's demoralised troops and the powerful Qara'unas Mongols settled in Afghanistan, and even received exiles, deportees, and fortune seekers from as far as southern China, Liaoyang, and Japan. The latter component included around twenty warrior monks from Japan led by the notorious monk Nijou Ryouchuu (良忠), best known as Tono no Houin (殿法印), spurred on by a quest for hidden wisdom to be discovered and remnant Buddhists to be protected from rapacious Hindus and Muslims [4]. Overall, Duwa assembled an enormous force of 60,000 warriors, reported by some as 100,000 or even 200,000 men. [5]

    Qutlugh-Khwaja's army struck deep into India in September 1299, acting as a disciplined army that only pillaged for necessary supplies. He advanced as lightning toward Delhi itself, seeking a decisive battle against the Delhi Sultanate. The Chagatai forces bypassed forts and cities, plundering villages for supplies in their advance. Qutlugh-Khwaja received an offer from Zafar Khan for a personal duel, but he rejected it out of his believe that "a king only fights another king."

    The army advanced so fast and with so little warning that Alauddin lacked time to prepare an adequate defense. Panic rose within Delhi as news spread of the rapid advance. Alauddin hurriedly summoned a vast army that some say numbered 300,000 men and 2,700 war elephants--in truth, it was likely around twice as large as the Mongol force. It was a force so large and hastily summoned that it proved unwieldy to order about--command was split between his chief generals. Yet ensconced at Kili outside Delhi with its newly built Siri Fort, it would prove a great obstacle for the Chagatai. Qutlugh-Khwaja reputedly was impressed with the enemy army and claimed it one of the finest in existance.

    Alauddin's advisors told him to seek a diplomatic solution, aware of the risks of engaging the Mongol army. But Alauddin ignored this advice and set up defensive positions, ordering no commander move their unit--it seems he hoped to set up a siege situation where the Mongols might run out of supplies. Eventually, Qutlugh-Khwaja mounted an attack on December 7, 1299. His general on the Mongol left Hijlak struck first and tried goading the Delhi Sultanate forces into a feigned retreat.

    Zafar Khan on the Delhi right disobeyed orders, believing the Mongols exhausted enough he might overcome them. Hijlak led Zafar's cavalry on a feigned retreat for many hours, leading them far from the battlefield while Chagatai commander Taraghai used his reserves to cut off his path back to Kili and dispersed his infantry. Zafar knew he was trapped and further knew he would be punished for defying orders, and with his 1,000 cavalry arranged a final stand.

    In the Delhi camp, Zafar's son Diler begged Alauddin to send support, believing it possible to win. He was denied, but Kamal al-Din, commander of Alauddin's reserve force, supported Diler. Alauddin took hours to decide, disputing with his other generals over the matter before he finally changed his mind and dispatched 20,000 men to rescue Zafar [6].

    Unfortunately, Kamal al-Din and Diler were waylaid by Taraghai's force, which despite being half their strength fought the sudden advance well. Meanwhile, Zafar Khan's troops fought bravely against Hijlak's Mongols, but a lucky shot from a Mongol archer pierced Zafar's heart. Without their leader, the Delhi cavalrymen were rapidly cut down. The Mongols paraded Zafar's head around as they smashed Kamal al-Din and Diler's relief force.

    Diler Khan was captured in the fighting and brought before Qutlugh Khwaja, who promised to grant him the spoils of victory and wealth of the Chagatai Khanate who lacked the constant infighting and greed of the Delhi Sultanate. In grief over his father's death and believing Alauddin delayed his decision out of malevolance, Diler and several hundred of his warriors accepted the Chagatai offer.

    The Mongol right of Temurbuqa struck hard upon hearing the news of Zafar Khan's death, joined by Taraghai and Hijlak [7]. The Delhi Sultanate forces fought them off, but broke ranks and pursued them where they were cut down by arrows. Qutlugh-Khwaja then led the Mongol center himself and charged into the Sultanate's ranks, aiming for Alauddin's head. With the main reserve force absent, the Mongols nearly crushed the Sultanate before Nusrat Khan's men rallied to Alauddin's rescue and drove the Mongols off. The first day of the Battle of Kili thus ended with both forces suffering heavy losses. Although Alauddin once again was suggested to retreat from the field and force the Mongols to besiege the forts, Alauddin remained adamant in his desire to crush the Mongols on the battlefield.

    On the second day of battle, Qutlugh-Khwaja mounted yet another assault to some initial success, but Alauddin's reorganised battle lines caused him great losses. But by now, rumours spread within the camp at Siri of Diler Khan's betrayal based on Alauddin's tyranny regarding Zafar Khan. These rumours reached Delhi, where hearing of Mongol success in battle, they believed the end of Alauddin Khan's reign imminent. An officer garrisoning Delhi named Haji Maula assassinated the mayor of the city. His warriors seized key points of government in Delhi, announcing--to great acclaim--an immediate end to Alauddin's harsh taxation and regulations. Haji Maula emptied the royal treasury and granted it to the people, making him an immediately popular figure. He declared Alauddin overthrown and installed as sultan a noble named Alavi, supposedly a descendent of early 13th century sultan Iltutmish [8].

    News of this coup forced Alauddin into action. He sent Malik Hamiduddin to Delhi with 10,000 men to crush Haji Maula's army while deploying the rest of his army into battle at once, yet the size of his force and its poor morale led to this order being confused and poorly implemented. In contrast, rumours of dissent in the enemy camp invigorated Qutlugh-Khwaja's army. They retreated and scattered Alauddin's forces across the battlefield and then turned about and charged back in, completely destroying the less disciplined wings and killing Nusrat Khan. After three hard days of fighting, the Battle of Kili ended. It was not one of the finer Mongol victories, for Qutlugh-Khwaja lost nearly 1/3 of his army in the process, but it was a victory regardless.

    Malik Hamiduddin's forces never made it to Delhi. Qutlugh-Khwaja dispatched Diler Khan to Delhi to investigate rumours of the coup. His forces reached Delhi first (thanks to Chagatai harassment of Malik Hamiduddin's army) where he entered into a conspiracy with Haji Maula. Malik's forces were permitted to enter Delhi where they were promptly ambushed while Diler Khan's cavalrymen rode down those outside.

    Alauddin managed to salvage the remnants of his army--no more than 20,000 men at that point and resolved to retreat to Delhi, retake the city from the rebels, and wait out the Mongols through a siege. This was not to be, for Diler Khan led a force of 5,000 rebels out of the city in tandem with a reserve force of 10,000 Mongols under the general Taraghai. Attacked from front, side, and rear, Alauddin's army disintegrated as the Sultan was abandoned by his men and Alauddin soon captured.

    The Mongols entered Delhi, where at Qutlugh-Khwaja's demand, the citizens raised a great ransom to avoid a violent sack. The Sultan and his surviving family were paraded in chains through the city, the ire of the people focused upon them. Unfortunately, the Mongol mutineers present in Delhi ended this parade through tearing them to pieces, sparking a riot that saw the palace looted by Delhi's citizens. An orgy of rape, beatings, murder, and looting followed that spread to the city as a whole. Hindu mobs and the warrior monks of Tono no Houin destroyed many mosques in the city including the great Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque. Alavi and Haji Maula attempted to organise a resistance to the mobs, but the former was lynched and the latter fled the city. The famed poet and musician Amir Khusrau, who survived the violence by posing as a beggar, fled to Bengal and wrote famous verses describing the destruction.

    Chaos reigned before Qutlugh-Khwaja restored order through executing those who partook in crimes against the former government and their families--among those he executed were several of Tono no Houin's warrior monks, including his chief lieutenant Jinshou (仁昭) who allegedly was a grandson of Emperor Juntoku (although more likely an imposter of the prince-monk of the same name). Tono no Houin himself was lashed for his failure to restrain his troops alongside several other Mongol commanders. Qutlugh-Khwaja punished Haji Maula for failure to maintain order, flogging him before demoting him to a distant posting in Central Asia.

    The short-lived Khalji Dynasty came to an end. With Diler Khan installed as governor in Delhi itself, the governors of the Khalji divided in allegiance. Some pledged allegiance to Diler Khan--and the Mongol Empire--but others joined Alauddin's brother-in-law Alp Khan who proclaimed himself regent for Alauddin's son Khizr Khan. Driven by their zealous Islamic faith that demanded they fight the heathen invaders, these Khalji loyalists mobilised much of the remaining might of the Delhi Sultanate and posed a considerable threat to Qutlugh-Khwaja's exhausted army.

    Alp Khan was a powerful general--in 1300 and 1301, he led the successful conquest of Gujarat, extinguishing the Vaghela dynasty and gaining a great deal of wealth and new slave soldiers for his army. He prevented any real Mongol advances in those years, forcing Qutlugh-Khwaja to consolidate his gains and prepare for a final campaign against the Delhi remnants. Such consolidation of gains involved taking the many fortresses the Chagatai Mongols bypassed en route to the decisive battlefield at Kili. Some fortresses surrendered rapidly, but in other cases the Mongols had to deal with former Delhi Sultanate officers setting themselves up as independent emirs who vigorously defended their territory. By 1305, they were largely subdued, but survivors among their soldiers renewed their loyalty toward Alp Khan and joined his forces that massed to the east of Delhi and functioned through raiding nearby Hindu kingdoms.

    The realm of Hammiradeva of Ranthambore bore the brunt of the raids. Thanks to loyal Mongols in his service, Hammiradeva made common cause with Qutlugh-Khwaja. From 1303-1305, the Hindu warriors and their Mongol allies took fort after fort from Alp Khan's forces. In 1306, Alp Khan was betrayed in a conspiracy by two of his foremost generals--Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq and Malik Kafur. These generals mutinied along with their forces, murdered Alp Khan and his children, and sent Khizr Khan and his younger brothers to the Mongols in chains where they were promptly rolled up in a carpet and trampled to death by horses, the decisive end for the Khalji. Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq and Malik Kafur gained high positions--the former became emir of Dipalpur and nearby areas while the latter became a puppet ruler in Delhi itself, ending its existance after exactly a century.

    This only brought temporary peace to India. South of the Chagatai realm lay Hammiradeva's increasingly powerful state. Hammiradeva gained much territory taken from Alp Khan by agreement with Duwa and Qutlugh-Khwaja and sought even more through attacks on nearby Hindu states. The nobility of Delhi despised this powerful Hindu ruler and clamored for his destruction. The Hindu merchants and landlords in the countryside yearned for Hammiradeva to liberate them from Mongol rule, for the Mongols were just as much barbaric mleccha of Turushka extract as the Delhi Sultans they replaced and proved nearly as eager to tax and recruit soldiers for war. The seeds were already sown for many future wars in India.

    The conquest of India brought the Chagatai Khanate into a true golden age. They gained a land every bit as rich as China or Persia, if not richer. The fertile plains of northern India made for vast amounts of agricultural wealth, while the trade routes linking the entire Indian Ocean fell into Chagatai hands. The prospect of night-endless wealth and power beckoned. So great was their success that it only increased the jealousy of the Ilkhanate, the greatest rival of the Chagatai--in these years, they too would embark on a great campaign of expansion in hopes of matching Chagatai success.

    ---
    Author's notes

    While I did not originally plan for this, the more I researched the more I believed there was some potential for certain crucial Mongol battles in this era to go either way. With the relative success of the Japan campaign inspiring the Mongol Empire as a whole and luck favouring certain affairs in Central Asia, the Battle of Kili in late 1299 goes far better for the Chagatai Khanate leading to the fall of the Delhi Sultanate.

    I believe this is quite plausible since Alauddin Khan was a notorious tyrant (albeit an effective one). Several battles against the Chagatai were close-run affairs, and Alauddin and his clique of talented generals were truly lucky with affairs involving ethnic Mongol soldiers and internal rebellions. The specific battle I describe here, an alternative version of the Battle of Kili, was indeed a good chance for a Mongol victory, particularly if the Delhi Sultanate has had a little worse luck. One look at the OTL situation should show just how lucky Alauddin Khan was during this battle (and other times in the early part of his career).

    Originally this was two entries, but has been divided because of how I want to present this era of Mongol expansion. The next entry will be the Ilkhanate in this era, specifically Ilkhanate vs Mamluks with a little side venture to Europe. After that I will do another entry regarding the Yuan including the last years of Temur Khan's rule, the outcome of Song Longji's rebellion, and a certain other event.

    Thank you for reading, and if you enjoy it, pleasae consider voting for this TL as Best Medieval Timeline.

    [1] - Two of the highest premodern pagodas in Japan, although Tou-ji's current pagoda seems to be merely based on one which existed in medieval times. Toudai-ji once had even higher pagodas and was at least 28 meters higher than the Qutb Minar (the minaret being described here, albeit an earlier version than that which stands today due to modifications over the centuries)
    [2] - The 1260 Battle of Ain Jalut in modern Palestine was a great disaster for the Mongol Empire, marked the end of their constant advance, and is often said to be a decisive battle in global history.
    [3] - IOTL nobody checked just where Ulugh Khan was using the latrine, so he managed to escape. TTL he is not as lucky.
    [4] - He was a nephew of Nijou Morotada, TTL regent of the Kingdom of Japan, but his father is unknown. Tono no Houin was an honorary title due to the Nijou being among the five regent houses of the Northern Fujiwara. He was a warrior monk OTL and given his story in the Taiheiki regarding him as a warrior monk who operated as a violent bandit, it seems too interesting not to imagine what a younger, even more impulsive version of him might do.
    [5] - As ever, I am reducing the exaggerated numbers of soldiers found in premodern chronicles
    [6] - IOTL, no one powerful demanded to relieve Zafar Khan, since the general best in position to have done so, Ulugh Khan, disliked Zafar. TTL Kamal al-Din is promoted earlier and he lacked that animosity so could be convinced.
    [7] - This Temurbuqa was likely not the same person as any of the other Mongols featured in this TL by that name--IOTL he is recorded as having commanded the right wing of the Mongol force at Kili and having been routed by a sudden charge led by Diler Khan. Obviously that does not happen TTL.
    [8] - Haji Maula's rebellion happened in 1301 OTL. It seems possible that a misinterpretation over Zafar Khan's death combined with a better Mongol performance (OTL Qutlugh Khwaja was heavily wounded by the end of the first day) means this conspiracy goes into action and thus brings about the end of the battle.
     
    Chapter 38-Preach With an Iron Tongue
  • -XXXVIII-
    "Preach With an Iron Tongue"

    At the same time of Temur's fourth invasion of Japan and Duwa's invasion of India, the Ilkhanate's ruler Ghazan prepared for a return to Syria in triumph. Although the ruling Burjid Mamluk Sultanate repelled them in 1260, 1271, and 1281, and many other invasions had been foiled by intervention from the rival Jochids or Chaghatai, news of success in Japan and especially India combined with a stable domestic situation inspired Ghazan to once again mount an invasion. Ghazan raised his armies to war in the belief that his forefathers' defeats might prove as transient as the Yuan's defeat in Japan in 1274.

    The Conquest of Syria and the Tenth Crusade

    In 1299, Ghazan sent envoys to his Christian allies, including the ruler of Cilician Armenia Hethum II, the remnants of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (now based in Cyprus) under Henry II de Lusignan, and the heads of the Knights Hospitaller and the Knights Templar, Guillaume de Villaret and Jacques de Molay respectively. They were to prepare for a combined attack against the hated Mamluk Sultanate, who just 8 years earlier had evicted the Crusaders from their final base at Acre.

    Although a Muslim himself who helped convert many of the Ilkhanate's Turko-Mongolic elite, Ghazan viewed the Mamluks as his most deadly enemy. The powerful rebel general Sulemish (whom Ghazan executed 1299) had Mamluk backing, as did various Syrian sheikhs who raided his land and carried off prisoners. Further, he gained the allegiance of several Mamluk emirs in Syria, including Saif al-Din Qipchaq, emir of Damascus. This gave Ghazan plenty of cause for an invasion.

    With Ghazan and his chief emir Kutlughshah at their head, the Mongols struck first and invaded Syria in force alongside their Armenian and Georgian vassals under Hethum II. A large Mamluk force under the young Sultan Al-Nasir Muhammad, moved forward and tried to stop them near the city of Homs, a site of two past successes for the Mamluk. Although outnumbered, Mongol mobility won the day, breaking through a weak flank of the Mamluks and routing them. Homs was captured, and on the retreat, Maronite and Druze peasants in Mount Lebanon revolted, joining the Mongol force. These rebels prevented an orderly Mamluk retreat and killed thousands as the Mongols raided as far south as Damascus, seizing the city in the wake of the Mamluk retreat.

    The Ilkhanate soon besieged the key citadel at Damascus and re-installed Saif al-Din as emir, but the Mamluks forced their retreat due to Al-Nasir Muhammad ordering a scorched earth campaign. Denied their pasture, the strong citadel at Damascus and a sudden betrayal by Qipchaq repelled the Mongol invaders. However, a detatchment of Mongols, perhaps 10,000 men, under the general Mulai stormed south and raided Palestine as far south as Gaza, even attacking the outskirts of Jerusalem before retreating in the face of the Mamluk army.

    Mulai's stunning success, along with the similarity of his name to the Grandmaster of the Knights Templar, spawned wild rumours across Christendom that the Mongols seized Jerusalem and would soon return it to the Christians. These crusaders arrived in 1300, under the brothers of King Henry II (who himself was prone to seizures and unable to lead an army) Amaury and Guy and the Cypriot lords Guy d'Ibelin and Jean II de Giblet. These crusaders scoured the coasts from Egypt to Syria, searching for weak points in the coastal defenses--they seized the town of Nephin and set about rebuilding its castle as they lay siege to Tripoli. Meanwhile, Barthélemy de Quincy and Dalmau de Rocaberti of the Templars conquered the island of Ruad, fortifying it and establishing a base, the first Crusader base so near the Levant since the fall of Acre in 1291.

    Despite the scorched earth campaign and the frigid, wet winter of 1300-1301, the Ilkhanate managed to aid the Crusaders. Likely this was due to Ghazan's confidence in internal Mongol politics--his Chaghatai rivals were busy conquering India, the dangerous Kaidu had died in battle, and he was prepared to cede the land of Arran to the Jochids in exchange for peace [1]. Thus Ghazan left the bulk of his warriors in Syria and besieged and conquered the fortress of Aleppo (bypassed in the initial advance) and raided as far as the Mediterranean coast, where their arrival accompanied by Armenian cavalry met cheers from the Crusaders. Other Mamluk garrisons were eliminated, and Ghazan even gained the allegiance of Mamluk emirs who had not initially joined him. Another Ilkhanate force, under Ghazan's personal command, spent much of that time subduing tribes at the borders in their annual migrations.

    The victory in Aleppo and Ghazan's continued harassment of Mamluk lines diverted all Mamluk relief forces. In 1301, the Crusader force broke out from their coastal beachheads and conquered the city of Tripoli, restoring it to Christian rule after its fall in 1289. The Mamluk relief force, cobbled together from Syria's garrisons, and Tripoli's own defenders faltered before the highly motivated Crusader army. Soon thereafter, the Templars and Hospitallers seized the city of Tortosa and mounted more and more raids on the coast.

    In autumn 1301, Ghazan himself returned in full strength to attack the Syria and Palestine. Ilkhanate forces numbering around 70,000 (nearly half Armenians and Georgians) swept south to Damascus, causing a great panic in the city. Qipchaq fled to the citadel, now besieged by the Mongol army. In Egypt, similar panic broke out, for they believed they faced a coordinated Crusader-Mongol alliance, the most terrifying of thoughts to the Mamluks.

    Their army, under Sultan Al-Nasir and his chief generals Saif al-Din Salar and Baibars al-Jashankir, contained only 20,000 men--it seems the majority of their soldiers were occupied dealing with tribal revolts in upper Egypt, the mountains of Lebanon, and Crusader piracy along the coasts. However, the defenders of Damascus were highly motivated by the theologian and jurist Ibn Taymiyyah, who roundly condemned anyone who dared surrender the fortress. He served as a negotiator with the Mongols, condemning their leadership and successfully stalled for time. Returning to Egypt to assist in raising an army, Ibn Taymiyyah issued a fatwa calling for jihad against all who aid the Mongols, for doing so made them apostates from Islam [2].

    Outside Damascus at Shaqhab, Kutlughshah's army fell upon the Mamluks. His left wing under the general Chuban nearly shattered the Mamluk right, but Salar and Baibars salvaged the situation and temporarily drove him back. Content in his impending victory with his numerical advantage and this initial success, Kutlughshah chose to watch the battle from a hill surrounded by only his closest guards and envoys carrying orders. This proved a mistake the Mamluks took full advantage of, charging the hill and disrupting Chuban's successful battle plan. The battle devolved into a frantic melee as the Mongols tried desperately to protect their general. After many casualties, each party managed to retreat.

    The following day, Kutlughshah sent out his cavalry commander Mulai with 5,000 men to make the Mamluks believe casualties had been higher. Mulai was also to recover fodder and water for the horses. The Mamluks divided their camp in an attempt to trick the Mongols into crossing to a nearby river, but Qutlughshah trusted Mulai to bring the necessary supplies. When he was late, Qutlughshah sent his Armenians and Georgians to resupply along the river banks where the Mamluks attacked them. At that point, the Mamluks were struck in both the rear and side. King Hethum himself led his men well and held on long enough to let reinforcements arrive, in the process killing Ibn Taymiyyah.

    Casualties on both sides were high, with the Mongols having lost nearly 10,000 men and many horses. But the Mamluks suffered equal losses and lost the field. The Mongol army was exhausted, so no pursuit of the fleeing enemy was possible. Further, the loss of Ibn Taymiyyah and retreat of the Mamluk army forced the surrender of the citadel at Damascus, gaining the Mongols a crucial city. The treacherous emir Qipchaq faced execution along with many of his allies who double-crossed the Ilkhanate.

    The great Mongol victory over the hated Mamluks and success at Tripoli and Tortosa inspired renewed calls for crusades. Yet the political situation was far different than during the golden age of crusading. Pope Boniface VIII frequently clashed with the secular kings of Europe, not the least the ambitious Philip IV of France, over the limits of church influence. The Mediterranean was a sea of intrigue between Italian city-state rivalries and those of the Angevins and Aragonese. The House of Lusignan, heirs to Jerusalem reduced to ruling Cyprus, were but mere pawns in these schemes whom powerful players, be it Genoa, the Angevins, the Aragonese, or the French.

    It was clear that the era of crusading was far different than before. From Henry II of Cyprus's clashes with the Genoese, public clashes on the matter of crusade organisation and structure between factions in the church, to Philip IV using a tax meant to fund a crusade to raise money for his own secular purposes, Europe's rulers exploited the calls to crusade for every bit of what it was worth. This spilled over to Cyprus, where King Henry II was unable to send much assistance to the crusading orders even as his own brother Amaury led a large contigent of warriors.

    Regardless, in 1302, Pope Boniface VIII issued a crusade bull that laid out the crimes of the Saracens and promised heavenly rewards and blessings to all who might take up the cross and proceed to Jerusalem. The bull came concurrent with the papal mediation between the Angevins and Aragon's House of Barcelona, warring for over 20 years. It was termed the Peace of Caltabellotta and the main warring rulers--Charles II of Naples along with James II of Aragon and his brother Frederick III of Sicily. The Tenth Crusade had begun [3].

    Only a few prominent nobles joined. Most prominent of them was Albert the One-Eyed of Germany, King of Germany. Head of the House of Hapsburg and ruler of Austria, Albert took the cross in exchange for a promise from the Pope to crown him Holy Roman Empire so that the Great Interregnum might end [4]. However, Albert had to deal with significant unrest at home and conflict with King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, preventing from bringing a large army. The aid lent by the Teutonic Knights and local chapters of the Hospitallers and Templars more than made up for this, however.

    Charles II of Naples likewise joined. He desired to uphold the Pope's authority which he (and his father) had always stood behind. Because he was embroiled in a succession dispute against the Premyslids of Bohemia over gaining the throne of Hungary for his grandson Charles Robert, Charles joined the Crusade in hopes he might gain additional Papal support for his schemes. In time this proved effective--in 1303 the Premyslid king Wenceslaus II alongside his heir Wenceslaus faced excommunication for their wars to gain the Hungarian throne. His royal schemes did not stop there, for Charles also aimed to gain the throne of Jerusalem, a claim his father once upheld. Charles led over 10,000 warriors from his scattered domains in France and Italy to the Holy Land, leaving behind affairs in Hungary to his loyal ally, the powerful Croatian magnate Paul Subic.

    The impending arrival of the crusaders gave the Mongols time to reorganise their force. Likewise important was the Chagatai's deep involvement in India and the conciliatory policies of the Golden Horde's Bayan in permitting the Ilkhanate to redploy more horses and soldiers from the borders. Temur Khan sent 1,000 men commanded by Kutlughshah's half-brother Temurbuqa (帖木児不花) to the Ilkhanate and granted Kutlughshah a large financial reward [5].

    In winter 1302, the Mamluks were reorganising their forces, having subdued Upper Egypt and made pushes against the Druze, Alawites, and Maronites of Mount Lebanon. They mounted an attack by sea under Saif al-Din Salar, sending 10,000 troops in 20 large galleys and many smaller ones to sweep the Crusaders from the sea. From Italy had come a force raised by the Pope of 60 galleys of various sizes and 5,000 men, mostly Genoese. The total number of crusaders, mostly Templars, Hospitallers, and Amaury's warriors, numbered only 8,000. The naval forces clashed off Ruad, where Hospitaller admiral (and nephew of the grandmaster) Folques de Villaret failed to overcome the numerically superior Mamlukes who drove Crusaders into the harbour of Tortosa and besieged the city.

    The distraction with the Crusaders much aided the Mongol cause. Ghazan Khan reinforced his warriors and led them himself, mounting a great attack into Palestine and the Jordan Valley. Baibars al-Jashankir held back Ghazan from total victory by defeating him as he entered Palestine, but the Mongols plundered many cities and once again reached the gates of Jerusalem. At that moment, the Armenian contingent implored Ghazan that they might aid the besieged Crusaders. Although Ghazan hesitated, for he always remained vague on his intentions when Catholic ambassadors sought an alliance, in the end he sent Hethum with 10,000 men and orders to drive out the Mamluks from the coast.

    During this time, preachers throughout Europe, but especially England, Germany, and the Low Countries (sans Flanders) had inspired hordes of fanatics with fantastic tales of victories in the Holy Land and the impending recovery of Jerusalem. During 1302 and 1303, these men and even some women marched southwards, murdering Jews and causing great trouble with local lords. Around 30,000 gathered in the ports of southern France, demanding passage to the Holy Land. Faced with complaints from local lords, the Pope ordered the military orders and Italian cities to give them passage to the Holy Land, the true beginning of what was called the Tenth Crusade.

    This great fleet with its dozens of large galleys commanded by Genoese admiral Benedetto Zaccaria arrived off Tortosa in November 1302. Seeing their predicament, the Mamluks retreated at once and the siege lifted. The Crusader army, now with around 55,000 men, advanced and took city after city on the coast. The level of fortification in the region was low due to the Mamluks seeking to deny Crusaders a foothold after the Fall of Acre. By summer 1303, the Crusaders advanced inland and laid siege to Antioch. Refortified by its local emir, Antioch proved a strong fortress, yet its distance from the front line ensured the Mamluks could not readily come to its aid.

    However, the Crusader force suffered one problem--its unruly nature. These men were already despised by European lords for massacres of Jews (against legal protections), crimes committed against property, and other frustrations. In the Holy Land, these crusaders carried on much the same way--they frequently disobeyed orders, committed rapes and massacres of Jews and Muslims at every moment, and occasionally found themselves left behind and killed when they stayed too long to loot. Several of the European nobles abandoned the crusade as a result, while others never set sail. For instance, James II of Aragon chose to follow his advisor Ramon Llull's suggestion and expand his ongoing war with Castile to include an attack on the Emirate of Granada, a successful proposition that forced Castile into a hasty peace lest they be seen as aiding the infidel.

    Pope Boniface VIII died in 1303, not living to see the end of the Crusade. He was the victim of an abduction carried out by agents of Philip IV of France, a sworn enemy of his attempts to expand papal power. Concerns over Philip IV weighed heavily over the conclave, but these were outweighed by the concern over management of the Crusade which looked more and more successful every day. To Philip's disappointment, the cardinals selected the elderly cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini (nephew of Pope Nicholas III) as the new pope. The cardinal took the name Benedict XI and as his first act excommunicated those who arranged the attack on his predecessor and further demanded Philip support the Crusade both financially and militarily or join his minions in excommunication [6]. Hard-pressed after a series of losses to the Count of Flanders and facing financial problems, Philip continued in opposition to papal policies.

    Ghazan's army of 50,000 men was more than sufficient to draw away the attention of the Mamluks through its raiders who struck deep into Mamluk territory. It seemed in every way a classic Mongol army, one which seemingly struck along every possible axis of advance to confound the enemy and force them to defend everywhere. Sporadic clashes against the main Mamluk army prevented them from relieving Jerusalem. While Kutlughshah and Ghazan himself presided over the army, it seems the architects of these strategies were the emirs Chuban and Mulay, particularly the latter with his brilliant cavalry advances.

    This in May 1304 Jerusalem fell to the Mongols. Ghazan executed the emir of the city and the leaders of the Mamluk garrison, but otherwise little violence or looting occurred. The surrendering soldiers themselves he demanded serve him or suffer slavery--most chose to serve him and were deported. Ghazan ensured his soldiers respected the chief shrines of Jews and Christians and announced his intention to expand the sacred site of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

    Not long after, Antioch fell to the Crusaders, and the Crusader army traveled south and seized Barut, Sidon, and Tyre. The Mamluk policy of destroying coastal fortifications now proved their greatest liability, for all that stopped the Crusaders were hastily repaired forts that could not withstand their army. After a crushing defeat near Acre, the Mamluk army withdrew and united with Baibars to defend the Jordan valley and approaches to Egypt itself.

    Ghazan and the Crusader army argued about the direction of the campaign at that point, and even broke into periodic clashes spurred by their ill-disciplined and fanatical troops. Loud voices called for Ghazan to cede Jerusalem to its previous Christian owners, voices who the Crusader leadership could not silence no matter how hard they tried. As for Ghazan, he desired to capture Mecca and Medina demonstrate he alone was the rightful ruler of the Muslim world.

    The armies thus split apart, although each outnumbered the Mamluk force. Baibars left Saif al-Din Salar in command of a small garrison at Ascalon, whose fortress he had focused his efforts on rebuilding that year. Baibars himself took 30,000 warriors south and forced Mulay to rapidly withdraw his raids--a major battle looked imminent.

    Ghazan produced much propaganda distributed through local imams that proclaimed his worthiness to rule Mecca and Medina, but this was bitterly contested by pro-Mamluk imams and even the powerless Abbasid caliphs themselves. Ghazan's propaganda played an important role in the continuing succession struggle within the emirates of Mecca and Medina, whose rulers coincidentally perished in 1301 and 1302 respectively. With the Mamluks so thoroughly wounded by the Mongol invasion and Crusader attack, these struggles took on renewed importance.

    In Medina, the powerful emir Jammaz ibn Shihah, who at one point ruled both Mecca and Medina and even styled himself an independent sultan, passed his rule to his favoured son Mansur. However, Mansur was opposed by his brothers, chief among whom was Muqbil. In Mecca, the situation was even more chaotic, for four sons of the emir Abu Numayy clashed over leadership there. Two of them--Utayfah and Abu al-Ghayth--were backed by the local clergy, while the other two--Humaydah and Rumaythah--sought Mamluk support.

    Baibars made periodic attempts to calm the situation in the Hejaz down, but he could not do so before 1305. Preparing for the major battle, Baibars refused to let these potentially disloyal emirs hinder Mamluk authority in the region and invaded. Muqbil became sole emir in Medina after Mamluk forces aided him in ousting his half-brother, while in Mecca, Baibars ensured Utayfah's arrest while Abu al-Ghayth barely fled with his life.

    After recruiting a few thousand Bedouins from Arabia via the forceful nature of these campaigns, Baibars moved north and reunited with his army. In October 1305, his force drew Ghazan's army to the village of Beersheba at the southernmost edge of the Holy Land. The nearly 70,000 Mongols greatly outnumbered Baibars's force of 40,000 men, and in addition Baibars faced the threat of the Crusaders on his flank. The Mongols struck hard and routed Baibars' center, but the Bedouins attacking on either flank of the Ilkhanate army hindered their movement.

    At a crucial moment in the battle where the Mongols looked to be victorious, their Bedouin vassals Muhanna ibn Isa and Fadl ibn Isa sprang a secret pact they had made between each other. Muhanna would take 1,000 of his Bedouins and betray the Mongols, while Fadl would stay loyal. Both brothers would avoid fighting each other. Thus Fadl would gain power in the Mamluks while Muhanna would keep his place in the Ilkhanate, and their clan would maximise their wealth and power by gaining grants from both powers. To paraphase contemporary historian and Mamluk emir Abulfeda who also fought at this battle, the two brothers agreed at heart but openly they were anything but [7].

    The defection of Fadl's men collapsed Mongol ranks on their right flank, and Mulay was nearly killed. This permitted Mamluk and Bedouin cavalry to attack toward the rear of the Mongol army. In response, Kutlughshah hastily pulled his men back to defend Ghazan. As he defended his khan, Kutlughshah perished from the ferocious Mamluk assault and it fell to his brother Temurbuqa and the other chief emirs of the Ilkhanate to make a hasty retreat.

    Ghazan was furious of this defeat, so furious he ordered Muhanna flogged alongside his own generals Chuban and Mulay. Morale in the Mongol army collapsed and they abandoned further campaigns that winter. Ghazan died not three months later in January 1306, thus temporarily ending the war with the Mamluks. His brother Oljaitu took power after his death, but at that time Oljaitu proved more interested in securing his power by executing potential rivals and threats to his power.

    As for the Crusader army, they faced their own challenges. While Ascalon fell by the end of 1305, the Crusader force had lost the veteran Armenians of Hethum II--Hethum had to return to Cilicia to deal with raids by both the Catalan Company and Turkish beys who sought to rebuild their strength after defeats by the Catalans. Left with only 40,000 men, the Crusaders advanced toward Gaza and captured the city thanks to the Mongol devastation it endured several times in the prior years.

    Baibars rode fast to meet the Crusaders and engaged their force in November 1305 near the city of Darom, just southwest of Gaza. Although he had only 30,000 men remaining against the 40,000 Crusaders, his army had far more mobility than the Crusader force and most crucially held high morale after their victory over the Mongols. The mobs who made up the bulk of the Crusader army were not prepared for the resistance the Mamluks offered. As their morale faltered, the Mamluks broke through them entirely, with matters made all the worse as several lords commanding them such as John of Swabia fell to Mamluk arrows and swords.

    But the Mamluks could not push to victory. The German knights of Albert I, the veteran warriors of the King of Naples, and the Templars and Hospitallers formed a strong bulwark that did not give in and permitted the Crusader force to regroup. As the sun set, the Crusader army peacefully withdrew to Ascalon in defeat.

    After the Battle of Darom, the Crusaders mounted several more inconclusive raids, even striking the Nile Delta with their warships. But they could make no more serious threat due to Mongol politics, and a truce was negotiated in 1306 that restored them to much of the Holy Land. Albert I returned to Germany in triumph as did many of his fellow nobles from Europe, but by no means was the Crusade over--enough fanatics survived that they continued raiding caravans and even sparked border conflicts with pro- Ilkhanate emirs.

    The Reborn Holy Land and Europe After the Tenth Crusade

    Matters in Europe also devolved for the worse. Pope Benedict XI died in October 1305 after only 2 years as Pope (as hoped for by the French). Philip IV had made peace with his chief nemesis at the time, the County of Flanders, permitting them a significant autonomy and the territorial integrity of their county in exchange for a large fee of reparations [8]. This gave him a free hand to deal with the church and he ensured intense pressure was placed on the cardinals to elect a pope not hostile to his interests. Likewise, Albert I now demanded his promised crown.

    The Papacy's first candidate was the elderly English cardinal Walter Winterburn, elevated by Benedict XI due to a desire for more neutral candidates (and favour in England). The second English pope, Winterburn was elected in November 1305 and became Pope Adrian VI. But he died the day after his coronation, serving as pope for only 15 days--the shortest tenure in history among those popes who were actually crowned. Winterburn accomplished nothing in his papacy beside removing a neutral voice from the subsequent conclave. Contemporary writer Dante Alighieri mocked him in his Divine Comedy as suffering in the Eighth Circle of Hell, trampling on his fellow hypocrites such as Caiaphas and his Pharisees as he is forever bound to march around in a circle wearing heavy lead robes that showcase his needless busybody piety in service of a corrupt Papacy.

    The early death of Winterburn forced another conclave. A faction of cardinals who favoured Boniface VIII's policies viewed Winterburn's death as the consequence of moderation in the face of their holy task of leading the Church. With a 2/3rds majority in the conclave, by January 1306 they elected one of their own, Giacomo Caetani Stefaneschi who chose the name Urban V because he viewed Europe's concerns as similar to that faced by Urban II over 200 years prior. The Papacy's anti-French policies continued, mitigated only by the practical concern regarding noble support for Crusades.

    The Crusaders set about re-establishing what had been lost 15 years prior. In the north stood a revived Principality of Antioch under the rule of Amaury de Lusignan, who received the title from his elderly aunt Margaret--its borders were practically the same as 12th century Antioch. In the south stood the reborn Kingdom of Jerusalem, albeit lacking Jerusalem proper and much of the interior. The epileptic Cypriot king Henry II ruled there as King of Jerusalem and Count of Tripoli--however, in Tripoli, he was forced to give many grants to the Templars, Hospitallers, and above all, the Genoese, for Tedisio Zaccaria (nephew of Benedetto) ruled the city of Tripoli as podesta and held great influence in the territories of the County of Tripoli alongside his fellow Genoese of the Embriaco [9].

    Notionally, these reborn crusader states were Mongol vassals. But barring a single trip to the court of the new Ilkhan Oljeitu to pay him homage and tribute and answer for the border raids, the Ilkhanate's influence was practically nil. Conflict with various emirs and internal struggles ensured the Mongols did little to assert influence in this vast territory restored to the Crusaders. The Ilkhanate's influence was most felt by the taxation of caravans traveling to and from the ports of the Crusader states.

    Matters within the Crusader camp were not peaceful. The Genoese and Venetians spread their tensions to the area, and above all there was conflict between the ambitious Amaury and his older brother Henry. When Henry II was away in Acre, temporary capital of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Amaury and the Knights Templar arrested Henry's supporters in Cyprus and declared himself royal governor of the island. Amaury barred his brother (and his few allies) from returning to Cyprus and attempted to gain control of Tripoli and Jerusalem as well using his hereditary position as Lord of Tyre.

    As in the past, the Holy Land would once more be the scene of endless infighting between the Christian powers. The Genoese feared any further expansion of Amaury's power, and Charles II of Naples sought to use the infighting to gain control. With his force of 10,000 knights, he aligned with the Genoese and the few pro-Henry II lords and warred against Amaury. The alliance was sealed with a marriage between Charles's younger son Raymond Berengar and Henry's youngest sister Isabella--Charles negotiated a tremendous dowry that saw the Angevins gain a large financial gain and many rights in the Holy Land, including the right to inherit Jerusalem should Henry die without an heir and without reconciliation with Amaury and his younger brothers [10]. Amaury's situation became worse when Pope Urban V demanded he cease his interference in Tripoli and Jerusalem--he was permitted only his rights in the Lordship of Tyre.

    Amaury appealed to the Holy Roman Emperor Albert, who so far had kept neutral in the matter. Albert seems to have been most concerned with European affairs and unlike the previous dynasty of Holy Roman Emperors, did not try and seize the Kingdom of Jerusalem for himself. Albert pressured Henry II to cede much land to the re-established Teutonic Knights. Henry ceded the Teutonic Knights control of the re-established citadel at Acre and most of the surrounding land along with several other sites planned to be re-fortified in both Jerusalem and the County of Tripoli. A negotiated settlement with Charles II ensured the Grandmaster of the Teutonic Knights Gottfried von Hohenlohe sat beside the Angevin representative in terms of governing Jerusalem.

    Faced with excommunication, Amaury retreated to his lands in Antioch by 1307 but still barred his brother from Cyprus. Meanwhile, Charles II, the Genoese, and the crusading orders took every opportunity to strengthen their position in Jerusalem. The Angevin king returned home to finish his grandson's war in claiming Hungary's crown and kept Raymond Berengar in Jerusalem as its regent and surrounded the king with his men. However, Raymond Berengar died not long after so Charles dispatched his son Prince Philip of Taranto to occupy that seat instead. Philip believed his younger brother had been poisoned by a remnant faction of pro-Amaury nobles led by the Prince of Galilee, Balian II of Ibelin. Despite Balian's surrender to the Angevins in 1306, Philip ordered him arrested and executed--his vassal Ruben of Montfort became the ruling prince there in his place.

    The rivalry between Venice and Genoa extended even into the Holy Land. The County of Tripoli, dominated by the Zaccaria and Embriaco families of Genoa, backed their nominal lord Henry II in his place as Count of Tripoli, ensuring both Jerusalem and Tripoli held a pro-Genoese stance. Meanwhile, Amaury made steps to reduce Genoese power on Cyprus and in Antioch and favoured the Venetians. But a long history of Genoese strength in the region ensured they held the upper hand. With the ports of the County of Tripoli most easily accessible by Genoese merchants, the Genoese were able to reap the re-established Syrian trade routes that connected to the endless wealth of the Silk Road and continent-spanning Mongol Empire.

    As for the Mamluks, Baibars al-Jashankir emerged the true power among them. Sultan Al-Nasir Muhammad tried to assassinate him in summer 1306, but Baibars discovered the plot and slew the assassins. There he marched on Cairo and captured the city, executing Al-Nasir and purging it of his supporters. However, enough of them--including former Emir Utayfah of Mecca--fled to the Hejaz to regroup among the Bedouins. Utayfah was assassinated when he arrived at Mecca, for his half-brothers realised the advantage in joining forces with the anti-Baibars faction. This faction rallied around Al-Nasir's infant sons, although this was but a pretext to prevent an internal struggle while two deadly enemies--the Mongols and Baibars--lay before them.

    Baibars dispatched the emir Fadl ibn Isa to quell this rebellion--as Amir al-Arab (commander of the Bedouins), he had a certain skill in persuading local tribes to join him as well as covert support from his brother. Tribal leaders in the Hejaz were divided over this set of affairs, and this prevented Fadl from gaining a decisive victory. Further, Al-Nasir's faction sought the aid of the powerful Rasulid Sultanate of Yemen, which itself opened up new tribal tensions and intrigues.

    The Tenth Crusade and the Byzantine Empire

    While the Crusaders were weakened after the fortuitous Mamluk victories at Beersheba and Darom, to the northwest in Anatolia the situation for the Muslim states were greatly declining. In 1303, the Byzantine Empire had invited thousands of elite veterans from the recently-concluded Sicilian Wars called almogavars, who organised as the Catalan Company under the command of Roger de Flor. Emperor Andronikos II named the talented head of the Catalan company Roger de Flor the high military rank of megas doux and permitted him to marry his niece, Maria Asenina (daughter of long-deposed Bulgarian tsar Ivan Asen III). Shortly after, De Flor proved his worth by defeating a large Turkish army of the Karasid beylik at the Battle of the Cyzicus, alleviating pressure on the embattled old empire. He recaptured much plunder the Karasids had taken in recent months and destroyed several Karasid camps where the Catalans murdered or enslaved many Turks.

    The Catalan Company's success continued as they took several cities in Asia Minor, although they were detested by both their employers and the local population who viewed them as worse than the Turks for their unruly behavior. The almogavars marched east and annihilated an alliance of several Turkish emirs at the Battle of Kibistra in August 1304. At the urging of his almogavars, the Catalan Company advanced forward and crushed a Turkish ambush before arriving in Cilician Armenia, where they spent the winter. Celebrated at first, the Catalans quickly made themselves unwelcome and were driven out of the kingdom by the aggression of Armenia's king Hethum II.

    Roger de Flor did not take this insult lightly, but understood he could do little. He marched through hostile territory, plundering at will as he dealt with a more immediate threat--Byzantine governor Demetrios Ataliota of the city of Magnesia rose up with the aid of townsfolk and rural peasants against his garrison and stole much of the Catalan Company's loot. De Flor branded him a rebel and swore revenge, laying siege to Magnesia. Meanwhile, the Byzantine elite viewed the Catalans as an extreme danger and attempted to lure Roger de Flor and his captains to a banquet to assassinate them.

    But the ambitions of the Catalan Company extended too far to accept the invitation of Byzantine co-emperor Michael IX Palaiologos. Roger de Flor now envisioned himself as master of Anatolia, controlling the route which might bring tens of thousands of crusaders into the Holy Land. Although Michael Palaiologos demanded he relocate his force to Adrianople to counter a Bulgarian invasion, Roger de Flor refused on the basis that the rebel Ataliota needed punishment. This constituted his own rebellion, and Michael IX raised his own army and dispatched them to Magnesia.

    Although Roger commanded only around 5,000 warriors to Michael IX's 13,000 (among them a unit of Alans who aided the Catalan cause), his men proved resourceful as ever. The Byzantine military, a motley mix of diverse mercenaries, initially struck the Catalans hard, but the almogavars stood firm. Soon the Turkish mercenaries serving Michael IX defected to the Catalans, throwing Byzantine lines into chaos. A lucky arrow wounded the Emperor, and the Byzantine army fled, leaving the city of Magnesia to the Catalan Company. On Roger's orders, the Catalans tortured Ataliota to death and massacred all the Alans in the city along with hundreds of other Byzantine elites and Genoese traders.

    Shortly after, the Catalan Company advanced south to check their flank from Turkish attacks and conquered the Genoese possessions in Smyrna. Roger de Flor quite liked the position of this city and established it as his personal capital. He crushed an army led by local Turkish warlord Aydin Mehmed Bey and threw open the port to a small crusader force and Venetian fleet under Giovanni Soranzo. Reinforced by these crusaders and facing devastating raids from the Catalan Company that even reached into Europe, the Byzantines recognised the Catalan Company's rule over Anatolia and honoured their original treaty to grant the Kingdom of Anatolia (a great swathe of territory as far north as Nicomedia) to the Catalan Company alongside restoring the military titles granted to its leaders (including de Flor's position as head of both land and sea forces) and paying their salaries. In return, the Catalan Company vacated their main fortress in Gallipoli.

    This provoked a crisis within the Catalan Company, for Frederick III of Sicily sent his cousin Ferdinand of Majorca to assert leadership over the company on behalf of the Crown of Aragon. However, Roger de Flor was far too popular a leader, for he ensured his men always received their salaries on time even before he himself was paid. Only Berenguer d'Entença, an agent of the Aragonese crown and talented warrior himself, truly supported the proposal of the Company's main officers. Others like Bernat de Rocafert desired the company maintain distance from the Aragonese Crown.

    Crafty as ever, De Flor negotiated a treaty with Ferdinand of Majorca that granted him and the Catalan Company extraordinary rights in the new kingdom. De Flor maintained leadership of his unit and was named vicar-general of the kingdom, a position which granted him immense power in the administration of Anatolia. Additionally, de Flor was the official representative of the Byzantine Empire, who were to remain nominal overlordd of the state. The Catalan Company was guaranteed a contract with the kingdom, to be paid by the crown. Three subsidiary titles of the Kingdom of Anatolia were created--Roger de Flor became Duke of Smyrna, Berenguer d'Entença became Count of Aveo [11], and Bernat de Rocafert became Count of Philadelphia, with Ferdinand's rule limited to land near Magnesia. These lords maintained great autonomy in their realms, leaving the king with only around 1/4 of the land for himself centered in Magnesia. Lastly, de Flor's eldest son (also named Roger, born 1303) was to marry the eldest daughter of the king when she came of age.

    It was a distasteful treaty to Ferdinand, whose dreams of ruling a powerful kingdom died immediately. He tried provoking d'Entença to do something, but d'Entença instructed him to remain content. Further, the Catalan Company did everything in their power to prevent Ferdinand from actually setting foot in his new kingdom. Ferdinand instead occupied himself with other tasks the Crown of Aragon desired such as warring against the Muslims in Iberia and preparing for an attack on the Tunisian islands of Djerba and Kerkennah.

    With Genoa gaining pre-eminence in the Crusader states, Venice sought to increase their influence in Byzantium which the Genoese had hindered barely eight years prior. By their dominance in the County of Tripoli and the Black Sea, the Genoese threatened to seize the majority of the highly profitable trade with the Mongol Empire. This made funding and arming Roger de Flor's incipient Kingdom of Anatolia a worthwhile goal, and de Flor permitted the Venetians an entire quarter in his personal capital of Smyrna and in the royal capital of Magnesia. But Byzantium intransigent on the basis of their Genoese allies, so the Venetians devised the grand scheme of restoring the Latin Empire, vanquished nearly 40 years prior.

    The Venetians thus chose to aid Charles of Valois, younger brother of French king Philip IV, in reclaiming the Latin Empire for his wife Catherine de Courtenay. In an uneasy alliance with Roger de Flor, Stephen Dragutin of Serbia, and Frederick II of Sicily, the Venetians and Charles of Valois approached Pope Urban V for a crusade of their own in 1306. The Pope granted permission and excommunicated the emperor, so the parties began preparing for what they prayed might be a repeat of the Fourth Crusade a century prior.

    It was not the only conflict on the horizon. The Battle of Beersheba ended the Mongol threat to Egypt and brought about a true ceasefire in 1306, but nobody was satisfied. The Ilkhanate's ambitions to dominate the Islamic world lay unfulfilled, and the Crusader ambition to restore Jerusalem to Christian hands likewise was not satisfied. Violent mobs of Crusaders raided caravans in both Mamluk and even Ilkhanate territory, while zealous Europeans demanded the Mongols either convert to Christianity or restore Jerusalem to Christian hands. Within the Levant, the realm was clearly divided between the Lusignans and the Angevins who neglected restoring the devastated land in favour of warring amongst themselves--indeed, only the Templars and Hospitallers seemed preparing to face the return of hostilities and the former would run into intense difficulties. Thus the Mongols conquest unleashed endless greed and ambition on the part of its victors and losers which would greatly influence the evolution of both Europe and the Middle East. Matters would be made all the worse after an unforeseen event in 1306--the death of Temur Khan and the difficult succession of his seven-year old son Prince Daishu (德寿) to the throne of the Great Khan that now ruled more of the world than ever before.

    ---
    Author's notes

    I feel like a "Europe" section is almost inevitable in any AH.com TL, since I'm pretty sure even before I decided to show this I was asked in the thread about it. I was even asked once in Horn of Bronze, my precolonial alt-Native American TL, how Europe would respond. Regardless, it is fun to write and I did learn quite a bit. I think it's pretty clear too that the Mongol Empire with its global reach would influence matters in Europe and the Levant.

    This one is more clear-cut than the last in terms of logical progression from the POD. Temur Khan's Yuan China is doing better than OTL thanks to seized Japanese wealth and easy imports (rice), therefore the negotiations proceeding the official reunification are doing nicely as well, therefore Ghazan Khan feels more confident in besieging and occupying the Holy Land instead of his sequence of raids. This ensures that there's a lot more Mongols than OTL at the decisive battle which means Ghazan doesn't lose. This means the Crusaders feel confident enough to invade in full and the Pope decides to call a Crusade. IMO this was a VERY plausible outcome IOTL which strangely gets ignored (you'd think someone would've done a "Crusaders return in 1300" TL before) so I figure it had to show up here. The outcome of events I believe is a possible one regarding medieval Europe, but I'm not an expert on this subject. As for the Catalans, I feel like you don't need much to prevent Roger de Flor's assassination.

    I don't plan on covering too much of European politics and intrigue. It'll get brief summaries every now and then, but will mostly focus on the Mediterranean since those powers are the ones who are directly involved in trade (the Italian cities made HUGE revenue on trade with the Mongols, and Black Sea grain was crucial for Genoa and Venice) and intrigue with the Mongols. But needless to say this Crusade has already had great effects in Europe and will have even more.

    The next chapter will return to East Asia and cover the death of Temur Khan and the aftermath and after that I will finally return to the Kingdom of Japan.

    [1] - IOTL Ghazan withdrew his forces almost in their entirety from the region due to threats from the Chaghatai Khanate and Jochids. TTL he faces no such threat because negotiations to reunite the Mongol Empire are well underway and Duwa has more or less agreed to focus on India and is achieving substantial success there. It seems Ghazan did not view the Jochids as a threat in this time, despite receiving a threatening emissary from them reminding of their claims to the Caucasus. So Ghazan can send about twice as many troops as he did OTL.
    [2] - Essentially OTL events. Ibn Taymiyyah was a staunch opponent of the Mongols because even the Muslims among them blended their heathen tribal law with the Sharia, and did much to raise the morale of the Mamluks. He despised Mongol tolerance for pagans and Shi'ites. His writings and rulings are notorious in the modern age for their influence on Salafist extremism
    [3] - Let's just say that TTL's Peace of Caltabellotta ending the conflict of Sicily between the Aragonese and the Angevins (i.e. War of the Sicilian Vespers) is more or less the same, just happens to have papal influence due to the need for a crusade. In the end, the Papacy more or less agreed to it anyway.
    [4] - In short, one could not become Holy Roman Emperor without being crowned by the Pope--instead one would only be King of Germany. In practice, the titles were synonymous, but the former carried a far greater legitimacy, particularly in northern Italy. The Great Interregnum describes the era of the Holy Roman Empire after the end of the Hohenstaufens in the 1250s when there were no crowned emperors and various lords struggled to be elected King of Germany
    [5] - Kutlughshah was probably a son of Mangghudai, a Yuan general of Kublai Khan important in conquering Southern Song. However, he is not mentioned as a descendant in the History of Yuan's biography on him which instead mentions only Temurbuqa and another of Mangghudai's sons. His mother was possibly of low birth or he otherwise took to his uncle who had served Hulegu in the Ilkhanate.
    [6] - I know it's the same as the name taken by the OTL cardinal elected, Nicola Boccasini, but one medieval source actually claims that Rosso Orsini was elected instead of Boniface VIII and chose this name so I decided that's the name he indeed took TTL. In any case, Rosso Orsini is elected because he is both experienced and is an ally of the Aragonese therefore can be assumed to handle the church in this crucial moment. To please the pro-French faction, he is also elderly and can be assumed to not live long.
    [7] - This quote is from OTL, and similar events actually happened. Palmyra's emirs, the Al-Fadl tribe, strategically played off both Ilkhanate and Mamluks for several decades and indeed received many grants from both of them.
    [8] - IOTL the Flemish had to cede several bordering territories to Philip IV AND pay reparations--TTL they do better due to zealous French knights being on crusade instead of fighting for an excommunicated king and of course luck, so only monetary fines.
    [9] - Benedetto Zaccaria had attempted to rule Tripoli in the 1280s alongside his fellow Genoese the Embriaco family, but failed due to resistance from the House of Lusignan. Eventually he gave up and returned to his activities in the Greek Islands, where his family established quite a powerbase. Additionally, it appears the last titular Count of Tripoli died with no heirs in 1300, so the title would revert to Cyprus--I believe uniting Tripoli and the rump Jerusalem is logical here.
    [10] - Henry II was quite unpopular. He executed his younger brother Guy for suspected rebellion (Guy is still alive TTL), then his other brother Amaury (with the aid of Aimery, Amaury's younger brother) actually did succeed in revolting against him and stripping him of power.
    [11] - Aveo was the medieval name for Abydos (today a ruin near Çanakkale, Turkey). In some medieval Catalan sources, including Ramon Muntaner's account of the Catalan Company, Aveo gave its name to the entire Dardanelles.
     
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    Map 4-Eastern Mediterranean after the Tenth Crusade
  • Here is a map of the Eastern Mediterranean at the start of 1307. It chronologically followers Chapter 38 and shows the result of the Mongol-Papal alliance that resulted in the successful Tenth Crusade and defeat of the Mamluks along with the formation of the Kingdom of Anatolia by the Catalan Company.

    Borders are approximate and very hazy, especially since many of these areas were active warzones or loosely controlled and subject to raids and incursions. I was unable to find good borders for that bit of the Red Sea region and eventually decided to write it off since it isn't my main focus--similarly, I didn't bother to draw the borders for the area I labeled "Canik beys" since the political geography in this era is too obscure to find and I probably should have done something similar for most of the Sultanate of Rum in general since it had practically no authority outside of Konya although some beyliks I noted as independent still paid tribute to them.

    3OaQRxH.png


    Next entry will be India, probably two entries covering the continuing Chagatai conquest and the aftermath of a certain event. I'll definitely add a map showing the aftermath of the Crusade of the Poor and Crusade of Thessalonica as well, and probably one for India. That will be this next month or so of posts, then I'll do one on Yuan China before returning to Japan. Most of this is 50-60% written already, I'd say, so there should be plenty of content for a few weeks.
     
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    Chapter 39-A Muslim Son of Heaven
  • -XXXIX-
    "A Muslim Son of Heaven"

    Popular history views Yuan emperor Temur Khan as yet another warmongering khan for launching the Banpou Invasion of Japan and presiding over the Mongol Empire as the western khanates launched expansionistic wars. In truth, Temur Khan was the exact opposite. He desired nothing more than internal peace and prosperity, played a minimal role in the conflicts in the west and in India, and committed to the invasion of Japan only as a last resort for to bring a quick end. what had become an expensive commitment. But that strategy failed thanks to dogged Japanese resistance--it took four years to take Kyoto and by the time the decisive breakthrough strategy failed at Aonogahara in 1303, it was clear the war would not go as planned. Temur Khan's failure to conquer Japan awoke endless scheming from the bureaucracy.

    Perhaps almost 100,000 Yuan men died in what amounted to a half-finished conquest. No doubt the most painful of all these casualties was Prince Khayishan. Temur envisioned his dynamic young nephew as playing a great role in the future of the Yuan, for his only son Daishu was sickly, and Temur doubted Daishu would never have a son of his own. Temur moved closer to Khayishan's younger brother Ayurbarwada (愛育黎拔力八達) as a result and attempted to groom him to be either a regent or successor, whichever was needed. Seeing his invasion of Japan fail and having to deal with the faltering Yuan economy brought Temur much stress, and by 1304 he suffered from frequent illness.

    But a new faction rose to power. Fan Wenhu, that expansionistic chancellor from Southern Song who made his name in the victory over Japan in the 1281-85 campaign, retired from ill health in late 1304 and died months later. Not long after, Temur's principle wife Shirindari (失怜答里) died in February 1305. For Temur, this was not a problem--he loved his second wife Bulugan more and in his illness already let her control many aspect of the Mongol Empire's governance. That included, for instance, appointing the chancellor Aqutai as a replacement for Fan Wenhu and officially naming Temur's son Daishu as crown prince. Bulugan and Aqutai desired a retreat from Japan and by mid-1305 successfully negotiated a ceasefire with the Kamakura Shogunate.

    Temur Khan died from his long illness in April 1306, and the kurultai appointed the sickly young crown prince Daishu as Emperor. He took the names Yesun Altan Khan, later to be called Emperor Jianzong of Yuan (元簡宗) [1] and the era name became Zhida (至大, "reaching greatness"). At the age of seven, he now served as nominal ruler of the largest empire in history but he was a mere puppet of his stepmother Bulugan. To solidify her legitimacy, Bulugan joined forces with descendents of Ariq Buke and Ogedei and invited the victorious general Ananda, King of Anxi, to become regent.

    This was clearly an ostentatious move, for Ananda ranked highly among the candidates for the throne. Ananda was the son of Manggala (忙哥剌), Kublai Khan's third legitimate son, and thus Temur Khan's full cousin. As King of Anxi, he had defeated Kaidu and pacified his successors. His army was full of veteran warriors, with its only equal being the army returned from Japan. Ananda had fantastic connections with the western khanates and access to all the wealth of the Silk Road. Perhaps because of this, the succession was perceived as a legitimate transfer of power. The rulers of the western khanates--Duwa of the Chagatai, Oljeitu of the Ilkhanate, and Bayan and Tokhta of the Golden Horde--all accepted Daishu as Great Khan, sending envoys laden with loot from the recent victories in India and Syria and much other tribute to his coronation.

    Yesun Altan Khan ruled barely four months before he died of illness in July 1306. To the shock of all, Ananda announced his marriage to Empress Bulugan and was declared by the government as Emperor of Yuan. But this was viewed as an illegitimate usurpation, and rumours abounded that Bulugan and Ananda poisoned the young Yesun Altan Khan. The kurultai that proclaimed him Great Khan was small and staffed only by a few close loyalists and those cowed into submission by the powerful general. Especially concerning to both Mongol traditionalists and Chinese bureaucrats was Ananda's faith in Islam, a religion he converted to during his career. Although Ananda promised continuing religious tolerance as part of his coup, it was known he had pressured his subordinates to convert to Islam.

    Ananda's promises carried little strength, for he soon ordered the execution of Isa Kelemech, an influential Nestorian bureaucrat infamous among Chinese Muslims for advising Kublai Khan to create anti-Muslim edicts. His fury also fell upon the Tibetan lamas common in the provinces. Agents of the Bureau of Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs that governed Tibet, the lamas were detested by both other Buddhists and the general population for their common practice of extorting people through aggressive religious appeals. Ananda executed several prominent lamas, confiscated their wealth, and ordered all lamas permanently banished to Tibet, never to leave without government permission. But this too backfired--because Ananda ordered the renovation of mosques in Dadu and Shangdu, even the detested lamas garnered sympathy as Ananda was accused of only having done so to remove religious opponents to his rule.

    Ananda and Bulugan conducted a government purge and banished or reassigned many figures from the prior government and appointed his own loyalists, many of whom were Central Asian or Persian Muslims, in their place. Most notable among the victims was Cheligh-Temur, civil head of Zhengdong. Ananda made the long-time Mongol civil governor of Japan a scapegoat for the failure of the Japanese campaign and accused him of embezzling funds and supplies meant for the front, executing him after a swift trial. Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒), a man from the notable Yunnan family of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din Omar, replaced Cheligh-Temur as governor.

    Ananda's greatest fear were the loyalists of Prince Khayishan, whom he believed transferred their loyalties to Khayishan's younger brother Ayurbarwada. He ordered Burilgitei dismissed as marshal of Zhengdong and named Abubeker's uncle Hassan (哈桑) to that post instead. Hassan brought him many loyalists and inquisitors to ensure the army might listen to him. Other commanders in Japan like Khur-Toda and Chonghur were dismissed as well, with their typical penalty being reassignment to remote posts.

    Ananda also reassigned many of Khayishan's loyalists to Japan alongside their warriors. The number of Mongol forces in Zhengdong swelled to over 60,000 as Ananda feared their influence and number of soldiers. Ananda scattered loyalists and inquisitors to ensure the army might listen to him. He reassigned Cheligh-Temur, civil head of Zhengdong, to a central government post to be more easily watched and placed corrupt minister and Muslim Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒) as governor there. Ananda dismissed Burilgitei as marshal and gave the position to Abubeker's uncle Hassan (哈桑).

    The rearrangement of Zhengdong's government came at a terrible time, as the rivalry between Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimori reached its peak. Miura Yorimori was the grandfather of Khayishan's only son Kusala, born from Miura's youngest daughter--naturally this placed him in a dangerous position. Miura struck first by swaying to his side Mouri Sukechika (毛利資親), successor to Mouri Tokichika. Sukechika feared the power of his cousin Tokimoto and believed he might use the courts to seize his inheritance and agreed to help Miura convince Shouni to revolt in the time of Mongol weakness. As Shouni Kagesuke sought to reunite Japan now that his bitter enemies the Houjou had fallen from power in Kamakura, he approved of Mouri's plot and began arranging soldiers and weapons in strategic places.

    Rumours spread of a Japanese revolt, but neither Bayanchar nor Hassan acted on this information, for by this time small revolts had broken out in China spearheaded by the White Lotus Society (among others) and they knew they could get few reinforcements. Indeed, they had a worse problem--Burilgitei and several officers vanished, seemingly refusing their demotion to distant posts in Yunnan. When news of this, the revolts in the mainland, and supposed conspiracies by the Japanese reached the ears of the Alan and Russian Guards of kheshig stationed on Sado, they actively rebelled against Ananda in late September 1306. No doubt the Christian faith of these men played a great role in their choice to revolt.

    Meanwhile, Ananda moved to deal with the threat posed by Ayurbarwada. The prince had been banished to Huaimeng (懷孟) in northwestern Henan [2]. Ayurbarwada knew a confrontation would come, so sent his mother Dagi (答己) and sister Sengge Ragi (祥哥剌吉) to safety among his allies in Goryeo. His loyalists concentrated in this area and made it impossible for Ananda's spies to deliver useful intelligence. Assassins sent by the court to kill Ayurbarwada could not find the prince and themselves were arrested and executed as common bandits. This incident convinced Ananda to eliminate Ayurbarwada--on October 1, 1306, he ordered Ayurbarwada arrested for corruption and misgovernance.

    Ayurbarwada had long prepared for that inevitability. He had been involved in promulgating propaganda denegrating Ananda's foreignness, while emphasising his own loyalty to Confucian tenets and proper order. Among ethnic Mongols, he emphasised himself as paying proper loyalty to their ancestors unlike Ananda who neglected them for Islamic beliefs. He also assembled a number of talented officers such as Ochicher (月赤察児), a former subordinate of Ananda and tutor to Khayishan, the loyalist cavalryman Kuchu (曲樞), and the kheshig captain Toqtoa of the Kangli (康里脱脱) (who had in 1303 at Aonogahara retrieved his brother Khayishan's body).

    He was not alone. Some government officials in Dadu and Shangdu backed Ayurbarwada, most notably the minister Harghasun (哈剌哈孙) and the general Asha Buqa (阿沙不花), Toqtoa's elder brother. The latter issued fraudulent documents permitting his younger brother to travel to Mongolia and recruit the powerful Mongol elite there to his side. The former actively supported a revolt in the capital on October 7, 1307, but this coup failed and Harghasun and Asha Buqa were forced to flee. However, in the process of their coup they did manage to steal several seals from the palace which denied Ananda his legitimacy and gave many commanders pause about following his orders. They left one loyalist behind--the elderly general Li Ting, veteran of countless sieges and expert at gunpowder warfare, and ordered him to prepare for Ayurbarwada's arrival.

    Harghasun and Asha Buqa's failed coup marked the true beginning of the war, as Ananda executed thousands in the aftermath. Revolts broke out across China in support of Ayurbarwada, who with his staunch Confucian traditionalism and greater legitimacy was clearly the preferred ruler by the Chinese bureaucracy. For instance, the pro-Yuan Han general like Wang Ying (王英), called the "King of Swords" for his skill with the blade [3], deserted the army along with many of his officers and common soldiers and returned to his homeland of Shandong where he raised 20,000 men in the name of Ayurbarawada. Others were led by the many scattered officers from the Japan campaign such as Dorotai, who raised his force in revolt in a remote corner of Fujian. The admiral Yighmish sparked a mutiny in the fleet, while Hong Jung-gyeon and Hong Jung-hui helped seize Liaoyang with the aid of a few local anti-Ananda princes.

    In Japan itself, Shouni Kagesuke rose in revolt with the aim of deposing Ananda as a usurper. But because he failed to communicate this goal to his soldiers, the revolt quickly became a general anti-foreign revolt and attacked all non-Japanese. Massacre after massacre occurred where the Shouni army traveled. This gave his rival Miura Yorimori the opportunity to raise his own force in revolt and proclaim himself the legitimate servant of Ayurbarwada in Japan. This plunged the Kingdom of Japan (mostly Kyushu) into a three way conflict between the Shouni and Miura factions and Ananda's loyalists. Early on in the conflict, Burilgitei emerged from hiding and declared for Ayurbarwada--his presence alone caused many pro-Shouni Japanese who knew his army's strength from fighting alongside him to surrender.

    Ayurbarwada began his rebellion by dispatching spies and small armies to take the two important cities of Kaifeng and Luoyang as well as the mountain passes to the west. In the initial confusion, it was believed they were government armies to subdue the rebellious prince and the strategic locations fell. This provoked the many veteran Uyghur soldiers settled in the region to join the rebellion, which in turn provoked further defections. Meanwhile, news that Nanghiyadai and other prominent leaders in Jiangzhe to the southeast of Henan supported Ayurbarwada sparked mass rebellions in that province. By November 1306, Ayurbarwada commanded over 60,000 men.

    Ananda took many weeks to mobilise a great army to crush this rebel effort, assigning command to Dong Shizhen (董士珍) in order to demonstrate he trusted his ethnic Han subjects. Ayurbarwada attacked Dong's forces at the town of Lanfeng (兰封) southeast of Kaifeng on November 1. Dong counted on using marshy ground to his advantage, but the ground froze from unusually cold weather. This permitted Ayurbarwada's Uyghur horsemen along with Central Asian warriors under Ochicher and his sons Taraqai (塔剌海) and Asqan (阿思罕)to crush the government army's center and break them apart. The rout was immediate and utter--Dong committed suicide and it is said Ayurbarwada ended with twice as many warriors as he started, including Dong's sons and cousins.

    The Battle of Lanfeng resulted in a collapse of Ananda's support. Rebellions spread to nearly every part of China and Ayurbarwada's army swept into Shandong and conquered to the coast of the sea. Han Chinese officers and bureaucrats defected en masse and pledged allegiance to Ayurbarwada. Others traveled westward, securing key mountain passes. Among the famous encounters was at Anxi, a key base of the Ananda. Ayurbarwada's general Zhou Shiyan (趙世延) avoided fighting and negotiated peacefully with Wang Liyong (王利用) the elderly minister in charge of the region. Wang surrendered his city, was named a duke by Ayurbarwada for his wisdom and loyalty, and died shortly after.

    Additionally this victory gained Ayurbarwada the support of Toqtoa (脱脱), a descendent of Temujin's brothers. Eager to redeem his name, Toqtoa mobilised warriors among the remnants of those princes who followed Nayan, albeit faced a steep challenge from his fellow senior princes Babusha (八不沙) and especially the staunch Ananda loyalist Ejil (也只里). Aided by Hong Jung-hui and Ainu warriors under Hinomoto Shin'ami, they intercepted the rebel princes near the strategic town of Shun'an (順安) [4]. Despite his almost 55 years of experience at warfare, the elderly prince Ejil perished in the fighting while Babusha surrendered and soon became ill and died--likely he was poisoned by Hong Jung-hui to diminish the power of the Borjigin princes [5].

    Ayurbarwada's victory and especially the victory in Liaoyang caused the defection of his arch-traditionalist cousin Yesun Temur (也孫鉄木児), who as Jinong (済農) ruled Mongolia and maintained the mausoleum of Genghis Khan. Beside Ayurbarwada, Yesun Temur likely held the second strongest claim for he was the eldest son of the prince Gammala. Although only 13 years of age, Mongol traditionalists favoured Yesun Temur so he hesitated to support either side. The collapse of Ananda's armies and incursion of foreign Muslim forces--just as much enemies to Mongol traditionalism as Ayurbarwada's embrace of Confucianism--ensured Yesun Temur's men joined the fight on his cousin's side. However, his ministers demanded certain concessions in governance from his cousin and local privileges, concessions which would be the source of problems in years to come [6].

    Foreign support began arriving by this point. Duwa, in an effort to please the many Turkic Muslims under his rule, dispatched 10,000 warriors under Chapar, increasingly powerful son of Kaidu, to attack the Yuan. Duwa also dispatched many former supporters of Kaidu, their loyalty still dubious. From India came an additional 10,000 men, many of dubious loyalty under the governor of Dipalpur Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq. Outside of these forces, Duwa lent the bare minimum of support to this invasion, for his hands were tied by the need to suppress rebellions in India. Based on this, it is likely Duwa sought to deprive his two strongest opponents of their fighting power while keeping his loyalists intact and his relations with the Yuan strong--it was a decision with important impact in the decades to come.

    Among Ananda's own generals, several names stand out. Most of these warriors were Muslim siege engineers, talented at the use of artillery. Foremost among them was Ala-ud-Din ranked among them, greatly successful at sieges for decades, and also Babak (布伯) and Hasan (哈散), son and grandson respectively of the talented siege engineer Ismail [7]. These Muslim generals combined brought with them 30,000 loyal warriors. Outside of these men came Alawars (阿剌瓦而思), a Muslim Uyghur general whose father was one of Kublai Khan's chief advisors. Of his non-Muslim loyalists, he commanded the support of Bulugan's tribe the Bayad and those Han generals who believe he might restore status they had lost under Kublai or Temur.

    These skilled siege masters struck south toward Ayurbarwada's main base at Kaifeng and retook several cities. A force of rebels Ayurbarwada swayed to his side attacked them at Lingzhou on November 19, but Babak's skill at deploying his gunnery troops and positioning of cannons on the walls routed them [8]. Ayurbarwada regrouped in Jinan, where his commander Xie Wenzhi (偰文質) purchased boats from many fishermen. He converted these into fire ships and after half of Babak's warriors crossed the Ji River on November 29, Xie released these boats and burnt up or drowned much of Babak's army, including many of their supplies. His own warriors then struck from both the river and the city walls and forced Babak's force to retreat in chaos.

    Babak's army withdrew from Shandong and tried outflanking Ayurbarwada's main advance by marching west of the mountains into the region of modern Shanxi. Ayurbarwada sent Kuchu to rally support for him in this region. Their army of 35,000 outnumbered the 20,000 men given to Kuchu, particularly in experience. But Ghiyas-ud-din's foreign forces made themselves hated by the populace and they suffered low morale, defection, and guerilla attacks. His Han generals detested Ghiyas-ud-din and the two commanders frequently clashed. Kuchu struck them at night as they camped near the city of Huozhou and broke them into disarray, killing thousands and receiving surrenders from thousands more.

    Foreign and ethnic support only further incensed Ananda's enemies, serving as proof of Ayurbarwada's accusations. The Chagatai Khanate warriors proved exceptionally violent and confiscated much food, causing famine and spurring popular resistance. Ayurbarwada's army only swelled in size as he marched toward Dadu and city after city opened their gates to him. Great riots broke out across China, where Muslims and foreigners in general were slaughtered. As Christians and Jews were identified with the Hui Muslims, they too suffered immensely, particularly the latter due to their habit of circumcision and avoidance of pork.

    Ananda tried countering this movement to little avail. He removed several Muslim ministers, replacing them with Chinese and Mongol men. In an attempt to placate the mobs that massacred Christians, Ananda ordered the public execution of the prominent Catholic missionary and bishop Giovanni da Montecorvino under charges of disturbing the social order. He additionally imprisoned or executed many elders of his church in Dadu.

    Word of this event (along with the general news that a Muslim rose to power as the Great Khan) made its way to Europe, where it was reported that the great Mongol Empire had fallen under the sway of a Saracen tyrant who committed atrocities against faithful Christians, a rumour that gave rise to a fervent crusading spirit. Some even believed that Ananda himself was the Antichrist, whose in his evil disposed of the Ilkhan Ghazan who helped Christians recover much of the Holy Land and replaced him with the wicked Oljaitu who refused to return Jerusalem.

    Before his execution, Montecorvino implored Ananda to repent of his sins lest God's justice fall upon him. Ananda refused, believing God's justice lay with him. Perhaps Montecorvino was correct--on March 3, 1307 his army met Ayurbarwada's force near the village of Panlong (盤龍) not far from the city of Jinan. A snowstorm brewed, dampened his gunpowder and composite bows, and blinded his warriors while largely sparing Ayurbarvada's warriors. In just a few hours, Ananda's numerically superior force was destroyed, with many survivors defecting to Ayurbarvada's side.

    Even so, Ananda still had significant strength due to the largely Muslim army, but their position was perilously exposed. Ayurbarwada moved to cut them off from their supplies, most notably that of gunpowder. He dispatched Babak once more against them, engaging them near Cangzhou. Although Babak ensured enough gunpowder remained to give Ochicher's vanguard a nasty surprise, they could not hold out for long. By the end of the day, Ochicher's superior mobility wore down the enemy and Babak's death in battle ensured their surrender [8].

    Ananda's problems did not end there, for Burilgitei's army landed at the port of Zhigu several days later and seized it with the aid of the city's sailors [9]. The arrival of troops so near to the capital sparked direct intervention from thenceforth neutral Borjigins in Mongolia. Additionally, Goryeo threw their full might into the battle, expelling Ananda loyalists and attacking their forces. Burilgitei and Goryeo forces under Kim Heun rapidly advanced to Shangdu, joined by warriors from Liaoyang and Mongolia. His battle hardened soldiers crushed arrived at the capital so quickly they stormed it before the defenders even began preparing themselves.

    News of Shangdu's fall practically ended Ananda's resistance, for his army almost totally turned against him besides his most loyal retainers, the foreign warriors sent by Duwa, warriors from Bulugan's clan, and a unit of fanatical Muslims he raised. He personally commanded these forces in battle south of Dadu on April 28, 1307, where despite a numerical disadvantage, his strategy of attacking the many weak points routed an army led by Kuchu and forced Ayurbarwada to halt his advance and reorganise his force. But this came at heavy cost, for he lost most of his Indian and Punjabi soldiers in the fighting.

    However, Ananda was betrayed for commander of the capital's defenses, the elderly Li Ting, who took advantage of his absence and attacked the palace with a force of Ayurbarwada loyalists. Li Ting's second son Li Dachun (李大椿) managed to assassinate Bulugan, as well as Ananda's own son Crown Prince Urug-Temur (月魯鉄木児), but in the fighting Li Ting himself perished as he successfully led a force to open the gates of Dadu. Supposedly Li Ting lit the match for his hand cannon and not long after was pierced by ten spears, but his final shot after his death killed Ananda's general Bayaudai (伯要兀歹). Li's eldest son Li Dayong is said to have died of grief at the sight of his father's body. The city itself burned with fierce street fighting for five days as pro-Ayurbarwada forces completed their capture of the city and evicted the remaining loyalists [10].

    Upon hearing the news of Dadu's fall, the Borjigin prince Torchan (a grandson of Ogedei) and the kheshig captain Zhang Jie (張玠) assassinated Ananda on May 8, 1307, seized control of the army, and surrendered to Ayurbarwada. Thus ended the reign of China's first--and only--Muslim emperor. Torchan was not rewarded for his deed--because he slew a fellow Borjigin in an improper manner, Ayurbarwada demoted him to a remote and insignificant posting in Japan. Zhang Jie faced exile to Formosa.

    As Dadu lay in ruins from the fighting, Ayurbarwada held his coronation in Shangdu (much like Kublai Khan) and took the name Buyantu Khan, changing the era name to Huangqing ("imperial celebration", 皇慶). Ananda was deemed a rebel instead of an emperor--he was never given a regnal name nor a temple name, and was denied a proper tomb. Buyantu Khan punished many of the rebel leaders with death or exile--a substantial number were sent to Japan to be watched under the supervision of his half-brother Amuga (whom he named Chancellor of Zhengdong) and his now brother-in-law, King Tanehito.

    The fires of this conflict, the Zhida Rebellion (or sometimes the King of Anxi Rebellion after Ananda's title), were not extinguished for months afterwards. In the multiethnic city of Quanzhou, the descendents of Pu Shougang and the Muslim army they led refused to lay down arms and accept Ayurbarwada's punishment on them. They would be crushed after a series of battles by the end of the year. In many cities, sporadic pogroms continued against Muslims, Jews, and Christians. Buyantu punished the instigators after hearing of the murder of Amir al-Din, Kublai Khan's Arab architect, and soon ended the religious tension.

    In the west, Chapar rallied what remained of Ananda's loyalists and attempted to retreat toward his powerbase in the Hexi region--it seems these years helped him fully come into his own as a true heir of Kaidu instead of the weak puppet Duwa and Temur Khan believed he was. Altanbuqa (按檀不花), half-brother of Ananda, joined him and raised an additional 10,000 warriors in his hopes to gain his brother's position as Great Khan. Buyantu dispatched Burilgitei's army to destroy them, and Burilgitei moved at swift speed. Burilgitei caught up to him outside the city of Datong and surprised Chapar's army in the night with a swift and decisive attack.

    Although much outnumbered because the Liaoyang soldiers moved slower than his main force, Burilgitei's repeated charges and managed retreats kept the enemy fighting for three days. Finally the Liaoyang warriors arrived and overwhelmed the exhausted enemy. Chapar died in the fighting alongside his sons and thousands of other Ogedeid warriors along with Altanbuqa himself was captured, stripped of all lands and titles, and exiled to the remote southern island of Hainan, where he died in 1308 of either disease or poison. With his death, the line of Manggala ended and the remainder of Kublai's legitimate children came from the line of his second son Zhenjin.

    Some of these soldiers escaped, fleeing to Yunnan where many Ananda loyalists remained under the Muslim general and politician Masud (馬速忽), the youngest son of Shams al-Din Omar al-Bukhari. There they proved a constant frustration to the Yuan for several years to come thanks to their alliance with the ongoing rebellion of Song Longji and practically ended Yuan campaigns and interventions in Southeast Asia.

    The western khans recognised Buyantu's ascension to power. Bayan of the White Horde, Tokhta of the Blue Horde, and Oljaitu of the Ilkhanate had done little to interfere in the war and quickly pledged allegiance to Buyantu. Duwa of the Chagatai did not, however, but Buyantu had no desire for war with him given his own current state of affairs. Duwa died a year later in 1308--his successor Qutlugh-Khwaja recognised Buyantu as Great Khan for he faced his own succession challenge.

    Among the House of Ogedei, Chapar's younger brother Orus (斡羅思) attempted to become head of the House of Ogedei not long after Buyantu's ascension and forced his nephew Oljei-Temur (完人帖木児子) from power. Orus attempted to flee to Duwa's court for an alliance, but out of Duwa's dislike of the Ogedeids was promptly imprisoned and delivered to Buyantu--he would die a prisoner not long after. His half-brother Yangichar, whom Orus entrusted with command, promptly surrendered to the Yuan as well and became King of Runing and head of the House of Ogedei. A remaining rebel faction under Kaidu's famous daughter Khutulun held out for some time before Khatulun suddenly died and her soldiers surrendered.

    The fall of Orus marked the final stage in Buyantu Khan's rise to power and the beginning of his consolidation of power. He faced many challenges domestically from resistance to his Confucian agenda, to the overbearing empress dowager Dagi, to the continuing Song Longji rebellion which now linked up with the remnants of Ananda's rebels. Foreign enemies like Mangrai of Lan Na remained a threat, and there was no guarantee thenceforth pacified fronts--Burma, Vietnam, or above all, Japan--would not rise up. Regardless, Buyantu's vigorous struggle projected a powerful message to every nation--the power of the Mongol Empire and its Great Khan remained as intact and dynamic as ever.

    ---
    Author's notes

    This chapter is the result of butterflies--the latter part of Temur Khan's rule goes a lot worse due to the expense and commitment in Japan, therefore he dies earlier and that gives Ananda a chance to entrench himself and eventually seize power. But like OTL, Ananda is unpopular, illegitimate, and his Muslim faith makes it easy to portray him in a negative light. Instead of a countercoup against Ananda's planned coup, the situation instead is a short but nasty civil war. I wrote this chapter several months prior and edited it every now and then as I changed/added details.

    There will of course be more on how this war (in particular the Shouni Kagesuke vs Miura Yorimori showdown) played out in Japan, but that is the next chapter. After that, I am unsure which I will cover next but I have most of the material 70-80% written.

    Thank you for reading!

    [1] - Khans often took different names when they ruled, and the Chinese name is one that would be awarded to him by later Emperors.
    [2] - Huaimeng today is located within the boundaries of Qinyang, Henan
    [3] - This indeed was his nickname, although he doesn't seem to have any relation to the character of the same name from Luo Guanzhong's famous 14th century novel Water Margin (although Wang and Luo both originated from Shandong).
    [4] - Ejil was the great-grandson of Genghis Khan's younger brother and apparently first campaigned in Yunnan in the early 1250s and took part in many wars of the Yuan Dynasty afterwards
    [5] - Shun'an was located in the northeast of today's Fuxin Autonomous Mongol County, Liaoning
    [6] - Kublai Khan effectively divided the Yuan into three halves on his death, with the family of his foremost heir Temur receiving China proper (and the Yuan throne), that of Gammala received Mongolia (and right to manage Genghis Khan's mausoleum) as Jinong (related to his title "King of Jin", pronounced in Chinese "Jin Wang"), and that of Manggala receiving former Tangut lands such as Anxi.
    [7] - I cannot find a source for Babak's name in English, but looking at how the transliteration "布伯" was pronounced in Middle Chinese and given his roots as an ethnic Persian in Afghanistan, I'm going to assume this was his name
    [8] - Lingzhou is now Lingcheng District in Dezhou in Shangdong Province
    [9] - Zhigu (直沽) is known as Tianjin today--in the Yuan era it was a crucial port for supplying that both capitals Dadu and Shangdu with grain.
    [10] - IOTL Li Ting died in 1304. But he was clearly a man of sturdy constitution, so let's imagine he got a little more lucky and survived just a bit longer to die here.
     
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    Chapter 40-A Struggle's End
  • -XL-
    "A Struggle's End"


    Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, November 23, 1306​

    As the sun set over Iwato Castle, Shouni Kagesuke felt weak and weary, moreso than ever before. He could hardly sit up straight, and the two faces before him, his ally Aso Koresuke and his adopted son and heir Shouni Kagetsune, seemed very blurry. It was certainly not from the bowl of sake in front of him--he had hardly touched that and simply felt tired.

    "Lord Shouni, it will be three days tomorrow since the Chinese--no, the invader--committed such an atrocity against my troops," Aso said. "Please give the signal that you will strike back against them!"

    "Lord Aso, it is late and you have drank too much," Kagetsune argued. "Please give my father one more day to decide." Kagetsune turned toward Kagesuke. "You do plan on fighting back, right? I disagree with such a course, for currently we lack the strength to liberate Japan from the foreign occupiers, but right now could be a wonderful time to eliminate Miura and his followers."

    Kagesuke shook his head at hearing of Miura. Damn him. Damn him to the deepest hell! All went well before that man arrived here, and even the invader seemed to respect us. That man brought nothing but schemes and even dared involve the court in his nonsense!

    "Lord Aso, if you do nothing else, punish Miura," Kagesuke replied. "Kagetsune, I will give you my response tomorrow. I am getting old and am taking seriously devoting the remainder of my life to studying the wisdom found in the sutras, so I trust you to deliver my message so the vassals of the Shogunate might begin recognising you."

    "I understand, Lord Shouni," Aso answered. "I will eliminate Miura and all who aid him if it is the final thing I do." Aso rose to his feet and bowed, leaving the reception room at Iwato.

    "You do not seem well tonight, father," Kagetsune said, his face riven with concern. His son placed his hand to Kagesuke's head, surprised he was not feverish. "Perhaps you should sleep."

    "I am not well because everything has changed so quickly," Kagesuke said. "Over twenty years ago I betrayed my lord, Shogun Koreyasu, because of the corruption and incompetence of his chief minister Houjou Sadatoki. I joined forces with the very invader who nearly destroyed our clan, who I had spent over a decade fighting against, all so I might hope they could rescue Japan."

    Kagesuke sighed as he lay on his back on the mat, recalling the fierce clashes of that rebellion and the acrimonious meeting on the stormy day in Kushizaki Castle in Nagato where he and those brave men like his nephew Moritsune, Mouri Tsunemitsu and his son Tokichika, Kikuchi Takamori, and Adachi Tomasa and his cousin Tochika made the fateful decision to seek the invader's aid in saving Japan, all for the sake of Adachi Morimune who was slandered and marked for death for the crime of trying to aid the warriors of Japan. But Adachi died before my eyes helping us break through the siege lines, no matter how much we tried to save him. Beside Tomasa, just how many of us there at Kushizaki that miserable day still are here?

    "I know, father," Kagetsune said. "I know how much you have suffered for the sake of our country."

    "Father? Ha, you know well I'm only your father by the law of our nation, Kagetsune. Moritsune was a great man, and so was his father, your real grandfather. To this day I never forget the sacrifice he made for our clan against the invader." Tsunesuke, how I shame you for what I did to the Shogun. He once more felt that phantom pain where his left arm once was, lost at the hands of the invader--and the foolishness of Houjou leadership.

    "So...so you are going to rise up against the invader?" Kagetsune said, suddenly very nervous.

    "I do not know. They have treated us well, and granted us power we never could have had under the Houjou. Even with my own failures and with Miura's constant schemes, I have helped so many warriors from Kyushu and all Japan restore their fortunes and livelihoods. For the first time in my life, I cannot decide. I feel weak and incapable all of a sudden."

    "I understand being worried about such a decision, father," Kagetsune said.

    "Did you know, Kagetsune, that nearly 10 months ago at the end of last year, I had a strange dream? I have never told it to anyone." [1] He took a deep breath, finally ready to recount it. "I dreamed I was a bird soaring high on tired wings, and below me I saw Kamakura burning. I did not fear but rejoiced, and as I flew lower the flames extinguished and the city rose from the ashes as a phoenix. I alighted atop the Shogun's residence, for that was where I knew I must go, and before me I saw so many joyous faces I once knew, and even faces I did not. They cheered and sang and danced as I once did when the lords of Kyushu celebrated our victory over the invader in 1274. And then I awoke."

    Kagetsune tilted his head. "That is strange indeed, and I understand why you wouldn't speak of it. Miura or that evil court wizard Abe no Yasuyo would assume the worst of you if they learned that."

    "But what is stranger is that I learned in the weeks that followed that the very morning I dreamed that was the very morning that the Shogun and his warriors annihilated the Houjou clan. Nearly every single one of them is dead, including all even closely related to Sadatoki. I feel that hearing that news was the last wonderful thing to ever happen to me, for it leaves me with such turmoil. Do I return to the place I betrayed and sent my men to destroy? Do I remain here and suffer the endless intrigues of a maniacal schemer and wicked invader? What should I do, Kagetsune?"

    Kagetsune stared at Kagesuke before smiling.

    "You will take the correct path, father, and I will help you achieve it. For now, simply sleep. You seem terribly exhausted."

    "Exhausted I am, Kagetsune," Kagesuke said. "The Houjou are gone and the invader is at war with himself. So many things are changing." Mouri Sukechika is young, but if his guardians in the Oe and Awaya clans join my force, and Mouri Tokimoto joins too for good measure, then we can reverse the defeats we've suffered outside Kyushu and crush Miura for good. Ah, if only I had not favoured Tokichika so, then I would know those men better and know just how much I might rely on them!

    "Please, father, sleep. When you awake, I am confident you'll make the correct choice."

    "You and I will make that choice. Is this not the land of the rising sun? The gods favour of our country, and shall we work hard and honour the Emperor, this night will perish as every other night has." Kagesuke took a deep breath, closing his eyes and seeing that vision of dawn before him as he drifted off with a smile.

    ---
    Kouzan-ji, Akamagaseki, Nagato Province, November 25, 1307​

    Miura Yorimori looked up from his meditation, noticing his youngest son Tokisuke bowing before him. His brow furled, for Tokisuke would never visit him should the news not be important. Worse, Tokisuke seemed overexcited and almost joyous, completely improper behavior in a temple like this as he knelt before his father. This youth clearly took after his mother's father, a man who no doubt was nothing but a peasant before the Yuan came to this country.

    "Father, the Shouni faction is in disarray! Shouni Kagesuke is nowhere to be seen and his heir Kagetsune only impotently shouts about how he despises you and refuses to condemn the invader, and now Adachi Tomasa is calling him a coward and leading the rebels! We've as good as won!"

    "Settle down, boy!" Yorimori growled, smacking him on the head with his priestly staff. He pondered the news. Kagesuke is nowhere to be seen? Surely he would be with his men during such a crucial time...unless he can't. Even Yorimori could not suppress a brief smirk as he realised what had transpired.

    "We must assume now that Shouni Kagesuke is dead," Yorimori said.

    "Perhaps he's simply sick, father?" Tokisuke proposed, but Yorimori shook his head.

    "He is prone to impulsive decisions, such as last year when he arrested that foolish poet the Retired Sovereign favours. Mere illness would not stop him from following the path he decided upon."

    "Th-then you've won, right? There is nobody in Japan who is as powerful, wealthy, or connected as Lord Shouni was, and now that he's gone..."

    "The battle has only just begun, Tokisuke," Yorimori said. "Do not ever assume you have won until long after the battle. Had Lord Shouni on his deathbed dispatched an assassin to this temple, and I met him instead of you, matters might be far different."

    "U-understood, father," Tokisuke said, bowing ever lower.

    "Good. I must return to my meditative exercises and you must return to Tokiaki's side. Serve him well, and let us actually grasp that victory you claim we have won."

    "Yes, father!"

    ---
    Ishigakibara, Bungo Province, December 16, 1306​

    Adachi Tomasa squinted into the distance, seeing the sails of the enemy fleet. What a poor place to land! His lieutenant and kinsman, Osone Nagayori, grinned when he saw Tomasa's face.

    "Exactly as I thought! But now what does the enemy think?"

    "I suppose as much," Tomasa said. "Were I to guess the enemy's thought process, I believe they are hoping to march some distance and meet the invader. But fortunately the invader busies himself chasing down those cowards in the Shouni clan and punishing Hakata. They won't spare Miura a single soldier."

    "I wouldn't spare Miura a single soldier either," Osone said. "He's an obnoxious man who'd rather party with decadent courtiers and the invaders' nobles and isn't a general I'd ever follow. To say nothing of his father. I have always appreciate those steppe chiefs of the invader--they are hard men without tolerance for foppish foolishness."

    Someone bumped into Tomasa from behind, and Tomasa wheeled about and noticed Asahara Tameyori. Even in midday, the aging samurai was drunk and seemed to be laughing to himself about something. It was not just his son's support for Houjou and Serada's rebellion that kept him away from leading any troops. A small wonder a man who violates the sanctity of the Emperor in such a way might be a man of such poor character. [2]

    "What is it, Asahara?" Tomasa growled. "Make it quick, we're about to attack."

    "Heheheh, I was just thinking how amusing it all is. Shouni's gone and both Miura and his son are soon to join him. The whole world is falling down around us, and even someone like me can pick up those pieces. Why, I could even be the next shogun!"

    "Watch your tongue. As I have ordered, nobody shall make any decision about politics until our gravest threats--Miura and the invader--are dealt with."

    "Not Shouni's welp?" Asahara said. "He opposes us as well. I can't wait to have him kiss my sandals for a job."

    Tomasa sighed. It is a shame that Lord Shouni died right when we needed him the most. Had he lived just a few months longer, he could have achieved that final victory of punishing Miura and driving out the invader. And it is even more of a shame that he did not instill enough courage in his adoptive son--no wonder that boy lost so many battles in the previous war against Kamakura.

    "He will surrender to us once Miura is gone and we demonstrate our strength. Now go back to your men at once," Tomasa commanded. Asahara skulked away back into the brush.

    "It wasn't just him, my lord," Osone said. "The Mouri clan too. I thought for sure Lords Sukechika and Tokimoto might join us."

    "They will. Lord Tokimoto has just been cowed into submission by Miura's actions along the border, and Lord Sukechika has granted us supplies and even a few willing volunteers. Bungo is his province after all, and once we win here he will join us for certain."

    Suddenly, shell trumpets blew and shouts raised to their right. "Enemy attack, enemy attack!" some voices called. Kikuchi Takemura and Anan Hidetoki are over there--they may be young, but they have much to be fighting for.

    "It seems they aren't content in simply waiting to be destroyed," Osone noted. He climbed on his horse and began moving back toward the main body of troops. "I'm going to make sure not a single one escapes."

    "Hold it," Tomasa ordered, raising his hand. "The enemy is acting strange. It's as if they aren't surprised we're here."

    "So what, we outnumber them, they don't stand a chance either way. If a single scout returns and manages to discover our force's numbers and positioning, then they'll just inflict heavier casualties on our force or worse, flee to their ships."

    Tomasa pondered the dilemma. He certainly has a point. Miura Tokiaki knows when to fight and when to retreat. If he feels like he can't win, then we lose the best chance to eliminate him for good.

    "Very well. Tell Anan and that idiot Asahara to prepare their men for battle." Tomasa pondered his first order. "Fire arrows into the trees and smoke out the enemy scouts--Sugimoto Tokiaki is around here, and the faster we destroy him, the more easily we can destroy the rest of them."

    ---
    Ishigakibara, Bungo Province, December 16, 1306​

    A chilly sea breeze whipped at Miura Tokiaki's back as he pondered the strategic situation from the back of his horse.

    "Lord Sugimoto Tokiaki is late, Lord Miura," the warrior Hata Kanekuni said. "All report not a single man has returned."

    Tokiaki sighed, not wanting to say the obvious. He was a truly talented warrior and perhaps the greatest commander of a screening force any leader could ask for. I can only hope that brilliant warrior who shares my very name still walks this earth.

    "We press the attack," Tokiaki stated, knowing it was the only option. "Sugimoto cannot be ambushed, nor can he perish so easily.

    "It would be better to retreat and find another landing site so that Lord Ijuuin or our Yuan allies might aid us, my lord," Hata noted. "They still greatly outnumber us. And they have thousands of warrior monks from Mount Kubote, and even the brother of Usa Shrine's chief priest is out here leading his guards and priests."

    "Odd for a man like you to state that, Lord Hata. I recall my first meeting with you over 15 years ago, where you were covered with wounds from fleeing your family and their warriors to Mongol lines. You took such a bold action because you knew it was in your interest. And now your kinsmen the Masuda clan are scattered to the wind and you are the strongest man in Iwami," Tokiaki noted.

    "Wh-what of it," Hata asked.

    "You took bold action when it was necessary and gained everything. Battle and politics are much the same in that regards--those who don't take bold action never gain bold results."

    "Lord Miura, we're outnumbered almost twice over and all we need to fight another day is simply land some place else and await Lord Burilgitei or Lord Gao to send reinforcements."

    "We have no time," Tokiaki said. "If we retreat, then we demonstrate we are nothing but cowards who cannot survive without the Yuan. But if we win, we demonstrate our strength not only to the rebels, but to the Yuan."

    Tokiaki squinted at the enemy's right flank where Sugimoto was presumably fighting for his life. They are already disrupted over there and bound to be out of position. If we press hard, we can trigger a collapse in their ranks.

    "Lord Hata, tell my son and Lord Sakuma to prepare their cavalry. We'll send the entire left against them, and by doing so destroy one wing of their army and give us the perfect positioning to drive them off."

    "Y-yes, Lord Miura," Hata said, slowly slinking away.

    Their army cannot be of high quality with how hastily it's been cobbled together. Moreoever, their commanders are generally young or inexperienced, or so detestable like that Asahara Tameyori that few would trust them with a high command. This victory shall be ours.

    ---
    The end of the Banpou Invasion and its concurrent wars heralded the most difficult peace of all. Every faction involved--Yuan China, the Kingdom of Goryeo, the Kingdom of Japan, and the Kamakura Shogunate--fought to exhaustion. A great number of prominent leaders died in the fighting, while new figures gained power and prestige often at the expense of older figures who discredited themselves. The reappearance of peace only shifted the conflict from the battlefield to the courts and throne rooms.

    The fiercest of these conflicts was to occur in Hakata, for the Kingdom of Japan now faced the challenge of incorporating the 25 provinces they seized, or from their perspective, reclaimed from the rebellious Kamakura Shogunate. This land contained most of Japan's economy and most importantly of all, the imperial capital of Kyoto itself. Yet most of the land was in ruins, with at least 20% of the population (over 500,000 people) killed and hundreds of thousands more fled or deported. The capital itself lay in a state of desolation, with its nobles and priests long since fled and the remnant population being squatters and looters.

    The Kingdom of Japan itself suffered heavily. In addition to bearing much of the burden on shipping and logistics, they lost well over 60,000 warriors, including some of the most prominent nobles such as Mouri Tokichika, Chikama Tokiie, and Kikuchi Takamori. Age and status did not matter, for some of the dead such as Shouni Sukenobu were promising candidates for Hakata's next generation leadership.

    For the regent Shouni Kagesuke and his heir Kagetsune, this marked a great decrease in power, for Mouri and Kikuchi were two of the Shouni clan's foremost personal allies. Numerous casualties occurred as well among the personal vassals of the Shouni clan such as the Mizuki (水城氏), the Nagatoshi (永利氏), the Takanami (高並氏), and the Kakei (筧氏) clans. The ravages of time and warfare ensured few men who defected to the Mongols alongside Shouni after the Siege of Kushizaki Castle back in 1286 still remained, ensuring Shouni became increasingly distant from the actual concerns of the warriors his government ostensibly represented.

    Although Shouni's main rival and cosigner Miura Yorimori lost important relatives like his kinsman Yoshimura and Yoshimura's cousin Kazuuji (三浦員氏), his own powerbase remained intact, and indeed grew for his son and heir Miura Tokiaki and even Tokiaki's young son Tokitane (三浦時胤) won distinctions on the battlefield. The brilliant Tokiaki parleyed these achievements into status at court, an action encouraged by his father due to awareness of the Royal Court's growing status and importance of their planned relocation to Kyoto.

    The Hakata court in this era was far more powerful than it had been even a few years prior, for it was reaping the profits of a well-organised bureaucracy of peasant leaders, many of whom were themselves supported by brothers or cousins who returned with loot or were awarded land grants in the conquered provinces. The death of so many warriors led to those warrior nobles who became farmers (as per the policy of heinou bunri) taking up the mantle of their kin--their land was often sold to farmer-bureaucrats of the Imperial Court, or in some cases even confiscated in the case of those who tried evading the policy.

    Most crucial of all, the Hakata court found direct support from the Mongols, who relied on its institutions and especially legitimacy to govern Japan. The court nobles readily used the Mongols assigned to the court to pass messages to the darughachi and other Mongol allies so that they might resolve feuds in their favours. These communications with the Mongols only increased as King Tanehito came of age and an active search for a consort in Yuan China began.

    This gave new importance to the ancient Office of Monks and Foreigners (玄蕃寮), the closest thing to a foreign ministry in medieval Japan. Like all court offices, it had fallen far from its peak in the mid-Heian period. Its revival began in 1294 as the Kourokan (鴻臚館), a guesthouse for foreign envoys in Hakata, was rebuilt under the orders of Grand Chancellor Sanjou Sanemori. The envoy selected was usually a son of a less important courtier, who himself was responsible for selecting the diplomats (often monks) who conducted the actual work. Administration of the Kourokan was assigned to Taira no Nakanori (平仲範) (son of the Interior Minister--and negotiator of the Tensei Truce--Taira no Nakachika)--for this his descendents carried the surname "Kourokan" [3].

    Kourokan Nakanori's office faced competition however--Shouni Kagesuke had often sent ambassadors to the Yuan court, firstly as unofficial collaborators and then under the aegis of the Shogunate's role as national defense. The Mouri clan, first Tsunemitsu and after his death his son Tokichika, often held this position which benefitted their clan greatly in terms of unofficial trade with Yuan China and the prestige from their exhibition of foreign monks and ministers, and it had become practically hereditary.

    The aging Miura Yorimori understood the importance of this office. Using his son's prestige at court, in 1304, he petitioned King Tanehito in his role as Shogun to remove from office Mouri Tokimitsu (毛利時光), elder brother of Tokichika, on the basis that Mouri used his office for smuggling goods into China. Mouri was removed and effectively banished from Japan, but this raised protests from Shouni Kagesuke who demanded his reinstatement. Tanehito responded by abolishing the post entirely with the rationale that it duplicated the Office of Monks and Foreigners, and subsequently assigned Miura's son Tokiaki to head that office. This signified the first great tension between King Tanehito and Shouni Kagesuke. This conflict was one which Miura Yorimori, ever playing both sides, could easily exploit.

    Tanehito presided over a court riven with conflict. A large number of courtiers had defected in the wake of the fall of Kyoto, or in some cases been outright abducted by the Mongols, and they allied with Great Retired King Fushimi to regain this power following a string of incidents in 1301 [4]. As Tanehito grew older, he resented his father's dominance of the court and sympathised with those courtiers who opposed his father's favouritism. His own preferred courtiers were those who had long served him in Hakata.

    One incident in 1305 shows how this demonstrated itself. In that year, the young noble Hirohashi Mitsunari (広橋光業) was sent by his superior, the regent Nijou Morotada, to summon the master poet Kyougoku Tamekane to Tanehito's court for a poetry contest. This enraged Kyougoku, for in the past he and his ancestors (like Fujiwara no Teika) had never been summoned via intermediary, but always directly. Further, Hirohashi did not sign his letter "humbly yours", another stark departure of protocol from when even the regent signed his letters to Tamekane in that format [5].

    While he did attend the poetry competition after the regent Nijou personally apologised to him, Kyougoku complained to both Tanehito and Fushimi regarding the incident. Not only was Hirohashi dismissed from his posts, but the regent who appointed him, Takatsukasa Fuyuhira, also fell under suspicion. Takatsukasa himself had been convinced to resign in 1301 by the Great Retired King out of his loyalty, but the criticism he received for not knowing Hirohashi's poor character where Kyougoku mocked him as an inexperienced man and inferior poet infuriated him. Only Tanehito's personal intervention kept Takatsukasa from retiring to a monastery.

    Hirohashi shot back at Kyougoku's accusations by composing a list that entered into infamy. Using a series of circumlocations and puns on names in a lengthy poem in his diary, he noted there were "Four Men Whose Inability Failed Their Lord." It was clear just who those four men were:

    *Shouni Kagesuke
    *Asahara Tameyori
    *Andou Suenaga
    *Kyougoku Tamekane

    To countless later generations, this became the canonical list of the "Four Great Traitors" of the Mongol Invasions. It seems Hirohashi blamed Shouni for leading the first major defection, blamed Asahara for kidnapping Tanehito as an infant, and blamed Kyougoku for opening the gates of Kyoto to the Mongols which led to his father's death. The inclusion of Andou Suenaga, son of the Hi-no-moto Shogun of Ezo Andou Suemura, is due to Hirohashi's dislike of his arrogant and barbaric behavior--Andou spent much of his time at Hakata as an envoy for his father and would have regularly demanded more troops be sent to Ezo and Mutsu for his father's campaign. Hirohashi justified this with the likely truthful accusation that Suenaga persuaded his father Suemura to defect and thus summon the barbarians to invade the north of Japan.

    A palace attendant discovered the diary in 1306, supposedly at the instigation of the powerful court diviner Abe no Yasuyo and summoned Hirohashi to explain himself. Hirohashi claimed he acted on behalf of the King of Japan, who had every reason to oppose the actions of those men. Tanehito deemed him not guilty of any serious crime, but rebuked him anyway. This was not good enough for Kyogoku--he appealed the verdict to Fushimi and subsequently exiled Hirohashi to Kii Province.

    Shouni Kagesuke attempted to make use of this so-called Hirohashi incident. He aligned himself with Fushimi and claimed slander and even managed to get Hirohashi's former employer Takatsukasa arrested. But Miura Yorimori accused Shouni of overstepping his boundaries in regard to the Shogunate's power, for Shouni acted without consulting Miura as he was required to. It was a political mistake that only managed to infuriate Tanehito while convincing many courtiers of the Shogunate's dysfunction and tyranny.

    The second battle came over the issue of the crown prince. From its inception, the Kingdom of Japan had never appointed a crown prince. It is suggested that the Mongols may have demanded an appropriate prince from the Kamakura Shogunate had Tanehito died without an heir, although some speculate based on the popularity of the Heike Monogatari among the Hakata Shogunate's leadership that they planned on finding an elderly man with many children who might pass as Emperor Antoku and creating a new imperial family centered around him [6].

    With the fall of Kyoto in 1301, these plans proved unnecessary, for Fushimi brought with him his family. He increasingly favoured his fourth son Tomihito (富仁親王), born 1297 [7]. Fushimi made a shocking move to solidify his authority over the court--when he married, Tanehito was to adopt his half-brother Tomihito and make him his heir over any of Tanehito's own children. This move seems to have occurred due to Fushimi's knowledge of Mongol marriage policy--he feared a half-Mongol prince sitting on the throne and also feared Tanehito himself had been degenerated in the years he spent surrounded by bitter courtiers, Mongol warriors.

    The elite of the Hakata Shogunate disliked how they played no role in appointing Fushimi's crown prince. It seems Miura was aligned with Tanehito, while Shouni sought to keep the succession alternating between the Jimyou-in and Daikaku-ji lines. The latter moved close to Sanjou Saneshige, the former minister of the center whom the Daikaku-ji supporters in the Kingdom of Japan clustered around.

    With Fushimi's power ascendent, in 1305 it was decided to return the court to Kyoto as soon as possible. A hasty reconstruction of the core of the Imperial Palace would be followed by a grand renovation of both palace and city. Charged with this task were the Bureau of Carpentry (木工寮) and the Office of Palace Repair (修理職), two more offices that renewed their importance in this era of upheaval.

    In particular, the latter office came to include many involved with the direct planning of the court's relocation, for its head also served as a direct envoy to the retired emperor. They could draw an endless amount of funds from the treasury for this purpose. Miura Yorimori ensured this otherwise lowly office was granted to Sanjou Kintada (三条公定), youngest son of Sanjou Sanemori who had fallen into disfavour with the Great Retired King. While this office was far below the status of what even a younger son of the illustrious Sanjou family might achieve, it was through this post that Kintada could aid his brothers in making a political comeback.

    With power like this, Miura Yorimori reached the pinnacle of his career in the aftermath of the war. Through intrigue and battlefield prestige, his clan now stood as the highest among the warriors of the Kingdom of Japan, and had now even found its way into the realm of the court nobles. But he would not enjoy his position, for old age caught up to him. In 1305, he resigned the position of cosigner and became a monk at Kouzan-ji, a temple he founded not far from one of his castles in Akamagaseki in Nagato earlier that year with the aid of local Zen monks. His son Tokiaki inherited his power and prestige as well as the position of cosigner.

    Miura Tokiaki was even more skilled than his father at dealing with court nobles, perhaps due to his father recognising the court's relationship with the Yuan that the Miura might leverage against the Shouni. The court recognised him shortly after his father's death, granting him the post of Chinzei Envoy (鎮西申次), the liaison post between the court and the shogunate (akin to the Kanto Envoy to Kamakura). This position was thus fused with that of cosigner, ensuring Miura could leverage both court (and Mongol) influence in the Shogunate and the Shogunate's influence in the court.

    Shouni Kagesuke could do nothing to stop this. Disliked by the king and his appeals to the retired emperor falling on deaf ears, as regent he was politically isolated. Yet his impulsive nature hadn't faded even with age--in late 1306, he ordered Kyougoku Tamekane arrested on charges of plotting against the Shogunate. It seems Kyougoku had organised a poetry session where he proclaimed his loyalty to crown prince Tomihito and boasted of his authority and power--this was of course an offense against King Tanehito that required investigation. This method secured both a direct meeting with retired emperor Fushimi and threatened Miura and his faction [8].

    In exchange for the freedom of his friend and ally Kyougoku, Fushimi granted Shouni his meeting. There, Shouni accused Miura Tokiaki and his son Tokitsugu of violating the principles of heinou bunri through holding both court and military office. Fushimi agreed and ordered Miura and his son to choose which office they preferred. But this order was never carried out, for Miura appealed to Tanehito and thenceforth to the Mongols. He even sent a second direct appeal to the court in Dadu. He declared he would not resign his offices before the Mongols made their decision, defying the authority of the Shogunate and bringing the nation to the brink of civil war.

    A second conflict troubled the Kingdom of Japan due to the civil war within the Kamakura Shogunate. The Houjou clan fell from power in January 1306 as an alliance between the Imperial Court, the Shogun Takaharu, and several powerful clans captured Kamakura and installed Takeda Tokitsuna as shogunal regent. Yet the Houjou retained Shikoku as a base for themselves and their remaining ally. Miura Yorimori saw this as an opportunity to expand his power and attempted negotiations with Houjou Sadanao, Iyo Tandai, to ally with him, subsidise him with grants from Zhengdong's government, and eventually restore his clan to power.

    Although Houjou liked the idea, he found such an alliance too politically difficult, for his own clan was divided on that matter and powerful shogunal vassals like the Kawano and Ashikaga would never accept. He deliberately stalled for time on giving an answer, which in the end proved advantageous for in April 1306, Temur Khan died suddenly and his 7 year old son Daishu became Emperor due to his powerful supporters, taking the name Yesun Altan Khan and later to be called Emperor Jianzong of Yuan.

    Yesun Altan inherited the most powerful empire on the planet, but he was in no position to use his power. Temur's primary wife Bulugan despised him as the daughter of a rival spouse, and in a quick coup invited the victorious general Ananda, King of Anxi, to assume the position of regent. Further, Yesun Altan suffered from an unknown illness that gave him sickly character. It was to no one's surprise that whether by nature or poison, Daishu's rule lasted barely four months before he perished in August 1306 and Ananda seized power in Yuan China. Chaos immediately ensued due to the widespread perception Ananda and Bulugan illegitimately seized power.

    Ironically, this coup helped King Tanehito choose his wife. As the son of Kublai Khan's third son Manggala, Ananda banished his most powerful rival Ayurbarwada (Khayishan's younger brother) on the charge of him plotting a coup. Ayurbarwada sent his mother Dagi (答己) and sister Sengge Ragi (祥哥剌吉) to safety among his allies in Goryeo while he attempted to rally warriors to his banner in what became the first Yuan civil war. The two Mongol women became acquainted with the Goryeo court, and through them Sengge Ragi learned more of Japan. Upon hearing of a wise Mongol princess devout in Buddhism, Tanehito requested her as his primary consort. Ayurbarwada accepted this request, believing it might keep Japan peaceful during and after the civil war.

    Both Shouni and Miura viewed the situation as a way to augment their power and ensure Japan greater independence. Miura knew that because he held a potentially dangerous position as the grandfather of Prince Khayishan's son, he could be suspected of disloyalty and executed. At the same time, he knew he must back Ayurbarwada, since Ayurbarwada would favour his nephew--and his family--to keep him loyal.

    Shouni-Miura War

    Using the retired Emperor and Kyougoku Tamekane as intermediaries, Miura convinced Shouni into joining Ayurbarwada's uprising under the pretext that the new Yuan emperor would reward the Japanese for their loyalty and punish those who delayed in the call to arms. Shouni raised 10,000 warriors and took personal command of them as he often did.

    Thus Shouni fell into Miura's scheme, for Miura slandered him to both Ananda's Chancellor of Zhengdong Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒) and Ayurbarwada's loyalists led by Burilgitei. According to Miura, Shouni's real intention was to return Khayishan's son Kusala to China in the event Ayurbarwada died in battle--it is clear that Ayurbarwada sought to keep Kusala in Japan lest the powerful faction surrounding his deceased brother gain unfortunate ideas. Miura claimed to know of this thanks to his position as Kusala's grandfather. The Mongols took these allegations--Abubeker ordered Shouni's arrest, while Burilgitei demanded the matter be investigated and not a single Japanese warrior join Abubeker's force.

    The cornered Shouni subsequently struck at several government offices in Hakata, while a coordinated force commanded by Yamana Toshiyuki attacked those in Kyoto in an attempt to both kill Miura, seize King Tanehito for himself, and destroy Zhengdong government facilities. As Abubeker Bayanchar in the span of weeks managed to infuriate the Japanese with his blatant corruption, a mob in the city joined Shouni's force and drove out the Mongols from Hakata. Hassan died defending the city with a small force of barely 4,000 men, and not a single Mongol official escaped the massacre. Many foreign merchants and moneylenders also perished. Bayanchar fled the city, but surrendered to an anti-Ananda force under Asahara Tameyori--he and his wife would spend over twenty years under house arrest in Fujian.

    The operations in Kyoto however went poorly. A band of hokke-ikki rebels in Settsu Province waylaid Yamana, and he lost half his army suppressing them. By the time he finally reached Kyoto, Miura was well-prepared for him and destroyed his small force with an overwhelming army of 8,000 men. Yamana fled and tried infiltrating Kyoto to carry out his mission, but the Imperial Police in the city cornered him so he committed suicide. His army melted away and joined Miura.

    With the war in China heating up, Burilgitei's army departed to aid Ayurbarwada. Wild news spread that Mongol rule was collapsing. But this was not the case--Burilgitei left his deputy marshal Gao Xing in charge of 20,000 men. After Gao's men destroyed a detatchment of Shouni allies under Aso Koresuke (阿蘇惟資) on November 21, Shouni realised his only option was to openly declare his intention to revolt or suffer consequences from the Mongols.

    In the end, Shouni chose neither--on November 23, 1306, he died in his sleep perhaps because of the intense stress. His would-be rebellion looked to his heir and grand-nephew Kagetsune, but Kagetsune lacked his father's penchant for impulsive decisions and knew fighting the Mongols was impossible. He declared his struggle lay only with Miura Yorimori and publically declared support for Ayurbarwada. This divided Kagetsune's army, for the veteran commander Adachi Tomasa condemned Kagetsune as a coward and even Kagetsune's own brother Tsunekiyo decided to follow Adachi.

    Confused leadership ensured Shouni's rebellion faltered. While Mouri Tokimitsu relished the chance to take up arms against the Miura, the two most powerful members of the Mouri clan, Tokichika's heir Sukechika (毛利資親) and Tokimoto, each proclaimed themselves neutral. The Kikuchi clan, also battered by internal dispute and greatly weakened by Mongol punishment after the 1303 Hanbou Disturbance, fell divided as Kikuchi Takemura (菊池武村) joined Adachi while the other Kikuchi remained neutral.

    Around 3,000 warriors remained with Shouni Kagetsune, but this was not a problem--Adachi had around 17,000 men, the army swollen by peasants, warrior monks, and hokke-ikki prepared to expel the Mongols. Among them were armed shugendo practicioners from Mount Kubote in Buzen and the shrine guards of the powerful Usa Shrine under Usa Kimitsura (宇佐公連), brother of the chief priest. Other smaller forces had spread throughout Kyushu, using the opportunistic neutrality of many local lords to expel darughachi and kill pro-Mongol collaborators. Even Miura's own army began suffering defections as a plot between a small group of shogunal vassals and court nobles nearly succeeding at assassinating Miura as he slept--all were killed. Of prominent Kyushu lords, only some Otomo clan branch families like the Tachibana [9] and the Ijuuin clan backed Miura.

    Miura sent his son Tokiaki from Kyoto at the head of his own force of 10,000 men and landed in Bungo Province, intending to quickly unite with Gao Xing's army. But Miura was unaware that Gao Xing was busy laying siege to Hakata quite some distance away. Upon realising he was trapped, he was determined to resist Adachi's army instead of retreating in shame. Adachi struck first at the field of Ishigakibara on December 16 and nearly drove Miura back into the sea were it not for warriors under the talented veteran Sugimoto Tokiaki he had sent ahead. Sugimoto's thousand warriors rose great chaos in Adachi's right. In particular, he slew Usa Kimitsura (宇佐公連) who had taken the lead in the fighting. The loss of such a spiritually powerful figure and a sudden thunderstorm demoralised the right wing of Adachi's army and forced Adachi to send reinforcements to the right to eliminate the remnants of Sugimoto's force. It is said Sugimoto himself died while singlehandedly ambushing a hundred enemies and delaying them for a few precious minutes as they struggled about in confusion.

    Miura took immediate advantage of this and concentrated his cavalry on the right flank. The advance of his kinsman Sakuma Tsunetomo (佐久間常朝) and son Miura Tokitane who fired countless arrows into the right utterly broke them, and subsequently they dismounted and threatened to flank the center. Adachi tenaciously held them off and tried sending his left to counter the still-outnumbered Miura's own advance, but this did not hold long. Sakuma feigned a retreat with around half the cavalry and drew the ambitious warriors of the key commander Shouni Tsunekiyo forward. A chance arrow killed Shouni's horse, spreading fear in their ranks and giving Sakuma and Miura the perfect opportunity to turn about and overwhelm them. Shouni committed suicide at that moment and Sakuma drove a wedge between Adachi and those soldiers under fighting Miura. This terrified the commander on the left, Asahara Tameyori, who immediately ordered a retreat which spread to Adachi's side and became a general rout.

    The Battle of Ishigakibara proved the moment the Miura clan solidified power over the Kingdom of Japan. Although Miura lost 3,000 men--including the talented veteran Sugimoto, who died of wounds he suffered several days later--nearly half of Adachi's army died thanks to underestimating Miura's tenacity. Thousands more surrendered and morale plummeted. Miura punished the nearby temples and shrines for supporting the rebellion. In particular, he forced Usa Shrine's head priest to pay a huge ransom for the return of his brother's body and Miura's promise that he would not turn him over to the Mongols.

    sCUX18p.png

    Ishigakibara proved the decisive battle in the 1306-07 civil war in Japan

    Gao Xing heard the news and left half his forces at Hakata under Naimantai while uniting with Miura. But this was not necessary, for on January 3, 1307, the samurai Serada Ietoki (世良田家時), son of the infamous rebel Serada Noriuji, assassinated Adachi Tomasa in conspiracy with Asahara Tameyori for Asahara viewed Miura as the most likely victor. Ietoki had lived most of his life under house arrest for Miura Yorimori for his father's misdeeds and had managed to join Shouni and Adachi's force, but after the Battle of Ishigakibara knew the chance of success was low. Ietoki presented Adachi's head to Miura who made him one of his personal vassals as a reward. As for Asahara, he maintained his positions he held before the rebellion but gained nothing--Miura viewed him as untrustworthy.

    As Adachi ranked among the most charismatic and talented of Shogunal vassals with a long record of service, his death crippled the rebellion. Kikuchi Takemura led thousands to flee the Kingdom of Japan, claiming that the Kamakura Shogunate was once again the legitimate government now that the Houjou had fallen--they were received well, and Kikuchi himself received land in Kai and became a vassal to the powerful Isawa branch of the Takeda clan. The veteran Sagara Nagauji (相良長氏) and Irita Chikanao (入田秀直) rallied the rebels in the aftermath, but Gao Xing's army destroyed them in battle on January 23, 1307.

    The siege of Hakata lasted for around four months thanks to Shouni vassal Akizuki Taneaki (秋月種顕) taking charge of the siege. He carried on the battle and repelled Mongol probing attacks, but Hakata's defenses were hastily assembled. In the end, epidemic and internal tension ensured spies opened the gate to the city. Akizuki committed suicide as Naimantai's Mongols stormed Hakata, but sent his children on a fishing boat to Echigo Province where they became vassals of the Nagoe clan.

    Gao and Naimantai argued over the fate of Hakata. Naimantai proposed execution of all Japanese men in the city for aiding the revolt, but Gao disagreed, believing the rebellion to be the consequence of the corruption and brutality of Ananda's illegitimately-appointed governors. With the aid of Confucian scholars, he argued a more merciful treatment was necessary to which Naimantai acquiesced. The incident is sometimes taken as indicating increasing Mongol assimilation to Chinese culture.

    Regardless, Gao knew well the anti-Mongol undertone of the uprising and his proposal was still quite harsh. He executed over 500 residents of Hakata deemed ringleaders and along with them all their adult male relatives, banishing their female relatives and children to China. Further, he closed all Shinto shrines in Hakata due to their association with anti-Mongol sentiment and exiled their priests to China. Finally, Gao levied a great fine upon all free Japanese in the city as restitution for the victims. While the ransom was paid, thousands fled Hakata permanently as a result, usually moving to growing cities in the provinces--ironically this would be a driving factor of urbanisation within the Kingdom of Japan that worked in tandem with the heinou bunri policy.

    Concurrently, Miura laid siege to Iwato Castle, the Shouni clan's fortress. The siege lasted several months before Mongol gunpowder weakened the defenses enough for the Mongols to storm the castle. On September 30, 1307, Shouni Kagetsune and several dedicated retainers committed suicide, but at the request of his half-brother Asahi Sukenori, some of the Shouni clan to surrender so they might one day take revenge.

    This did not end the rebellion, for Irita continued fighting in the mountainous interior of Kyushu with several thousand men under arms. But Irita's men devolved into little more than bandits, and Irita himself was more interested in gaining headship of the fragmented Otomo clan than sweeping political changes. They proved only a minor nuisance confined mostly to Bungo Province.

    The Shouni clan suffered greatly in the aftermath. Miura banished Shouni Kagetsune's sons Tsunetane (少弐経胤) and Yorikazu (少弐経員) to the Oki Islands. He ordered Asahi Sukenori, Shouni's half brother, to become leader of the clan, but Asahi fled to the Kamakura Shogunate rather than betray his kinsmen. Therefore, the Shouni clan's leader became Kagetsune's nephew Shouni Sukekage (少弐資景) [10], son of his younger brother Sukenobu who fell at Aonogahara.

    The Shouni lost all but a portion of their land within Chikuzen province, confiscated Minamoto no Yoritomo's sword Higekiri and donated it to a shrine, and stripped them of the rank of shogunal regent (which was seized by Miura Tokiaki) along with the rank of military governor in the four provinces they held it. Miura Yorimori granted these to members of his clan, although seized Chikuzen for himself. The only official post the Shouni still held was deputy military governor Chikuzen--This was due to Miura Yorimori showing mercy on them, reporting that Kagetsune had not joined the anti-Mongol rebellion but merely had been unable to control his forces in his attempt to aid Ayurbarwada.

    Other sporadic rebellions took some time to subdue. Most notable of these was that of Matsuda Motoyasu (松田元保) in Bizen. Matsuda, a half-hearted defector to the Mongols, had since been converted to Nichiren Buddhism by his grandson Motokuni (松田元国) who had returned from exile in the Kamakura Shogunate. He announced his adherence to the forbidden sect in 1306, allied with both Shouni and Adachi, and attracted a number of local anti-Mongol forces and crypto-Nichiren Buddhists to his banner. Numbering around 8,000, they took over much of Bizen, Bitchuu, and Mimasaka from their base at Tamamatsu Castle (玉松城) before Miura Tokiaki sent an army to crush them. Matsuda sent his children to Kamakura along with a few monks, while he himself remained besieged at Tamamatsu Castle for over a year. Miura was so frustrated by the siege he did not see it through to the end, leaving his son Tokitane in command with a skeleton force. When Miura stormed Tamamatsu in early 1309, he found not a single person alive for Matsuda and many others had starved himself to death while the survivors committed suicide upon Miura's attack.

    With these events, thus ended the Koukei War, so named for the Yuan era name Koukei--Huangqing (皇慶) in Chinese--in which it concluded. It solidified the dominance of the Miura clan in Japan--Miura Yorimori received the noble title of duke and a monetary reward, as customary of victorious Mongol generals. With the Miura clan thoroughly in control of the country and with the ruler of Japan married to the sister of the Emperor, their only obstacle to total dominance of Japan lay in the power of the Great Retired King Fushimi.

    ---
    Author's notes

    Another chapter I mostly wrote months ago, concluding the Shouni Kagesuke-Miura Yorimori rivalry. I did feel that Shouni Kagesuke should be somewhat of a tragic figure--OTL he was killed by an army led his half-brother as he tried to avenge the death of Adachi Morimune thereby securing better economic conditions for the shogunal vassals (I turned this event into the Tenkou Rebellion TTL). I find it likely that any Japanese who collaborated with the Mongols would find matters getting well out of control sooner or later.

    The next few chapters will wrap up matters in Japan and around the world. I'm not really sure which order I'll go in for these chapters, it'll depend on my schedule and how suitable I think each one is to post. But they're mostly finished anyway.

    Thanks for reading!


    [1] - By the reckoning of the Japanese calendar--Shouni is referring to the fall of the Houjou which happened TTL on January 17, 1306 by the Western calendar but would be before the New Year by the Japanese calendar.
    [2] - TTL Asahara kidnapped Tanehito and brought him to Mongol territory as part of a conspiracy and later his son tried killing Shouni Kagesuke in a revolt. OTL he tried assassinating Tanehito's father, Emperor Fushimi. It's safe to say he was a very unscrupulous person.
    [3] - An ATL character, born 1289. If Taira no Nakachika had any sons, they are not named. The change of surname wouldn't be too unusual either, for OTL the descendents of Nakachika's brother became called the Nishinotouin family after their residence
    [4] - See Chapter 21 for details.
    [5] - This actually happened OTL between Kyougoku and Hirohashi, albeit in a different year and with a different regent sending him
    [6] - I don't think I addressed this in the past, but having only a single toddler from the Imperial family as figurehead king would have been quite frustrating for the Kingdom of Japan during their early years. Alternatives like having a vacant throne might have been acceptable (since the political theory would be that the actual ruler is held hostage by the Kamakura rebels), and I suppose an imposter Emperor Antoku (like I discussed appearing in one chapter) may have been an option too albeit extremely ambitious
    [7] - I'm going to use the same names as OTL princes for people born this long after the butterflies serious affect Japan. In any case, this boy would be an ATL brother of the prince of the same name who became Emperor Hanazono.
    [8] - Despite the growth of the court's power in the Kingdom of Japan, the Hakata Shogunate would still hold the authority to arrest courtiers at will much as the Kamakura Shogunate did
    [9] - The Tachibana clan (立花) are not to be confused with the Tachibana (橘) family who were mostly court nobles--they are the ancestors of the famous Sengoku era warrior Tachibana Muneshige
    [10] - An ATL character--can't find a geneaology of Shouni Sukenobu's OTL children
     
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    Chapter 41-The War Against the Antichrist
  • -XLI-
    "The War Against the Antichrist"

    For the footnote that Ananda's usurpation of the Yuan throne was in Chinese history, it brought about global ramifications from Iberia to Japan. A myriad of foreign Muslim soldiers supported him, raising extensive paranoia against Islamic influence that in many places took the form of anti-Mongol riots and rebellions. While not a single rebellion succeeded, those who suppressed the rebellions and used them to their advantage emerged as powerful figures. Meanwhile, foreign onlookers in Europe--the wealthiest region of the world not under Mongol domination looked on with horror, for news traveled slowly and accurate news even more slowly. The steady stream of news coming from the east about Ananda's rule and his alleged misdeeds brought a nigh-apocalyptic mindset regarding what the future might hold.

    News regarding Ananda slowly crossed the Silk Road. Many Muslim clergy from Cairo to Samarkand were in jubilation at the news that a Muslim served as regent in China, and they prayed he might raise the child khan in his faith. In the Levant and Ilkhanate, imams spoke positively of Ananda and believed it the work of Allah presaging the Mongol Empire soon becoming a proper Islamic state. But when the news reached Europe in early 1307, it aroused great fear, for they believed their one-time ally might make common cause with the infidel. Some even deemed Ananda the Antichrist.

    Ananda was not the only Mongol figure deemed an agent of evil. Many Christians identified his two vassals--the Ilkhan Oljeitu and the Jochid khan Toqta--as the kings of Gog and Magog (of which "Mongol" was supposedly but a derivation). To battle against the Antichrist and his armies, thousands tried sailing to the Holy Land so they might serve as the vanguard of Christendom's defenders. Others sold their possessions and sought refuge in the Church in hopes they might hasten Christ's return to deliver them from the great conquerer in the east.

    Ananda's chief rival Buyantu also featured heavily in these stories. Said to be the rightful heir displaced by Ananda, Europeans portrayed Buyantu as a wise prince who preferred scholars to pagan mages and Islamic clergy, ruled his land with justice, and consorted with Christian missionaries. This of course held some truth--Buyantu Khan was perhaps the most Confucian Yuan ruler up to that point--although much of it was wishful thinking. Priests prayed to God so that he might grant Buyantu the strength to crush Ananda's realm from within.

    Ananda's rise to power came at a time when the Ilkhanate and the restored Christian states in the Levant clashed over territorial jurisdiction. The death of Ghazan in 1306 and the truce with the Mamluks meant the Crusaders redoubled their efforts to press the new Ilkhan Oljeitu for the return of Jerusalem to Christian hands. At first the Crusaders simply requested the entirety of the Kingdom of Jerusalem as it stood at its height in the days before Saladin's great success--the Mongols denied this demand. Subsequently they changed tactics, requesting only Jerusalem and its environs as an eastern extension of their realm--the Ilkhanate also rejected this proposal.

    The negotiations took on more and more desperation--Jerusalem's regent Philip of Taranto pledged to give away the entirety of Jerusalem beside a stretch of land encompassing the port of Jaffa and Jerusalem along with a vast sum and offered to marry his daughter to the Ilkhan or his heir. It is said the Ilkhan's negotiators mocked him, declaring Jerusalem to be the patrimony of the khan as God's appointed ruler on Earth who followed the true faith of Islam and protected all faiths in his city. Oljeitu reminded Philip that proceeding in his greed would result in the transfer of all that he owned--and more--to his country and appointed rulers.

    Philip took this threat seriously--he arrested hundreds of men who since the end of the war had taken to preying on caravans, executing their leaders and sending the rest in chains to his domain in Italy. Unfortunately, Philip's actions aroused against him powerful nobles in the Kingdom of Jerusalem who benefitted from the actions of these men, including King Henry II himself. They tried assassinating Philip at a banquet in summer 1307 and injured him enough he was forced to stay with the Hospitallers. His regency ended, and Jerusalem became ever more unstable as a result.

    In that same time, an incident occurred in Armenia. Those opposed to the union of the Armenian and Catholic churches persuaded the devout Muslim general Bilarghu to murder Hethum II and his co-ruler Leo III (and forty nobles) at a feast in November 1307. The new king Oshin (Hethum's brother) complained to the Ilkhan, who recalled Bilarghu at once. Unfortunately, by the time Bilarghu actually arrived at the Ilkhan's court, matters had greatly changed.

    Meanwhile, Christendom itself struggled as Pope Urban V continued Boniface VIII's policy of intervening in national affairs. He attempted to restrain hostile factions in Italy by inviting Albert I of Germany to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor in Rome, always a risky proposition given the Emperor and Pope tended to be bitter rivals. In early 1307, Albert set off on this campaign with 5,000 men and 500 knights, ending his invasion of Bohemia against the young Premyslid king Wenceslaus III who still struggled for the Hungarian throne. In Italy, Albert would encounter nothing but endless intrigues, largely failed attempts to restoring Imperial rule which brought innumerable rebellions, and worst of all, a lukewarm reception by the Pope who sought to avoid an overwhelmingly powerful Emperor.

    Despite these intrigues in Italy, the city-state of Venice focused its attention on the crusade declared against the excommunicated Byzantine Emperor Andronikos II. The French king's brother Charles of Valois proved its strongest advocate, hoping success there would gain him the crown he dreamed of as well as improve his brother's fortunes. Alongside Venice, Frederick III of Sicily, the Angevins, and the Serbian claimant Stephen Dragutin joined this coalition with the goal of partitioning Byzantium and restoring the Latin Empire. Naturally, each power had differing goals and priorities that ensured the alliance would be fragile at best.

    The Crusader army arrived in April 1307 in two segments. In the north, the Venetians and the Angevins landed in Albania under command of Philip of Taranto (nominally King of Albania), seizing the city of Durazzo from Dragutin's rival claimant Stephen Milutin with the aid of local Catholics. They rapidly marched south along the coast, taking more ports before proceeding inland and laying siege to the fortress of Bellegrada where 25 years prior the Angevins suffered a grave defeat [1]. In the south, Charles of Valois landed at Athens and marched north, aiming to link up with Roger de Flor's warriors of the Catalan Company who crossed the strait of Gallipoli and invaded Thrace.

    In Byzantium itself, the response was hindered by a Catalan conspiracy. Ferran d'Aunes, commander of the Byzantine Navy and senior member of the Catalan Company, attempted to depose Emperor Andronikos II with the aid of the priest John Drimys, a supposed descendent of Byzantium's prior dynasty the Laskarids. A great riot occurred in Constantinople between citizens infuriated with the depredations of the Catalans and their Catholic links and the remnant Laskarid supporters who summoned the elderly general (and cousin of the emperor) John Tarchaneiotes as their leader. The anti-Catalan faction won and drove out d'Aunes, Tarchaneiotes, and Drimys. But d'Aunes absconded with nearly the entire Byzantine fleet and helped evacuate those Catalans and Venetians present in the city.

    After the Drimys riot, Andronikos II summoned his son and co-ruler Michael IX along with the 73-year old general Michael Tarchaneiotes Glabas [2]. Both men, long opposed to the Catalan Company, were restored to their posts and status. The blinded Alexios Philanthropenos was also rehabilitated and given mercenaries. He confiscated transport ships and hired Genoese vessels to be under the command of the Genoese pirate Andrea Morisco. Thousands of Turkish, Alan, and Bulgarian mercenaries were hired and they renewed the alliance with Stefan Milutin.

    Andronikos also had one further ally--the Ilkhanate. The old alliance with the Mongols was periodically renewed over the years, and Andronikos needed it more than ever. In summer 1307, he married his daughter to the Ilkhan Oljeitu and begged him for assistance. The Ilkhan immediately dispatched a letter to the Pope demanding he force the kings of Europe to cease the Ilkhanate subject of Byzantium.

    This letter from the Ilkhan arrived alongside letters describing tale after tale of Ananda's persecutions of Christians, both actual and alleged. As Ananda had seized the throne by this time, panic spread in Europe that the greatest king of the east now prepared to march on Europe to conquer the last remaining lands for Islam. Propaganda conflated Ananda's own anti-Christian actions with those of Bilarghu to portray Oljeitu as a great persecutor of Christians. The crusade against Byzantium was thus to become a crusade against the Mongol Empire as a whole.

    Crusade of the Poor

    In this apocalyptic atmosphere, Pope Urban V was pressed from all sides to declare a crusade against the Mongols. Mobs of poor townsfolk and rural dwellers alike throned the roads in northern Europe, looting and pillaging for sustenance and often committing atrocities against the Jews whom they accused of being spies for the Antichrist. As with previous crusading movements of the lower class, it was deeply unpopular among the nobility. Much like in the Tenth Crusade, the Church permitted it due to the ongoing conflict with the French king. They also feared that Albert I of Germany might become too powerful and undermine the Pope's authority, as the Church knew he only sought to use them to bolster his domestic authority.

    The proximal causes of the crusade in the Middle East--the crusade against Byzantium and an ongoing border conflict in Jerusalem--did not seem to provoke any serious Mongol attacks on Christendom during 1307 and 1308. It seems likely that Urban V sought to avoid a crusade until the matter of Albert I's campaign in Italy ended. Regardless, by 1308 the mood in Europe reached new levels of fervor and the border skirmishes showed no sign of ending soon. Thus Urban V issued an official crusade bull on August 13, 1308. This began the crusade later known as the Crusade of the Poor, for its rank and file soldiers all appeared as poor men to medieval chroniclers.

    Albert I's march into Italy brought dire effects on the crusade. Charles II of Naples kept most of his army at home and prepared for conflict, for he feared that the soon-to-be-crowned Emperor would incite conflict and make unjust demands on him or the Pope. Intense factionalism began in Genoa and Venice as Albert I's arrival would reorient Italian politics, so these city states contributed far less to the cause. Indeed, powerful figures like young Cangrande della Scala of Verona and Uguccione della Faggiuola (who came to rule several cities as Imperial vicar) would make names for themselves in these years as Albert's chief allies in Italy.

    Pope Urban V tried mending relations with Philip IV by retroactively permitting his abuses against church property should he lead the crusade. Although his subjects detested the crusader rank and file, Philip readily took up the invitation and his excommunication was lifted and he raised a new tithe for the crusade (much of which went to repairing his finances). His army was relatively small--only 25,000 men, a substantial number associated with the Knights Templar, for Philip refused the majority of the crusaders who gathered in Marseilles and other ports. Yet it was also because many nobles soured against the venture due to the riots and crimes committed by the commoners. Other nobles feared the king might use his reconciliation with the Pope and improving financial condition for further attacks on their privileges. Among those noteworthy French nobles who participated regardless included Louis, Count of Clermont and the king's second son Philip.

    Albert I did support the Crusade himself, however. Since his personal retinue was small, he sent an additional 15,000 men from among his close allies to the Holy Land. His 18 year old third son Leopold was to command these men, and he informed the Pope that his heir Frederick would proceed to the Holy Land upon his coronation. Such a long period of absence for the ruler of the country and his only two adult sons seems aimed at both convincing the Pope to back Frederick as the next Emperor and convincing the nobles he intended to share power in the Empire. Most soldiers from the Holy Roman Empire were those from the Kingdom of Burgundy in the southeast or others such as Henry VII of Luxembourg--all held some affinity toward the French crown.

    The Crusader Defence

    But until the main Crusader army arrived, the Holy Land had to stand its own ground. Oljeitu's Mongols under Emirs Chuban, Mulay, and Fadl of Palymra with 40,000 men each swept into the Kingdom of Jerusalem from the east and northeast and began taking many castles. Jerusalem's army was dominated by the crusading orders, Genoese, and the Angevins, for most prominent native lords sided with Amaury and had thus been banished. Their own commanders were Peter Embriaco of Gibelet and Simon de Montolif as constable and marshal of Jerusalem respectively--neither were particularly experienced.

    Under these circumstances, it is unsurprising that the rapid Ilkhanate advance proved impossible to counter. It is said the Mongols easily infiltrated and seized seemingly impregnable fortifications due to Ilkhanate aid to Jerusalem in rebuilding them. The Hospitallers and some Templars made a stand on February 2, 1309 at the hilltop village of Roeis around half a day's march from Acre, combining with the Kingdom of Jerusalem's army, a large force combining Genoese mercenaries with those soldiers from the County of Tripoli, and a detatchment from Naples under Charles II's younger son Count Peter who asserted control over Henry II as his regent.

    The Crusaders struck at Chuban's lines and proved an unmovable obstacle. But Chuban refused to do battle at such an obvious disadvantage and bypassed the Crusader force. Even so, he faced considerable logistical difficulty in his attack on Acre, and it seemed his numbers and morale was dwindling. Moreover, the Crusaders heard of the impending arrival of Fadl's army and decided to destroy Chuban's force before the two Mongol armies might recombine.

    Chuban predicted such a measure and had spent the past days spying on the Crusader force and devising just how to take Roeis. When he heard they departed Roeis, he marched his army through the night and attacked the Crusaders right at the foot of the hill Roeis at the break of dawn. Although he only led 15,000 men to 20,000 Crusaders, his mobility still proved potent and the Mongols outflanked the Crusaders and cut off their retreat. At least half the Crusader force died in the fighting including Jerusalem's constable Embriaco, while the other half took heavy casualties fighting their way out of Chuban's trap. Those who survived fled to various castles to try and hold out in defense.

    Concurrent to the attack on Jerusalem came a barons revolt in Cilician Armenia, a long-term Crusader ally. The barons forced king Oshin to flee his own country, for he refused to choose a side. The barons restored Oshin's brother elder brother Sempad to the throne and sent 5,000 men to aid Amaury de Lusignan in defending the Principality of Antioch. Amaury raised many men from Cyprus along with local forces and now commanded 25,000 total. He managed to repel the initial Mongol attack on him led by the Emir Sutay through a series of inconclusive skirmishes largely due to fighting inexperienced Mongols.

    Naturally, Amaury de Lusignan refused to aid his hated brother Henry, but did accept the aid of the Hospitallers who came to Antioch. It seems Grandmaster Fulk de Villaret (nephew of Guillaume de Villaret, who died in 1305) believed resistance in Antioch more feasible than in Jerusalem, and he brought with him many from Jerusalem and Tripoli to his side. Further, Amaury was always a strong ally of the Templars who had played a crucial role in his coup against his brother Henry, and their Grandmaster Jacques de Molay quickly organised his knights. Amaury chose to take the offensive and attempted to outflank Aleppo from the north. Initially he was successful--his army defeated a detatchment from Sutay outside Hazart and seized its fortress in October 1308.

    Subsequently Sutay launched many raids on Amaury's logistics while approaching Hazart with a portion of his army. Amaury believed it a trick and assumed he outnumbered the Mongols. He pursued the main force of Sutay for an entire day and at sunset reached his army in the meadow of Dabiq. On November 1, 1308, Sutay sprang his trap, where his main deputy emir Husain Kuregen of the Jalayir struck the Armenian force on Amaury's flank. When Sempad's younger brother Constantine fell in the fighting, the Armenians began fleeing. Only a timely counterattack from the Templars saved Amaury's army, but he had taken heavy losses. Amaury placed a garrison at Hazart and retreated to his borders to prepare his defenses.

    Mamluk Affairs

    The defeats at Roeis and Dabiq disheartened the Crusaders, so much so that the Angevins and Genoese even tried enlisting aid from their former enemy, the Mamluks. But affairs in the Mamluk realm were equally dire. Baibars II was a skilled general but a poor administer who relied on violence to subdue his foes. The population played on his title Rukn ad-Din ("pillar of the faith") by calling him the derogatory nickname "Rakin ad-Din" ("useless in the faith") due to the high prices of food and high taxation Baibars levied. But this taxation was necessary, for Egypt was devastated from the losses in the Tenth Crusade and Baibars still had to prosecute his campaign against the allies of his predecessor an-Nasir Muhammad who dominated the Hejaz alongside their protectors, the Rasulids of Yemen. Thus began an affair that further altered the political situation of the Muslim world.

    This expedition failed, for the Emir of Mecca Rumaythah switched sides and joined the Rasulids, Baibars agreed to negotiate with the Crusaders. News of this spread in Cairo and another riot began, for it was believed that Egypt still might be a possible target of a crusade. It seems apocalypticism had taken root in Egypt as well following rumours of the Crusaders being defeated at Dabiq. Such an event corresponded with several hadith that predicted an alliance of Muslims and Christians (much as the Tenth Crusade), followed by the Christians betraying the alliance and the coming of the false messiah [3].

    Baibars ordered his Mamluks to trample the riotous crowds and shoot flaming arrows at them. Instead his deputy sultan and chief ally Saif al-Din Salar shot a flaming arrow through his head and proclaimed himself the Sultan in front of the crowd. A riot broke out anyway as Mamluks loyal to Baibars sought vengeance, but Saif al-Din slew them all thanks to the mob coming to his favour. He declared there would be no alliance with the enemies of Islam, although ironically Saif al-Din sought out commerce with the Italian cities regardless. Saif al-Din ordered the clergy to refute any interpretations the apocalypse was nigh as being heretical, and demanded anyone who preaches those rumours be flogged. Clearly, Saif al-Din's priorities lay with rebuilding the country--he could not afford a clash with the Ilkhanate.

    The border emir Fadl ibn Isa al-Fadl gladly accepted Saif al-Din's aid toward these aims. He pacified the Bedouins of the Sinai and the Red Sea coast, demanding the Mamluk Sultan provide him with fiefs, servants, and rewards for the campaign and funds for several new mosques lest he switch allegiance to the Ilkhanate. Fadl's strategic position between the Crusaders, the Hejaz, and the Ilkhanate and his nominal authority over the Bedouins as Amir al-Arab made him a vassal Saif al-Din sought to please at all costs. As Saif al-Din sought to restore the lost territories in the Levant and restore order in the Hejaz, he granted Fadl these requests.

    Therefore, in 1308 Fadl and his brother Muhammad prepared for a campaign in the Hejaz to defeat the rebellious Mamluk factions who allied with the emir of Mecca Utayfah and his Rasulid allies. He relied heavily on the emir of Medina, Muqbil ibn Jammaz. Fadl's army drove Rumaythah from Mecca and installed his more loyal brother Humaydah as emir there. By early 1309, he won a great victory against the Rasulids and their Mamluk allies. It is said that the rebel Mamluks beheaded both sons of Al-Nasir Muhammad, each no older than the age of five, and presented them to Fadl in exchange for reinstatement in the Mamluk force. Fadl executed them and sold their families as slaves to his brother.

    Fadl remained in the Hejaz in 1309 and 1310 administering justice, building alliances among the Bedouins, restoring Mamluk authority, and hunting down rebels such as Mansur ibn Jammaz, claimant to the Emirate of Medina. The latter had amassed a considerable number of tribal allies and even allied with Abu al-Gharth of Mecca, full brother of former emir Utayfah. It seems in late 1310, Mansur and Abu al-Gharth paid off Fadl, sending him the revenue of several caravans and a few hundred loyal warriors (which he sent to his brother Muhanna). Fadl demanded more grants from Saif al-Din to continue his operations in the Hejaz, but Saif al-Din rejected this. As a result, Fadl withdrew his troops.

    Thus chaos once more returned the Hejaz as Abu al-Gharth and Mansur ibn Jammaz besieged Medina and crushed the Mamluk loyalist Muqbil. Mansur conducted a thorough purge of the city and killed most of his half-brothers and all of Muqbil's children he found. Saif al-Din demanded Fadl return to the Hejaz, but Fadl claimed his warriors had deserted thanks to his brother Muhammad and joined his brother Muhanna out of their own ferver to crush the Crusaders, demanding income to bribe them back. As Saif al-Din and Fadl argued over the terms of the campaign, the enemies of the Mamluk government only advanced further.

    Subsequently Mansur and Abu al-Gharth attacked Mecca, and Humaydah fled to Cairo. But just as soon as that occurred, Mansur turned on Abu al-Gharth in the middle of the night and murdered him. The shocked Meccan army could hardly resist Mansur's force and either fled or defected en masse. Meanwhile, Mansur began minting coins in his name and ordered his name read at Friday sermons, thereby declaring himself an independent Sultan and accomplishing the long-term ambition of his father Jammaz ibn Shiha.

    Unlike Jammaz's short tenure as an independent Sultan, Mansur lay the groundwork for a more lasting state which is termed the Sultanate of the Hejaz. It seems he maintained a tacit alliance with Fadl ibn Isa and the Ilkhanate, but also continued using the machinery of Mamluk governance. For instance, the remnants of the al-Nasir Muhammad faction he employed as bureaucrats and local emirs to counterbalance the powerful Bedouin tribes. He proved generous in distributing tax fiefs to these men, but also sufficiently rewarded his allies. Most notably, Jammaz sponsored pirates who extorted Mamluk shipping, most notably those of his subordinate emir at the port of Yanbu. This gave the Hejazi state significant local power and authority and alongside Fadl's interference, kept the Mamluks from attempting any reconquest. The devolution of Mamluk Egypt thus continued.

    Arrival of the Crusader Army

    Were there one bright spot for the Crusaders, it was the arrival of Philip IV's army to the beleaguered Kingdom of Jerusalem in January 1310. The 25,000 strong force of French warriors united with around 35,000 zealots from Northern Europe and relieved Mulai's siege of Acre. Mulai believed the enemy vulnerable to his cavalry and led them on a lengthy feigned retreat, but local Crusader commanders informed Philip of the danger. Thus Philip sent his own cavalry in ambush and countered Mulai (who replaced Chuban in 1308) at the town of Caymont. The French knights, particularly the Knights Templar under its Grandmaster Jacques de Molay outfought Mulai's cavalry, ensuring the center of Mulai's army was demolished by a charge from the zealous lower class warriors who lacked any fear of death.

    Spurred on by the Templars and Hospitallers, Philip IV decided to march onwards to Jerusalem. No doubt he envisioned himself in the same light as his saintly grandfather Louis IX. Philip viewed himself as a man whom corrupt churchmen hated despite his saintly character. If he restored Jerusalem, he believed the Pope might agree to all his demands, permitting him to dominate Europe in both spiritual and secular affairs.

    As in the Tenth Crusade, the rank and file of the Crusader army proved unruly. The fanatical Crusaders ravaged villages and committed atrocities on not just Muslims and Jews but Christians as well. These villagers preferred the largely tolerant Ilkhanate rule to Christian rule, and a general belief appeared that the villagers were under the spell of the Antichrist. Crusaders tortured to death an elderly Syriac priest in a rural village and burnt alive the remainder in their homes, for a rumour broke out that the priest bore the mark of the Beast "666" on his head and was administering it to all he might find. Crusade terror extended into even already controlled territory as deserters turned into bandits and persecuted local citizens. Logistics became stretched as villagers hid or even destroyed food, water, and livestock lest it be used by the Crusader army.

    Ilkhanate emir Muhanna ibn Isa of Palmyra raised his own force of mostly Bedouins at this time and began making many raids deep into Jerusalem's territory. His brother, Emir Fadl ibn Isa, joined him, despite the latter nominally serving the Mamluks as an emir in the northernmost portions of the Hejaz. Logistics became even more strained as a result, and the Crusader army's progress became slow and they paused not far from Jerusalem. Seeing a fine opportunity, Mulai struck with a new army on February 1, 1311 at Nablus and forced Philip's army back toward the north, where they encamped near the town of Afel in the Plain of Jezreel southwest of Nazareth.

    The eschatological significance of this place was well known, for they were not far from the mountain of Megiddo. There the Book of Revelation claimed would be the site of the final Battle of Armageddon. Early in that day, some heard the voice of Jesus, claiming he was commanding their army. Fervor reached incredibly highs in the Crusader force and even Philip could not control their actions.

    Mulai commanded only 40,000 warriors and quickly was forced to retreat by the aggressive Crusader force. But the Crusader advance was haphazard and they focused too much on killing those soldiers of his who lagged behind. This let Mulai reorganise his force and conduct repeated raids on the Crusaders, breaking up their lines even further before he launched a cavalry charge that nearly routed his enemy. Philip IV counted on such a strategy and placed his most disciplined forces in the center and rear guard. This reserve matched Mulai's charge and neatly countered it.

    Just as Mulai's cavalry could go no further, Muhanna appeared with 7,000 Bedouins and other reinforcements (including those sent by his brother Fadl), riding both camels and horses. The most indisiciplined of the Crusaders believed it to be an allied army sent by Jesus himself and stopped their retreat. Fadl deliberately spread out his army to create the illusion they commanded an entire army. This force charged and cut off the rear vanguard of the Crusader army as well as slaughtering or capturing many of the fanatics. With the path to retreat cut off and Mulai's force regaining initiative thanks to the reinforcements, Philip could do nothing but fight his way to a retreat.

    The Battle of Afel became one of the great Christian defeats in the Holy Land, nearly as terrible as Hattin. Philip IV lost well over half of his army, with notable casualties including the Count of Clermont and Henry VII of Luxembourg. His son Philip became a captive of Fadl ibn Isa alongside several other prominent French nobles and Leopold of Austria. Templar Grandmaster Jacques de Molay barely escaped with his life.

    The arrival of Prince Frederick von Hapsburg from Italy at the head of 5,000 reinforcements--including several hundred Teutonic Knights--alleviated fears of the Kingdom's total fall. They defeated Fadl not long after, but morale never remained the same after the defeat at Afel. Likewise, by this point the main theater of the war shifted north. Mulai dispatched reinforcements to Sutay who invaded Antioch in force, first defeating Amaury in the field several times before he laid siege to Antioch.

    The Siege of Antioch lasted over a year, but in May 1312 the city fell. Amaury de Lusignan was assassinated by a knight who served the House of Ibelin who promptly opened the gates to the city. By Sutay's orders, all European Christian men beside Amaury's immediate family were to be killed and their churches destroyed, but local Christians, Muslims, and Jews were spared and not to be harmed at all. Although Amaury's brother Guy tried negotiating safe passage for the nobles, Sutay refused, citing an order from Oljeitu to slaughter all Western Christians in the city. It appears Oljeitu took to such a drastic measure due to his particular contempt for Amaury, who alongside his loyalists spurred much of the conflict in the Levant.

    Mongol soldiers went house to house arresting Europeans wherever they were found and confined in a field where they were beheaded and their skulls stacked into a pyramid, crowned by one skull with a crown supposedly belonging to Amaury de Lusignan, although others claim it was Amaury's brother Guy who was executed alongside his teenage son Hugh. Many high-ranking Cypriot and Antiochene nobles died in this massacre, including many members of the House of Ibelin. Prisoners of war from the campaign were forced to witness this atrocity in which supposedly 10,000 were killed (although likely far less).

    Beside this affair, Oljeitu was magnanimous in peace. He named Amaury's second son Henry as ruler of a much-reduced Principality of Antioch which was now cut off from Cilician Armenia and the County of Tripoli by two Ilkhanate garrisons. With Amaury's death, his brother Aimery moved quickly and installed himself as King Aimery II of Cyprus. Jerusalem similarly lost much of its land and was reduced to a few scattered castles on the coast. He forced a vast tribute from the subjugated states, forced their children to reside at his court in Tabriz as hostages, stationed garrisons in their ports whose upkeep was drawn from additional taxes, and demanded they provide him troops as necessary. At last, the Mongol Empire stood on the Mediterranean.

    But this was only one portion of what ranked among the largest wars the Mongol Empire faced. There was also a large campaign in Eastern Europe where the Jochids invaded once more. In Anatolia, the Ilkhanate also launched a great campaign against rebellious Turkish beys and Crusaders alike, a campaign which saw much intrigue and backstabbing in the Ilkhanate's attempt to preserve their Byzantine ally. Even in distant Yuan China, the History of Yuan mentions the war as a great campaign by Buyantu's western vassals to defend the patrimony of the ruling dynasty, and despite his reputation as an ally to Christendom Buyantu sent grants to both Oljaitu and Toqta to reward their successes. With its vast scope, the crusade against the Mongol Empire and her allies carried great ramifications for centuries to come in Europe, the Middle East, and all Asia.

    ---
    Author's notes

    While often spoken of, the Crusader-Mongol alliance was actually among the few positive moments in a mostly hostile relationship. Much of what I wrote in this chapter is indeed based on medieval perceptions of the Mongols, and it's not hard to envision a Muslim coming to lead a global empire (Ananda) combined with their refusal to return Jerusalem to Crusader hands as causing a mass panic.

    I split off into the next chapter most of the section regarding the separate crusade against the Byzantines, the Catalan Company, and Ilkhanate campaign against the Turkish beyliks. This too is related to the conflict. I also desire to create a world map for how things are in the early 1310s, and specifically a zoomed in map for the Levant and Anatolia. I do enjoy writing about the continued expansion of the Mongol Empire since they really did have a lot of potential in this period.

    As ever, thanks for reading!

    [1] - To make a long story short, Serbia was in a civil war in the early 14th century between Stephen Dragutin and Stephen Milutin, with the former pro-Angevin. Bellegrada is today Berat in Albania.
    [2] - Of some uncertain relationship to John Tarchaneiotes
    [3] - To make a long story short, these hadith claim that the "Romans" (which was interpreted to mean Christians in general) will fight an apocalyptic battle at Dabiq (basically the equivalent of the Battle of Armageddon), a town in Syria north of Aleppo, after which the Dajjal (basically the Islamic antichrist) will appear and deceive many before Jesus and the Mahdi return and defeat him and restore truth and justice to the world
     
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    Chapter 42-Defenders of the Ancient City
  • -XLII-
    "Defenders of the Ancient City"

    The Crusade of the Poor was but a side venture for Europe's political players and indeed existed mainly because of the Ilkhanate's willingness to defend their new vassal, Andronikos II. The true interest lay in seizing Byzantium due to the behest of Pope Urban V's declaration of a crusade. Led by the Venetians and the French king's brother Charles of Valois and uniting even the rival Sicilians and Angevins, Catholic Europe desired to recreate the Fourth Crusade and enforce the claim of Charles's wife Catherine of Courtenay, on the defunct Latin Empire. Although Catherine died not long after the campaign began in 1307, the claim passed to her young son John, the Count of Chartres.

    Byzantium itself was still riven with internal tension. In addition to the radical faction of John Drimys, the Catalan-backed pretender, Andronikos's own empress Irene proved disloyal out of her personal vision for the Empire which saw it partitioned between her sons with no room whatsoever for her stepson Michael IX. Irene voluntarily departed from Constantinople to Thessalonica in 1303. Irene's camp included many names of note both secular and clerical among the pro-Western faction in Byzantium.

    Meanwhile, the leaders of the Crusade aimed at Byzantium found themselves no shortage of recruits. The fanatics who formed the bulk of the Crusade of the Poor readily believed that the Byzantine Empire had fallen into dire heresy, with Orthodox Patriarch Athanasius I in particular painted as a vile heretic and false prophet due to his constant anti-Latin efforts. The Venetians deliberately steered somethese fanatics to the Balkans as reinforcements and camp followers. Their forces swelled and with the aid of the Serb king Dragutin managed to drove off Milutin's army from Albania. Elsewhere, they ravaged the area of Thessalonica to a degree that infuriated Charles of Valois--Charles ordered them sent ahead by sea to aid the Catalan Company in their attack on Thrace.

    Despite their rapacious reputation, the Catalan Company disliked these men as competitors so their leader Roger de Flor disposed of them in a useful manner as a major battle against Byzantium neared. He sent ahead his chief lieutenant Bernat de Rocafert with 100 elite almogavars and a contingent of 5,000 warriors from Western Europe. On August 10, 1308, Rocafert made camp near the town of Selymbria and baited Michael IX into attacking it as the chief Catalan encampment. Philanthropenos believed it a trap, but his advice was disregarded. The 15,000 strong Byzantine army attacked and readily dispersed and slaughtered the poorly trained and equipped fanatics but fell into Rocafert's ambush where the almogavars with their darts struck down many among the Byzantine cavalry as they retreated.

    The Byzantine army fell into Roger de Flor's ambush, for he led the reserve containing another 2,000 almogavars and 3,000 mercenaries from Anatolia and the Balkans. Roger's cavalry trampled through the Byzantine flank while elite almogavars tore apart Byzantine ranks. Roger lost perhaps 3,000 soldiers but few of his loyal almogavars perished. Byzantine losses were far worse--in addition to losing over 5,000 men, Philanthropenos was killed in action while the elderly Branas died of shock not long after.

    Selymbria proved a decisive battle and a fine example of Roger de Flor's skill as a tactician. In the aftermath, the Catalans looted farms and Orthodox churches beneath the walls of Constantinople itself. Anti-Palaeologan forces and peasants flocked to the banner of the Catalan ally John Drimys. Only exhaustion of local plunder and combined Byzantine-Genoese defense at the walls to deter a siege forced the Catalans away from Constantinople toward the west. There they ravaged yet more of Thrace as they moved toward Thessalonica. Most infamously, they sacked the holy monastery of Mount Athos in an act criticised by even Western Christians.

    Throughout the remainder of 1308, Roger de Flor clashed with Michael IX, winning several more battles albeit none as decisive as Selymbria. Michael IX's new general Manuel Tagaris, who despite his youth rose to prominence thanks to saving the Emperor's life, frustrated Roger's efforts to permanently destroy the Byzantine force, as did the arrival of several thousand Serbs from Stephen Milutin's camp. Perhaps most notably, Michael's men forced open a safe route to Thessalonica and repelled an advance force from the Duchy of Burgundy, whose young duke Hugh V was titular claimant to the defunct Kingdom of Thessalonica. In Thessalonica, he arrested Empress Irene and others from her camp, stopping a plot to turn the city over to the Crusaders. Unfortunately for the Byzantines, the brother of the governor of the city and Irene's ally, a certain Constantine Monomachos, escaped and sought shelter with Charles of Valois.

    Meanwhile, the army of Charles of Valois advanced through Thessaly and dispersed the autonomous Byzantine vassal state there before he besieged Thessalonica itself. The city tenaciously held out for over a year, hoping for rescue. In the meantime, the Crusader force lost many men to disease. Elsewhere, the local governor of Byzantium's exclave of Morea in southern Greece, Michael Kantakouzenos, fended off several Crusader incursions using the rugged terrain of his land. In 1308, Kantakouzenos even raided deep into the Crusader Principality of Achaea with the support of local Greek peasants (for he was a popular governor). His actions forced Charles of Valois to send a substantial force under his ally the Duke of Athens Walter V of Brienne to drive off Kantakouzenos--this was a great embarassment to Philip of Taranto, who his father Charles had named Prince of Achaea the prior year.

    Michael IX used this as a chance to relieve the siege of Thessalonica and combined with his Serbian allies and the attacked with around 12,000 men in August 1308. At this point, Charles had perhaps only 10,000 men, but a sizable number of them were well-trained knights. He utilised his forces well and kept his knights as a reserve while his infantry wore down Michael's mercenaries. At the precise moment, Charles led the Frankish knights on a thundering charge that shattered Byzantine lines and wounded the co-emperor.

    After the battle, Constantine Monomachos ordered the garrison defending the city to stand down, an order they complied with. He imprisoned his brother and other members of the Monomachos family who lived in the region and gained for himself the position Thessalonica's mayor under its new king Hugh. He was among several Greeks who received stipends and offices from Hugh of Thessalonica as he sought to revive and create a stable kingdom.

    The Frankish forces pressed onward between 1308 to 1310. Angevins defeated the Serbs several times in Albania and Epirus, expanding their local control there. Michael IX was defeated once more outside Adrianople by Charles of Valois. Subsequently, the city's archbishop Theoctistus (a proponent of uniting the churches) ordered his followers to open the gates for the Latins, causing Michael IX's army to flee in disarray to Constantinople. The only fortune for the Byzantines came with the Turkish attacks on the Catalan Company's territory in 1308 and 1309 that forced Roger de Flor to abandon his raiding in Thrace which substantially reduced Charles's fighting power.

    Charles of Valois was well aware of Constantinople's reputation as impregnable and knew he could not count on the same trickery that won the city for the Latins in the Fourth Crusade. With the Catalan Company's departure for Anatolia in 1309 alongside many Sicilian forces, Charles focused on political affairs. He pardoned many Greeks who supported the church union on the condition they helped fund the substantial rebuilding necessary due to depredations of war and particularly the Catalans. He officially assumed the position of regent in the Latin Empire in the name of his young and sickly son John whom he betrothed to Beatrice, the young daughter of his Angevin ally Philip of Taranto [1].

    The imminent arrival of the Mongol army and their allied Turks terrified Charles, so he sought peace with Andronikos II. Charles desired to marry a daughter of Michael IX to further secure his family's claim to the Latin Empire, but Andronikos steadfastly refused these demands. Charles decided instead to aggressively press the campaign against the Mongols and seize as many towns and fortresses as possible before the Mongols arrived so that he might have more strategic depth.

    Mongol Invasion of Anatolia

    News of the desperate situation of his Byzantine ally (and in Oljeitu's opinion, vassal) gravely concerned Oljeitu. He raised 30,000 men under his emir Irinjin (who ironically was a Nestorian Christian) and sent them into Anatolia to restore the authority of the weak puppet Sultan of Rum Kilij-Arslan V along with his collapsing realm, re-establish and smash the Frankish crusader army menacing Byzantium [2]. Irinjin began his campaign in spring 1309 when he entered Cilician Armenia and restored king Oshin to the throne while extracting much tribute--this was of course a side action in the war against the Crusader states. He then turned north by autumn of that year, but was defeated by the Karamanid ruler Yakshi Bey who was occupying the Seljuk capital Konya and leading many beys against the Ilkhanate in a bid at independence. Oljeitu recalled Irinjin (sending him to Georgia instead to pacify a revolt there) and placed his emir Chuban as the new commander of this operation.

    Chuban struck in spring 1310 and drove off Yakshi Bey, allowing Kilij-Arslan V to regain his throne. Nearby beyliks whose origins lay in Seljuk society and governance like the Pervane, the Sahib-Ataids, and the artisanal republic of the Ahi Brotherhood of Ankara immediately pledged allegiance [3]. He launched a large raid into the Karamanid ruler's lands with Armenian King Oshin at his side and seized much lifestock and slaves. Chuban sacked the city of Karaman and captured Yakshi Bey surrendered to Chuban, but he executed him for his intransigence. Yakshi Bey's relative Ibrahim slew much of his family in a sudden palace coup and pledged allegiance to Sultan Kilij-Arslan V, so he was permitted to retain control of Karaman. His troops moved further and sacked the city of Alaiye, the center of Yakshi Bey's ally and kinsman Yusuf Bey. Between their disastrous defeat to Roger de Flor several years prior, a resurgent Cilician Armenia, and losses to Irinjin and Chuban, the once powerful Karamanids lay crippled and would never again be a major power [4].

    The Mongol emir then convinced Trebizond's ruler Empereor Alexios II to move against the local Genoese--the Trapezuntine force destroyed Genoese warehouses, seized their ships, and imprisoned their merchants for a substantial ransom. Alexios used this revenue to commit wholly to the campaign and re-establish garrisons and villages on the frontier of his realm. With Mongol aid, he crushed several small beyliks in the mountains to the west and killed the powerful local ruler Emir Bayram and terrorised the local Turkmen tribes. Trapezuntine forces ranged as far as Samsun in alliance with loyalist Georgian princes, but the Mongols forced them to return the city to a governor appointed by the Sultan of Rum's local representative, the Pervane bey and notorious pirate Zalabi.

    Subsequently, Chuban ventured west and demanded submission from the ruler of the Candar, Suleyman Bey. He requested that he restore the relatives of the Chobanid bey Suleyman had recently deposed [5], but Suleyman rejected these demands at the behest of his advisors. He allied with Yusuf Bey of the Ataiye Karaman, Mehmed Bey of the Eshrefids and Osman, ruler of the small Ottoman beylik. Together they sent 50,000 men to oppose Chuban at the Battle of the Gökırmak on July 29, 1310. The Turks fought hard and with their numbers fought evenly with the Mongols. After several hours of fighting, a contingent of troops of the pro-Ilkhanate beyliks of Pervane and the Sahib-Ataids arrived. Even so, the three beys continued resisting until Osman's general Turgut Alp fell in battle. Chaos rose in the Ottoman lines and their forces retreated, permitting the Ilkhanate army to press onward to victory at the cost of almost 10,000 men.

    The Battle of the Gökırmak once again demonstrated Mongol strength. Mehmed Bey and Suleyman Bey surrendered at once and paid a vast ransom for their restoration as local rulers. Chuban punished the Candar beylik immensely by assigning most of their territory to nearby beys like the Chobanids (restored thanks to Chuban) and Pervene. Likewise, the Sahib-Ataids took much from the Eshrefids. After Gökırmak, several powerful beys, most notable of them Yakub Bey of Germiyan, arrived in Konya to pledge alliance to the Sultan of Rum. While not without controversy--Yakub Bey faced an internal rebellion for it--peace once more returned to Anatolia.

    The Ottoman beylik resisted, alongside allies from Karaman and those from the large Germiyan beylik. Its ruler Osman refused to submit to the Ilkhan's demands and raised 20,000 warriors who ambushed Chuban's army outside Bilecik on September 30, 1310. Osman fought incredibly well and nearly routed Chuban's force in the initial action, but the Ilkhan emir held fast and turned the tables on the Ottomans. The Ottomans lost nearly the entirety of this force, among them one of Osman's finest generals, the famed Greek convert to Islam Kose Mihal. Osman barely escaped himself and found his rising beylik crippled overnight by the dramatic loss of manpower and further desertion of his men. Chuban himself lost almost 5,000 men in the battle. Osman was forced to beg for his life and paid an enormous fine to the Ilkhanate for his resistance, losing much territory in the process.

    Catalan-Mongol War

    Osman's submission marks the end of organised Turkish resistance and a change of priorities for the Turkish beys. The Germiyan ruler Yakub Bey, now free of many internal rivals, chose to escalate his ongoing conflict with the Catalan Company's Kingdom of Anatolia. He sought to avenge his utter defeat at the hands of Roger de Flor several years prior and in October 1310 personally led 30,000 men to the city of Philadelphia.

    Roger de Flor utilised the Germiyan threat to his benefit. He demanded reinforcements from Frederick III of Sicily to relieve the siege of Philadelphia, claiming his armies were too occupied holding off the main Byzantine force and preventing them from relieving Constantinople. The Sicilian king accepted for he was eager to assert greater control over the Catalan Company. They had made constant excuses as to why conditions were not right for his candidate Ferdinand of Majorca (his cousin) to arrive and accept the crown of Anatolia. He led over 10,000 men into Anatolia, mostly from Majorca and Sicily and those scattered zealous peasants from Western Europe and prepared to lift the siege of Philadelphia alongside a detatchment of 1,000 almogavars under Bernat de Rocafert.

    But Roger de Flor actually intended to stage a dramatic coup d'etat in the Kingdom of Anatolia. The arrival of King Ferdinand threatened to diminish the unchecked power he wielded as vicar-general. He and many other almogavers also personally disliked Charles of Valois and his Angevin allies and feared the Latin Empire might not necessarily renew the Catalan Company's contract as Byzantium would. As it was, Rocafert and several other chief lieutenants had disputes with Charles de Valois's emissaries, so the feeling was mutual. De Flor thus decided that the Catalan Company--and its kingdom--remain a neutral player and work only for those who might reliably pay them what they deserved.

    Therefore in December 1310, De Flor secretly opened negotiations with Andronikos II. In exchange for a large sum of money (which he would use to pay tribute to the Ilkhan and buy off the Germiyan bey) and the head of the rebel John Drimys, the Catalans would return to Byzantine service and Andronikos II would dismiss his son Michael IX as co-ruler. It seems De Flor had grown wise to Byzantine politics and understood the latter man as his prime enemy. As for Andronikos, these terms saddened him but he was persuaded to accept them due to the influence of Empress Irene's faction.

    On October 13, 1310, Roger de Flor and several hundred almogovars arrested King Ferdinand for breaching his contract with the Catalan Company. In the city of Nicaea where Drimys held his court, the warriors of Ferran d'Aunes assassinated him alongside his followers like the elderly John Tarchaneiotes. De Flor met with Chuban himself alongside his young heir Roger and pregnant wife Maria Asenina and begged forgiveness for his actions, presenting Chuban with a substantial tribute--much gold and 5,000 Turkish slaves. Chuban accepted his submission, but held his son and wife as hostage for several years and ordered Yakub of Germiyan to abandon his siege. Yakub of Germiyan did not take this lightly, but complied after extorting the citizens of Philadelphia--it is said the Rocafert family, rulers of that city and region, became impoverished after they complied with Yakub's demands for tribute.

    Meanwhile, Michael IX discovered the plot against him and revolted with several thousand men. He ordered his father Andronikos deposed, but the latter escaped Constantinople smuggled in a sack aboard a Venetian ship. It seems many young nobles like the Kantakouzenos of Morea backed Michael due to viewing his father as incompetent and a Catalan puppet. However, Andronikos still had allies within Constantinople who left open passages for the emperor to return if needed.

    The coup shocked the Catalan Company which broke into sudden factionalism. Berengeur d'Entença, Count of Aveo, emerged as the head of this group due to his loyalties to King Ferdinand. Although a good friend of Roger de Flor, the issue rose to a great dispute between the two men. D'Entença sent a request to de Flor to resign as captain of the Catalan Company, cosigned by several senior almogavers, but de Flor rejected this and ordered d'Entença arrested.

    In this period, the Catalans still had to face opportunistic Turkish beys. By this time, the first victim of the Catalan Company's attacks--Karasi Bey--had recovered much of his strength for a faction of Turkmens due to the arrival of Ece Halil Saltuk, an ally of the deceased rebel Jochid prince Nogai who now led an army of 10,000 pro-Nogai Turks. Ece Halil and Karasi Bey besieged Nicomedia during d'Entença's revolt. De Flor ignored d'Entença's rebellion and took command of 3,000 men to relieve the siege of Nicomedia via the usual Catalan tactics of harassing their supply lines. The Catalan Company as usual proved far worse of a threat than the Turks for they abducted the citizens and sent them to the cities of the Kingdom of Anatolia with nothing but the clothes on their back.

    While Karasi Bey had submitted to Chuban after the Battle of the Gökırmak, Chuban could not ignore the presence of Nogai Khan's allies among his army. He demanded Karasi Bey turn them over to him as rebels against the Great Khan. Karasi Bey instead allied with the very ruler he was besieging on the condition he lead his forces against Chuban, but Karasi Bey could hardly do so, for they were necessary to restore his beylik's strength after the repeated defeats. D'Entença requested Ferdinand lend him his army--Ferdinand gave him over half his army so that d'Entença commanded 10,000 men himself in addition to the 10,000 pro-Nogai Turks and about 5,000 Karasids.

    The three commanders had markedly different goals in mind, and cohesion was poor, but d'Entença convinced his Turkish allies to lay an ambush near Lake Boana. The ambush initially worked, and d'Entença's forces cut deep into Mongol lines for the almogavar fighting style proved highly successful against the Mongols. But d'Entença advanced too far from where his allies battled and fell victim to his own success. Chuban took advantage of this and regrouped his men and charged Ece Halil whose army was routed. Karasi subsequently ordered a retreat, deciding to leave d'Entença and the Sicilians to their fate. D'Entença and his forces managed to retreat but lost over 5,000 men, including most of D'Entença's 1,500 almogavers.

    Chuban hunted down Ece Halil Saltuk and his surviving men, executing the leader and slaughtering the remainder. Karasi Bey tried surrendering to Chuban, but he was instead beheaded for betraying his former allegiance. Meanwhile, Roger de Flor moved to suppress the rebellion and fell upon d'Entença's army, now numbering less than 5,000 men. While d'Entença fought well, his chief lieutenant Ferran Eiximenis d'Arenos was surrounded and captured which broke apart his lines and forced his retreat. Greek citizens of Abydos rose up at the news of d'Entença's defeat, forcing a lengthy siege of the city that resulted in a massacre. As for d'Entença, de Flor exiled him to Sicily. The disloyal d'Arenos confessed to inspiring d'Entença's revolt--de Flor banished him to Constantinople instead of executing him only because he was married to a granddaughter of Emperor Andronikos.

    Roger de Flor now held King Ferdinand of Anatolia as his prisoner. De Flor decided to ransom him to his kinsman, but neither his uncle Frederick III of Sicily nor his brother Sancho of Majorca would pay the high sums de Flor demanded. As a result, Ferdinand passed his days away in a dungeon in de Flor's capital of Smyrna, fed with meager rations due to de Flor refusing to lavish anything upon him so that his soldiers might be paid.

    For these actions, Pope Urban V excommunicated de Flor and all in the Catalan Company who remained loyal to him and placed the Kingdom of Anatolia under interdict in early 1311, but it mattered only toward their relations with the House of Barcelona. Negative relations between the Pope and Venice over Venice's campaigns in Italy ensured Anatolia had a strong ally. Those Greek clergy in Anatolia who were pro-Latin similarly ignored the Pope's order and kept Christian services functioning much the same even while those Latin clergymen who accompanied the Catalans left Anatolia.

    With the end of d'Entença's rebellion and the executions of Ece Halil and Karasi Bey, peace returned to Anatolia. Oljaitu himself was pleased at de Flor's submission and impressed at the strength of his powerful vassal, so he demanded 200 almogavar households be sent to him at once. After ensuring they would receive good pay, de Flor sent 200 men who had joined d'Entença in his rebellion to the Ilkhan's court. The captain of these men was Ramon de Tous, said to be among the bravest warriors of the Catalan Company.

    The Ilkhan himself split these men into two units of 100, sending de Tous and his 100 men to Yuan China as tribute where Buyantu Khan organised them alongside 500 other Catholic Europeans into the Frankish Guard of the kheshig. This Frankish Guard was dispatched to Hakata in 1311 to defend Borjigin princes there. They were perhaps the first group of Western Catholics permanently resident in Japan, although not the first to visit for several Westerners such as Marco Polo had visited Mongol-ruled Hakata. A western friar who accompanied them named Girolamo Catalano was consecrated by the Archbishop of Cambaluc [Dadu] as the first "Bishop of Hacata", beginning the Catholic Church's missionary activities in Japan [6].

    Mongol Invasion of Thrace

    The defection of the Catalan Company fragmented the coalition. Already suffering the Papal interdict for their anti-Papal States schemes in Italy involving the city of Ferrara [7], Venice abandoned the coalition in December 1310 and tried to hastily repair relations with the Byzantines. Elsewhere, Stephen Milutin won a great victory over Dragutin in 1311 and sent an army to attack Albania and Macedonia. Dragutin on the other hand grew increasingly frustrated with his Angevin allies and broke into open war with the Angevin King of Hungary.

    The Latin coalition faced another strong opponent as well as the Bulgarian king Theodore Svetoslav invaded Thrace in 1310 with the aim of ousting the Latins. Although formerly an opponent of Byzantium, his marriage to Michael IX's daughter in 1307 and his close relations with the Jochid khan Tokhta ensured his intervention was only a matter of time. While internal issues and his lingering dislike of Byzantium prevented an earlier campaign, Theodore's army rapidly took several fortresses in Thrace the Latins had captured.

    As for the Siege of Constantinople, in February 1311 the Ilkhanate commander Chuban arrived at the head of 30,000 men to save the city from capture. Charles de Valois and his knights fought well (particularly the brave Walter V de Brienne, Duke of Athens) and managed to retreat without many casualties. Unfortunately for the residents of the city, Chuban demanded entry and declared Michael IX must both pay homage to him and reconcile with his father. Michael rejected the demand due to fear of being punished for his rebellion and knowledge he was safe behind Constantinople's walls but the young noble Syrgiannes Palaiologos (Michael's second cousin) betrayed him and turned him over to Chuban as a prisoner.

    The Mongols handed Michael IX to his father, but Empress Irene intervened and he soon fell into the hands of Roger de Flor. The Kingdom of Anatolia tried Michael IX with the serious crimes of heresy, sodomy, murder, and high treason--the deposed Emperor confessed to all charges against him under torture. The Catalans beheaded him in September 1311 and burnt his remains at the stake. His two sons Andronikos and Manuel remained under house arrest in Roger de Flor's seat of Smyrna before they made a dramatic escape the following year through bribing the prison guards and fleeing to Morea with Genoese aid where Andronikos declared himself its independent despot. In this he was backed by the Bulgarian ruler, furious at the Byzantines for permitting Roger de Flor and his Catalans to do as they please.

    The Catalans punished Andronikos II for their escape with an exhorbitant fine and planned an expedition against the Morea. However, they faced a sudden rebellion by local Greek peasants in tandem with invasions by the Turkish warlord Sarukhan, nominally a vassal of the Germiyan beylik and ultimately an Ilkhanate vassal. Roger crushed these enemies by 1313 through a new alliance with the Ottomans who sought revenge on Germiyan.

    The war against the Franks continued in this time as Charles de Valois shifted the front south and tried besieging Gallipoli. In February 1312, the Genoese, Byzantines, and Catalans alongside Turkish mercenaries attacked Valois outside the city. Charles's impetuous vassal Walter V de Brienne disagreed with Charles on battle strategy and believed that outnumbered as they were, a charge of his Frankish knights might seize victory.

    The Catalan Company dug in on the rugged terrain as the Frankish knights charged piecemeal, their horses easy targets for almogavar javelins. The dismounted knights were cut down easily as the Byzantine, Genoese, and Turkic components attacked. The King of Thessalonica, the impetuous 17 year old Hugh of Burgundy, died alongside Brienne, as did other notable figures like Charles's son in law Duke of Brittany Jean III (who perished without even knowing he had become the new duke just days earlier) [8]. The remainder of the Latin army fled and took many casualties in the process.

    Driven from Gallipoli and with his Turkish allies defecting to the Byzantines, Charles chose to end the conflict. He abandoned the easternmost towns he controlled (Medea, Brysis, and Bizye) to the Bulgarians and negotiated peace by marrying his daughter Margaret to Andronikos's youngest son Demetrios. He additionally restored Mount Athos to Byzantine rule and pledged to restore it after the damage caused by the Catalans. The greatest threat to Byzantium since the Fourth Crusade subsided, but in the process the empire lost the majority of its territory to outsiders. Much of that land had been devastated from warfare by the Catalans, Crusaders, Turks, Bulgarians, and the Mongols, for their forces took supplies as they pleased.

    The Restored Latin Empire

    Despite the failure to conquer Constantinople, the Latin Empire still rose anew. Charles of Valois considered Adrianople as a temporary capital and began rebuilding the city. Some historians designate this era of the Latin Empire as the Latin Empire of Adrianople as a result. His young son John received homage from all the powerful Frankish princes in the region, from the underage Duke of Athens Walter VI of Brienne to Philip of Taranto (in his role as Prince of Achaea) to the three triarchs of the Negroponte to the Duke of the Archipelago William Sanudo.

    The Kingdom of Thessalonica that emerged as the strongest vassal, thanks to the pro-Latin Greeks incorporated into its governance and the number of Burgundian knights who followed their now-deceased duke Hugh V. Some returned to Burgundy after the crusade, following Hugh's younger brother Odo who became Duke Odo IV of Burgundy, but many remained at the side of his other brother Louis who claimed Thessalonica's throne. Charles of Valois betrothed his daughter Catherine to the new king Louis, a powerful marriage for Catherine was heir to the Latin Empire so long as the young Emperor John had no heirs of his own [9].

    The other strong vassal was Philip of Taranto, duke of Achaea and ruler of Albania. The latter was still a precarious territory reliant on tribal Albanian rulers to control, so Philip reoriented his powerbase to Achaea in 1311 by marrying one claimant to Achaea, Matilda of Hainault after his prior wife died. Philip represented Angevin attempts to dominate the Latin Empire, and even as early as 1312 he succeeded at betrothing his daughter Beatrice to the young duke of Athens Walter VI of Brienne. The factional lines were drawn between the Burgundians of Thessalonica on one side and the Angevins of Achaea on the other.

    Were there an immediate grounds for conflict, it lay over the former Despotate of Epirus. Philip of Taranto conquered this land from his brother-in-law Thomas Komnenos Doukas during the Crusade of Thessalonica--Komnenos Doukas died in prison following his capture. But another brother-in-law of the former ruler (and Philip's vassal as prince of Achaea), John Orsini of Cephalonia, also fought in the conflict and desired the land [10]. Orsini was married to the eldest sister of Komnenos Doukas and had spent much of his life in the court of his wife's family. So ambitious was Orsini that he even sent his young sons to northern Italy to fight for the anti-Angevin Ghibellines so that they might weaken their family's rivals.

    Assessment of the Damage

    After the war, the Byzantine Empire lay in ruins, and their financial state was even more precarious. They fell deep into debt to Venetian and Genoese financiers to pay the exhorbitant tributes demanded by the Mongols and the fines levied by the Catalans. They were in many ways a vassal of the Catalan Company and their Kingdom of Anatolia, who constituted the bulk of their military, spent government income at will, paid no taxes or tribute, and controlled the hiring of mercenaries in a way that benefitted them. Meanwhile, the Despotate of the Morea, itself also a Byzantine territory, acknowledged only Andronikos III--Michael IX's son--as Emperor. They held a fragile alliance balancing both Genoa and the Crown of Aragon to protect against the Latin Empire.

    Called the Crusade of Thessalonica by later historians, this conflict reoriented the power balance throughout the Mediterranean. It had no clear winners or losers--the Latin Empire failed to regain Constantinople but oriented itself as the true power. Charles of Valois dominated the young king of Thessalonica Louis of Burgundy as both his father-in-law (for Louis married the young Latin Empress Catherine II herself) and regent of the Latin Empire on behalf of his daughter. Meanwhile, Byzantium had been crushed, but their prime enemies the Turkish beyliks had been severely weakened.

    The Catalan Company could perhaps be called a victor. The excommunication and interdict on the Kingdom of Anatolia permitted much religious tolerance within Anatolia. They found use among even those Greeks and Orthodox who opposed the church union. Their taxation and land policies uprooted much of the Eastern Church and powerful Byzantine landowners who remained, turning the country over to new Catalan and Italian landlords and establishing the basis for a strong state. Thanks to the income the Byzantine Empire paid them, the Kingdom of Anatolia succeeded in attracting settlers, re-establishing fortifications, and renovating both its capital Magnesia and de Flor's capital Smyrna into thriving late medieval cities.

    The influence of the war extended to Italy, where after several years of campaigning against shifting alliances of cities, Albert I of Germany was finally crowned Holy Roman Emperor in Rome in 1308, ending the Great Interregnum that persisted since the death off Frederick II in 1250. But he eventually was forced to return to Germany in early 1311, where he had to contend with a number of unruly vassals, most notably the House of Wettin of Thuringia and Meissen and their ally Wenceslaus III of Bohemia. Italian chroniclers condemned him for leaving Italy in a state of chaos.

    For the Italian merchant republics, matters were even worse. The sack of Genoa's Black Sea trading ports in Trebizond, Tana, and Caffa and mass pillaging of their operations in the Kingdom of Jerusalem devastated their foreign trade. Venice suffered the interdict until lifted with a humiliating treaty with the Pope, an attempted coup, and could be content only with their influence in the Kingdom of Thessalonica and Kingdom of Anatolia. The only real victor was the declining city-state of Pisa, who sacked their rival Ancona during the war and managed to extend their operations in the Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean due to the Mongols sparing them. For a time, Pisa experienced a brief revival in its fortunes based on trade with the Mongol Empire, conducted only through certain ports [11].

    The Ilkhanate likewise gained little in victory. Oljeitu expended much effort repelling the Crusaders and seizing their land and permanently ruined relations with the Latin West. He restored his chief vassal in Turkey, the Sultan of Rum Kilij-Arslan V, but this man was a weak ruler and it expended much Ilkhanate strength in the region. Chuban, a powerful and ambitious emir, gained many connections in Anatolia and would begin his own rise to power in time.

    The Crusade of Thessalonica and accompanying Crusade of the Poor must also be viewed through the lens of the second period of Mongol expansion. It occurred contemporaneously with conflicts in Central Europe and especially Japan and India, where the Mongols deployed vast numbers of troops. It was another step in consolidating and expanding the borders of the vast empire, part of what some historians go as far to deem a "world war" due to the involvement of practically every major power in Eurasia. This world war blazed brightest those four years 1308-1312, but its influence carries on to the present for across Europe and Asia the Mongols continued the process of reshaping the world.

    ---
    Author's notes

    This is a continuation of the prior entry and hopefully wraps up the situation in most of Europe for now. I have decided that the Jochids/Golden Horde deserves some note too ITTL since I spent enough time with the other khanates, but it's probably best suited for a later entry which could also let me show off Europe again. In any case, the Latin Empire has returned in force and Latin Europe's interests in the east are sustained further. The Anatolian beyliks are once again defeated by the Ilkhanate, although it can scarcely be said the region is much more stable.

    The next entry will probably be 1-2 chapters on India, but I'm not sure when I will finish that. The actual next bit of material from this TL will be maps of the situation in the Near East.

    Thank you for reading!

    [1] - The OTL John, Count of Chartres died in 1308 at the age of 6, but since he's born well after the POD, perhaps he has slightly better health
    [2] - The last few Sultans of Rum were all Mongol vassals who often squabbled amongst each other. Mesud II was the last to actually assert any authority, but he was murdered in 1308 and the Karamanids seized the Sultanate's capital of Konya. Kilij-Arslan V was but another Seljuk prince who managed to gain Ilkhanate support and was restored after a 2 year campaign, but he had so little authority he apparently never minted coins with his name and is usually omitted from the list of sultans. TTL I believe the greater Mongol campaign would give him slightly more authority, but he's still an incredibly weak ruler whom none respect
    [3] - These particular beyliks were founded by former or even current office holders in the Sultanate of Rum and used that as a source for their legitimacy. By this era, they are led by the sons or grandsons of those men, but presumably could be returned to the fold of allegiance to the Sultanate of Rum fairly easily. The Ahi Brotherhood was a widespread order of Persian and Turkish artisans and merchants--their Ankara branch ruled the city and surrounding areas as a republic (among the few premodern Islamic republics). I suspect they too would be easy to return to Rum's allegiance since Rum can't actually exert much control and it otherwise benefits their economic interests.
    [4] - The Karamanids were usually divided between one branch in Karaman and the other in Alaiye (modern Alanya)--the two were sometimes allies, sometimes enemies.
    [5] - The Chobanid beylik (no relation to Chuban, an ethnic Mongol descended from Chilaun of the Suldus, one of Genghis Khan's foremost generals--I've deliberately chosen a different Romanisation for the sake of disambiguation) was more friendly to the Ilkhans but was annexed by the Candar beylik in 1309. I'd assume that still happens TTL and Candar's aggression is punished.
    [6] - Girolamo Catalano was an OTL figure, and he is recorded in 1311 as an auxiliary bishop in Cambaluc (Dadu/Beijing). I assume he had Catalan ancestry by his surname
    [7] - Basically a succession dispute after the death of Azzo VIII d'Este, ruler of Ferrara, where one party gave lots of concessions to the Venetians and the other obtained Papal aid.
    [8] - More differing death dates from TTL--John III's father Arthur died OTL in August 1312, and as for his wife, Charles of Valois's daughter Joan, she lives a little longer.
    [9] - The OTL Latin Empress Catherine II, eldest daughter of Catherine of Courtenay
    [10] - Both men were married to the sisters of Thomas Komnenos Doukas. As a side note, Orsini's relation to the Orsini family that was closely associated with the Papacy is unclear
    [11] - Several in the Crimea/Sea of Azov region, Ayas in Cilician Armenia, Trebizond, and presumably TTL the ports of the restored Crusader states.
     
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    Map 5-Eastern Mediterranean in 1313
  • Here is the follow-up map to the previous, chronologically after Chapter 42. It shows the result of the Crusade of Thessalonica aimed at the Byzantine Empire and the contemporary Crusade of the Poor aimed at relieving Ilkhanate pressure on the Holy Land. As before, borders are hazy.

    Cx3UlsJ.png
     
    Chapter 43-War of the Holy Men
  • -XLIII-
    "War of the Holy Men"


    Magadha, Lakhnauti Sultanate, November 1304​

    Ryouchuu gazed at the enemy army assembling in the plain by the river. They seemingly numbered ten thousand men, and he spied countless banners of the Sultan of Bengal. Horsemen and even those enormous elephant riders rode about, each waiting for the chance to destroy his small force. Ryouchuu did not like these odds, nor the force he commanded. They were men of a dozen nations, driven by nothing but shared professed belief in the wisdom Buddhism, and it was only his forceful insistence and clear knowledge of Buddhist precepts that they even bothered to follow him.

    A few of his followers--lamas from Tibet with their strange and questionable beliefs--sat meditating and praying for success. But most of his army from the Mongols to the Turks to the Indians who followed him seemed to be tending to their horses or weapons or eating a quick meal from the meager rice local Indian servants prepared. One of his commanders, a Tibetan adventurer named Rinchan who seemed to just as much a merchant as a warrior, approached him.

    "They number well over 10,000," Rinchan noted, speaking in the Sanskrit that served as their only unifying tongue [1]. "We have but 500. Perhaps we retreat, Tono no Houin?"

    "Never," Ryouchuu replied, the memories of the desolation at Nalanda still fresh in his mind. During those years after he left Japan, he studied no text more than Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, and to see so few traces of what the eminent Xuanzang described shocked him. The library of Nalanda held so few scriptures and what remained was but a community of monks living amongst ruins. And he knew exactly why--it was not just the hypocritical and foolish brahmins who preached their lies and heresies, but those violent invaders from abroad who preached an even more false belief in monotheism.

    "Let us not retreat," a monk named Dhyanabhadra said. Ryouchuu recalled he was a disciple of that abbot at Nalanda called Vinayabhadra, the one who welcomed them and insisted on bringing Mongol rule into the region. "We shall pray for victory, and these heathens will falter."

    "Prayer is a good thing, but they have their own god," Rinchan replied. "And their god has clearly served them well. I have discovered that army is commanded by a certain Tajuddin, the son of the great sultan who has conquered the land of Bengal and now is conquering the land of Magadha. He is assisted by many wise advisors and captains and priests."

    "You border on blasphemy, merchant," Ryouchuu growled, annoyed he once more had to rely on this man for advice and aid. "Come, you will join me in the attack."

    "And I shall pray for your success," Dhyanabhadra said. "Those lamas praying there are beyond wise. They too share in the sorrow we all hold of the sorry state of Nalanda and the many other great monasteries of this land. They will ensure the results of the enemy's actions return to them."

    The cavalry assembled as Ryouchuu mounted his horse and raised his club to the sky.

    "Let us ride out against these heathens and drive them from the land Shakyamuni Buddha once tread! We number few, but as long as we devote ourselves to faith, we shall be victorious! So many wise monks pray for our victory where we shall receive the chance of stopping the enemy from their sins against the country of Magadha! Forward!"

    The cavalry charged down the slopes of the hill, and arrows flew forth at the enemy's scouts--not a single one escaped. They careened right into the front lines of the enemy who did not expect such an aggressive attack. Ryouchuu brought his iron club down on the skulls of the enemy he passed as he penetrated deeply into their ranks. He dehorsed an enemy leader before him, but knew he must not get too deep into their ranks.

    The enemy counterattack proved just as fierce. They began retreating and opened space for their own cavalry, turbaned men wielding those curved swords Ryouchuu saw so much of. Soon it began a cavalry duel, made all the worse as their focus

    "Ha, enough of this, let's get the hell out of here!" Rinchan shouted, his armour covered in blood as he cleaved an enemy's head in twain with a stroke of his axe. He fended off several powerful foes with his shield. All around, Ryouchuu could see the damage--the corridor they were in was collapsing, and he would have to fight for his life to leave it. Already some of his cavalrymen were retreating in dismay.

    "Circle about, circle about!" Ryouchuu yelled, clubbing another enemy as he rode forward. A spear pierced through his horse's next, but he deftly lept from his mount and crushed an enemy beneath his foot. He parried the sword of an enemy cavalryman and to his fortune one of his allies shot the man from his horse, permitting him to seize it as his own mount. He retreated as fast as possible, knocking aside enemy infantry and enemy cavalry who tried to get in front of him.

    But just as he cleared the encirclement, Tono no Houin saw an amazing sight--the enemy refused to pursue. It seemed unreal--they stopped moving seemingly all at once. Even the horsemen chasing him did not pursue past the front ranks of enemy infantry. The elephants which his men attacked settled down, the horses drew deep breaths, and not a single flew at them as they fled. It is a miracle! I am rewarded for my piety and belief!

    As he came to the top of the hill, Rinchan took off his bloodstained helmet as servants nursed the many wounded.

    "What a disaster! We lost half our number or more, and we're no closer to defending Magadha!" Ryouchuu wished to strike the man down on the spot for saying such words, but Dhyanabhadra intervened.

    "It was not a disaster, but a miracle," he said. "Their animals stopped all at once for fear seized their heart. And once fear took them, it took their riders as well. We have succeeded!"

    "Precisely!" Ryouchuu said. "We are in the country Shakyamuni once traveled, and every day we are succeeding at its restoration! It is only natural that we receive such miracles!" Rinchan didn't seem convinced, but clearly the majority of soldiers agreed on his interpretation. Ryouchuu looked toward the enemy lines, now somewhat smaller than before. If such a miracle might occur today, just how many might occur tomorrow?

    ---
    Garhpar [2], Magadha, January 9, 1308​

    Ryouchuu rode with his troops, looking out upon the lines of his allies as they shuffled about for the decisive battle in front of the hill of Garhpar, the ruins of an old Buddhist center of learnin. All seemed arranged perfectly, with tens of thousands of Mongol and Turkish cavalry, and an infantry center of mostly local Indians, urban men from Central Asia, Nepalese footsoldiers, and the Tibetans with their odd armor and brilliant banners. In contrast, the enemy seemed almost bland with their dull banners and their turbaned cavalry and footsoldiers.

    His new commander, the brother of his sovereign Tanehito the Prince-Priest Ejo, stopped his horse, and Ryouchuu followed him at once and raised his arm for all others to cease.

    "I fear our odds are not good," Ejo said. "Our forces barely maintained cohesion over these past days, while our enemy is zealous, determined, and numerous."

    "I concur," Rinchan said, his increasing skill at Japanese these past years surprising to Ryouchuu. "Our elephants are gone while they have a hundred or more. And our soldiers drawn from a dozen nations with only those Mongols in the center uniting them. We might fear the Turks and Muslims going over to aid those of the same faith, we might fear the Nepalese and Magadhis fleeing to their homes. For all I know, perhaps that priestly prince boy in charge of us all will flee back to Japan."

    "Enough of your sarcasm in front of his majesty!" Ryouchuu shouted. "We chose to make our stand here so Nalanda might suffer no further damage at the hands of those foul ignorant barbarians we fight! Just as those miracles we saw three years ago in this land where our force the enemy beasts refused to advance further, we shall surely see more miracles today! The faithful of the sangha have gathered from across the world to defend the land of the sangha's birth, and in this decisive moment the world shall bow toward our wills as the enemy suffers the consequences of their wickedness! They are as likely to flee to their homelands as you were to flee to Maryul three years ago!"

    Ejo and Rinchen glanced at each other before the young princely monk lowered his head.

    "I feel you are correct, Tono no Houin. I have too little knowledge of both the faith and this land on account of my youthful age and origin," Ejo conceded. "But must we charge headlong into death?"

    "If we do it now, we shall shatter them at once," Ryouchuu said. "Let us go!"

    Ejo blew his shell trumpet, and mounted Tibetan warriors started beating gongs. The most holy of units, the first to defend Magadha and see its miracles, prepared their charge even as the other units of the Chagatai army turned about.

    "Now, forward into rewards for our deeds as we stop the evildoer from his ignorant wickedness!" Ryouchuu yelled as he waved and jangled his iron staff, spurring his horse forward at the head of the cavalry. He started repeating a sutra to himself, seeking the fortune of the power governing this world and so many others that the enemy might fall at his feet.

    His horse lept over a surprised enemy soldier and trampled him as the cavalry burst through enemy lines. His arms proved strong as he clubbed enemy skull after enemy skull as clouds began blotting out the sun. Even though only a few hundred cavalry followed him, their impact registered heavily on the enemy. Ejo too managed to club countless enemies while Rinchan's axe sent heads flying everywhere. Other men fired their bows, the way cleared by the light cavalrymen at the front. The invader prince we follow chose a wonderful strategy. The enemy is too greedy for a victory, and their men did not expect such a sudden turnabout.

    Even as the enemy ranks surrounded Ryouchuu, he felt no fear. Arrows from behind only added to the chaos as the thundering hooves of the main Mongol force arrived. He even glanced banners from a few different cavalry units, each cutting their way through the enemy's center. A bloodlust gripped Ryouchuu as he couldn't help but laugh as he crushed the skull of a warrior with an arrow through his shoulder who foolishly tried stabbing his horse.

    "Their first lines have broken! Forward, forward! Kill their prince, that foul and ignorant barbarian who despoils this holy land!" Ryouchuu yelled as his troops pushed forward, shattering apart enemy ranks further.

    It seemed the enemy spaced their vanguard further from their true center, for a somewhat wide gap lay between them and the main enemy host. He paused as Ejo blew his shell trumpet to order a regroup as the vanguard broke around them and ran toward the center. There Ryouchuu saw a strange sight. An elderly man in white sat on a mat praying fervently as his attendants dressed in finely decorated turbans and armour held an umbrella over their head, seemingly unconcerned of the enemy cavalry. Nothing about the man or situation felt right. The fools we fight bring their own wicked priests to these battles to counter our own.

    All of a sudden the man arose from his prayer and raised his arm. Drums began pounding from enemy lines as a swarm of arrows flew at them.

    "J-Just what sort of priest is that man!?" Ejo asked with wide eyes as he blocked the arrows with his shield.

    "He is not just a priest, but an enemy commander!" Rinchan yelled. "There's no way but forward!" [3]

    "That's right! Send that man to his worthless god!" Ryouchuu ordered, and his cavalry charged forward. But the swarm of arrows continued as the elderly man returned to his prayers, completely unconcerned about Ryouchu's cavalry in front of him. His guards braced themselves with a shield wall, prepared to defend their master and promptly vanished with the charge of thousands and thousands of enemy infantry and worse, cavalry arriving from the flanks.

    Ryouchuu halted his advance at once, parrying the blows from an enemy horseman as his horse reared back in pain from a sudden spear attack. Even as Ejo slew the spearman, the concern and fear in his eyes were apparent.

    "Retreat! Retreat!" Ejo yelled, blaring his shell trumpet to the soldiers. All around him, men were dying and horse collapsing, the result of a perfectly executed enemy strategy performed by men just as zealous in their false faith as Ryouchuu was in the dharma.

    "What are you doing! We must stand and fight!" Ryouchuu yelled as he advanced forward and trampled an enemy soldier. "There shall be another miracle soon! Behold, is not the sky growing darker?"

    "What use is a miracle if the devout are not there to explain the truth of it, Tono no Houin. I am sorry, I must order my men to retreat now," Ejo said.

    As Ryouchuu wished to argue further, suddenly an arrow struck his thigh. He grit his teeth in pain and struck the first enemy soldier he saw. Worse, he lost control of his horse for a spear pierced the beast and he fell to the ground, barely able to stand from the painful arrow.

    "Very well, we retreat for now," Ryouchuu growled, slowly backing up in pain from his injury as he parried blows from an enemy before him. "Let us regroup with the footsoldiers and try again shortly."

    ---
    Garhpar, Magadha, January 9, 1308​

    Hours after he was wounded, Ryouchuu still felt sheer anger he had not returned to the fight. As much as he ordered the Mongols to give him another horse, he had yet to find one. They all claimed the battle was going poorly, not that he could see anything for even standing was difficult with the arrow in his thigh.

    "Lord Ejo, consider leaving the field soon," Rinchan advised. "They're saying the warriors of Nepal fled the field after the enemy's elephants trampled their king. That is why we have not seen those beasts in this battle--they have busied themselves wrecking our left.

    "I already know your opinion, Tono no Houin," Ejo said. "But I am not certain of my own. We have rendered much service in this battle already, and nearly half our number are gone."

    "You are a prince of divine lineage in this life, my lord, but should you leave you may not find yourself so lucky in your next," Ryouchuu warned. "We were the first to enter battle, and we shall be the last to leave it."

    The monk Dhyanabhadra approached them, and all bowed at the young spiritual master.

    "That would not be wise," he said. "Should you not live to see another day in this land and glimpse more of Shakyamuni Buddha's country for yourself? No matter, I am very appreciative to see the greed you once held transform into zeal, Tono no Houin."

    "That is true. How can you gain the treasures of this world if you are dead?" Rinchan laughed.

    Ryouchuu shook his head, but reflected on Dhyanabhadra's words. It is true this battle serves me no purpose in gaining wealth. There are no offerings to worthless gods to plunder and no slaves to sell waiting for me at the end.

    "Defending the sangha comes before even wealth," Ryouchuu conceded. "But in this land, defending the sangha is a pathway to wealth."

    A sudden gust of wind swept them, and rain began to fall. Toward the south, an ominous horizon approached them, dark as night and flickering more and more with lightning.

    "How strange," Dhyanabhadra said. "It is not the rainy season, so why is there a storm now?"

    The rain began pounding down as it dawned on them there was something powerful in the air, more powerful than even the fierce gusts of wind.

    "It is a miracle," Dhyanabhadra muttered. "A storm is here to aid us."

    "It could just as easily destroy us," Ejo said. "Surely those priests of the enemy can conjure a storm as well."

    "Stand up, stand up!" Rinchan shouted to the warriors and monks behind him. "We are attacking again, now!"

    "I will not attack until I have a horse," Ryouchuu protested.

    "That doesn't matter now," Rinchan said. "Our left flank is to our north, thus the enemy faces south from whence these winds and rains blow forth. Their arrows will be useless and vision blinded and they will be useless. That leaves only their center. If they were counting on keeping their center weak and detatched, it will be very much vulnerable. We must hurry and take advantage of this!"

    As Ryouchuu pondered the situation, a messenger rode toward them, his face illuminated by a sudden nearby burst of lightning.

    "Our general, the great prince Qutlugh Khwaja orders all to venerate in respect the great storm the Sakya lamas conjured and take advantage of its might! Already the enemy is blinded and fleeing! Do as you must and let us claim victory!"

    Those words raised a great commotion in the camp, for dozens of the men had been present at the previous encounter where the lamas stopped the enemy's animals in their tracks. First they force the animals to obey, and now they bring a storm? The monks of Tibet are truly immense in their spiritual power.

    "U-Unbelievable," Ryouchuu said. "If the Sakya lamas say such a thing, than it truly is another miracle."

    "They are men of impressive power," Rinchan conceded.

    "I see now why this is a land of miracles," Ejo said.

    "Give me your horse, messenger, so I might carry out those orders!" Ryouchuu said, climbing to his feet in pain. "I am the deputy commander of a thousand men and a holy monk of the sangha, and I must lead my men to victory! You risk the same divine punishment as our enemy should you abuse a monk such as I!"

    The messenger seemed puzzled, but the stares of the monks around Ryouchuu unnerved him enough to climb down off his horse, a disappointingly small but hopefully sufficient mount.

    "Good! Fortune shall bless you as it shall bless our khan!" Ryouchuu turned to his men, still mostly wounded from the battle even as the pouring rain washed away the blood and dirt from their faces. "We shall finish what we started and be the punishment for that priest's ignorance!"

    The warriors cheered as they rode forth, joining another wave of Mongol cavalry who once more braved the enemy's center. The winds blew ever harder, but that too was only a sign of the winds blowing for victory.

    ---​

    The landlocked Chagatai Khanate of Central Asia invaded India several times during the 13th century but gained little success until the tremendous Battle of Kili in 1299 that saw the dynamic leader Alauddin Khalji assassinated and Delhi captured. The collapse of the Delhi Sultanate in the aftermath of this battle began a chain of events that led to the Mongol conquest of India. With the Delhi Sultanate's power on the wane and on and off alliances with the Rajput tribes and states, the Chagatai Mongols pressed deeper and deeper into India. There they would lay the roots for a khanate of equal splendour to the Yuan of China and Ilkhanate of Persia.

    At the eastern edge of Chagatai gains lay the region of Magadha, the sacred land from which Buddhism had originated. Despite being ravaged for nearly a century by Islamic raiders, the religion still persisted among many there. Chagatai forces first penetrated the area in 1303 in their clashes with the Delhi Sultanate remnants of Alp Khan. Mongol aggression in this region lay in their attempt to stop Alp Khan from arranging an alliance with Shamsuddin Firuz Shah, the sultan of Bengal who ruled from Lakhnauti. In this they failed, for the Lakhnauti army under the spiritual leadership of the Sufi leaders Shah Jalal proved too powerful and repelled their initial assault.

    Yet they did not stop the advance of zealous Buddhists like the Japanese warrior monk Ryouchuu, best known as Tono no Houin. At the head of many Mongol and Central Asian Buddhists, Tono no Houin's cavalry advanced well ahead of other forces, destroying mosques and murdering Sufis. Just a few hundred warriors drove off a great attack from the Lakhnauti governor in the region, Tajuddin Hatim Khan, allegedly because the piety of the Buddhists caused the enemy horses and elephants to refuse to move and thus let the Buddhists rout the enemy. In truth, it was likely due to Tajuddin's belief he clashed with only a small vanguard and that he was outnumbered against the main Mongol force.

    The fallen state of the University of Nalanda, the Mahabodhi, and other Buddhist monasteries and monuments brought despair to these zealous Buddhist warriors. They had fallen into decay a century ago due to the Delhi Sultanate, subject to only partial and unsuccessful restorations by local lords or Tibetan monasteries. Yet it likely deepened their faith, for it proved to them that even these venerable places had fallen to ruin in the age of declining dharma.

    It was here that the Chagatai found a surprising ally--the Myinsaing Kingdom of Burma. The elite of Pagan had for centuries made regular pilgrimages to Bodh Gaya and the Mahabodhi, and even in the era of chaos with the Mongol invasions and replacement of Pagan with Myinsaing they maintained this tradition. In 1297, the three brothers of Myinsaing funded a group of pilgrims to Bodh Gaya with supplies and craftsmen for repairing the Mahabodhi. Perhaps they deemed this would give them the spiritual aid needed to rule Burma, and after repairing the Mahabodhi the following year, these rulers of Myinsaing succeeded at repelling a Mongol invasion and seizing the throne for themselves [4].

    Normalisation of relations with the Yuan in 1305 gave the brothers of Myinsaing much freedom to act. Hearing of the Chagatai success in India and the peril that Magadha found itself in, they sent their viceroy Thawun Gyi of Taungoo with 5,000 soldiers to escort a large number of pilgrims and craftsmen to Magadha. However, this expedition frequently met conflict with the hill tribes and the Ahom kingdom and was forced to turn back so only a few dozen soldiers, craftsmen, and monks arrived in Magadha. It is however likely that captured monks and deserters succeeded at establishing Buddhism in several communities in the region, judging by the existance of that faith in the region in later times [5]. Despite their failure, these soldiers aided diplomatic relations between Myinsaing and the Mongols and reconstruction and defense of Buddhist monuments in Magadha continued.

    As for Tono no Houin, he wrote to his family and demanded they send monks and craftsmen to him so he might head the restoration efforts--this drew much attention in the Kingdom of Japan and brought Tono no Houin a force of 600 warrior monks commanded by the warrior monk Prince Ejo (恵助法親王), half-brother of King Tanehito. Yuan emperor Temur Khan granted Ejo the rank of mingghan with orders to represent the Yuan in India. Ryouchuu became deputy commander. While mostly Japanese, these 1,000 men included many Central Asian and Tibetan Buddhists, most famously the exile adventurer Rinchan from the Himalayan realm of Maryul [6].

    Following this unit were hundreds more Japanese monks and nuns eager to see these sacred places for themselves. Among these monks Kokan Shiren (虎関師錬), a Zen monk who would later compose the Tenjikuki (天竺記), a lengthy and influential chronicle regarding the state of Buddhism in India and the travels and battles of the Japanese. These reinforcements arrived in 1306 and were perhaps the most famous Japanese to serve the Mongol Empire outside their homeland.

    While Japanese sources glorify Tono no Houin's efforts, he was not the only Buddhist leader drawn to Magadha. Most notable of all was the Sakya lama and nominal ruler of Tibet Zangpo Pal (達尼欽波桑波貝), who learned of Mongol success in India and was determined to spread his influence there. The number of Indian monks in Tibet further convinced him of the value of such an operation, as did the Kagyu lamas who maintain their pro-Chagatai stance even after the Yuan expedition against them 15 years prior [7]. The Sakya lama proved a controversial figure for he lived much of his life outside Tibet and was said to lack the legitimacy to inherit his post, was deficient in religious knowledge, and prone to fits of anger. Perhaps because of this, Zangpo Pal decided the best way to strengthen his rule over Tibet would be the legitimacy of restoring order in Magadha.

    Zangpo Pal demanded each of Tibet's thirteen myriarchies contribute 800 men each for a total of 10,400 men. He named the Yuan administrator of Tibet Sengge Pal as its commander and ordered the army to protect the holy sites of Magadha and escort Buddhist monks, starting by ensuring no Muslim forces retreated to Nepal. The embattled ruler of the Kathmandu Valley, Ananta Malla, accepted this aid and raised his own force. However, the Chagatai army did not wish to permit Yuan vassals to seize land they claimed so backed Ananta Malla's rivals, Anandamalla of Khasa to the west and Harisimhadeva of Maithila to the south [8]. This impaired relations between the Chagatai and Yuan, a situation not helped by the civil war between Ananda and Ayurbarwada in 1307.

    The Mongol position in northern India was insecure and largely restricted to forts controlled by the former Delhi Empire. Through these forts they inherited the bureaucracy of the Delhi Sultanate and ability to control and tax a vast number of villages in the largely Hindu countryside. The Yamuna and Ganges served as the main arteries of transportation, and in the early years the Chagatai rarely strayed far from these rivers lest they encounter the independent rulers who lived in high castles. Descended from lesser sons of powerful princes and successful farmers and herders, these rulers--termed Rajputs--were the true local power in much of northern India [9].

    In these areas reigned a state of anarchy, for the powerful states that once controlled northern India had broken down under Muslim invasions in the prior century. In their place had risen several smaller states like Hammiradeva's Ranthambore Kingdom or the Guhila dynasty of Mewar, but these were an exception. East of these states lay another area of collapsed authority still loosely controlled by the nominally pro-Mongol Chandela dynasty along with recently migrated Rajput clans, and local tribes. Their hold on land outside of their main forts was tenuous, and they frequently warred amongst each other.

    Regardless of their disunity, these Rajputs and other small Hindu rulers frequently posed a threat to Mongol authority. Few of them willingly submitted, and even fewer volunteered soldiers. Unlike other regions with many autonomous states like Anatolia, Russia, or Japan, there was no higher authority the Mongols might use to corral these autonomous castle lords into their governance.

    Rajput alliances frequently shifted, as evidenced by several clashes in 1304 and 1305 against the Delhi Sultanate general Malik Nayak. Duwa's son Esen Buqa and his general Ali Beg of the Khongirad allied with the Khangars, a Rajput clan which had suffered many defeats against their rivals. The Khangars proved more eager to enlist Mongol units in raiding their Bundela rivals, but eventually Esen Buqa succeeded at bringing them to a major battle against Malik Nayak where the Mongols proved victorious. However, the Khangar ruler and his warriors departed the Mongol camp after stealing all their plunder and baggage train, very little of which was recovered. The Mongols then allied with their rivals, the Bundela Rajputs, and warred against the Khangars for several years.

    The strongest Mongol ally Hammiradeva proved essential for controlling these smaller rulers. In 1306, Duwa sent his general Kopek with 10,000 men into the kingdom of Mewar in alliance with Hammiradeva. There they besieged the large fort of the king Ratnasimha in a siege that lasted over a year before it finally fell, leading to the fall of the Guhila dynasty of Mewar. The Mongols seized much plunder, but the crafty Hammiradeva occupied the land for himself, imprisoned several darughachi Duwa appointed, and named his allies as governor. Duwa prepared to invade Ranthambore in 1307, but relented when Hammiradeva released the imprisoned men and paid tribute to Duwa with a herd of a hundred trained war elephants.

    As for the remnants of Alauddin Khan's once might Khalji dynasty, they had suffered several major defeats thanks to the efforts of former Delhi general Diler Khan who integrated his forces with the Chagatai. Many enemies of the Khalji dynasty who lost power with the ascension of the Khaljis in 1290 regained their positions under the Mongols. Hammiradeva of Ranthambore's defense of his lands and generally pro-Mongol stance further crippled their forces, and in early 1306 Alp Khan's generals Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq and Malik Kafur murdered him and sent the boy sultan Khizr Khan to the Mongols (who executed him) in exchange for high titles in the Chagatai Khanate.

    But this was not the end of the Muslim resistance in India. Delhi generals Kamal al-Din Gurg and Ayn al-Malik Multani still commanded a substantial army, and held the loyalty of many former Khalji bureaucrats and governors. In late 1306 they invaded Gujarat, where the Hindu Vaghela dynasty had returned to power thanks to the defection of the Delhi Sultanate's ethnic Mongol generals Balchaq and Shadibuqa who restored a distant cousin of the last king to the throne and pledged allegiance to the Chagatai. Gurg and Multani crushed these Gujarat remnants, and most of the remaining Vaghelas fled eastwards where they became known as the Baghela Rajputs.

    The Chagatai responded to the Delhi occupation of this strategic region by sending the general Tartaq with 20,000 men, including many led by Malik Kafur's chief general Malik Dinar, into Gujarat to disperse these invaders. There the 15,000 men of Kamal al-Din drove off Tartaq's army in a great victory. It is recorded that Balchaq, who had fled to the Chagatai after his defeat, was captured here along with thousands of men--all were beheaded. After this victory, his warriors acclaimed him as a sultan and thus Kamal al-Din founded the Gujarat Sultanate.

    The end of the Delhi remnants and the upheaval in the Yuan in 1306 secured the Gujarat Sultanate's fate. Duwa scaled back his operations in India and played both sides of the war to his benefit, as he had in the past with Kaidu and the House of Ogedei. He sent Ghiyas ud-Din Tughlaq, now emir of Dipalpur, with over 10,000 Delhi Sultanate warriors into China to aid the Muslim emperor Ananda. Their vacant positions he filled with loyalists from the rest of the Chagatai Khanate, be they Hindus, Central Asian Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, or pagans, informing Malik Kafur that such postings were temporary until Ghiyas ud-Din and his warriors returned.

    The influx of new soldiers into India encouraged the Chagatai to become increasingly assertive, for the Delhi Sultanate's raids and disruption of the wider Indian political scene had caused the Himalayan foothills to fall into turmoil years before. By 1307, it became clear that Harisimhadeva and his Karnat dynasty along with the Khasa were little but Chagatai vassals, while Nepal had effectively submitted to the Yuan. The Yuan installed the prince Asengge (阿僧哥), son of Yuan architect and court painter Araniko (阿尼哥), as darughachi and administrator there.

    The Chagatai also sought to conquer the Himalayan states of Kashmir, Kumaon, and Maryul, although the Yuan claimed these as their tributaries. Laying in the western Himalayas, these states had in the past been raided by the Mongol Empire, most notably Mongke Khan's general Sali Noyan's attack on Kashmir in the 1250s. But Mongol rule had not been maintained and these mountainous areas remained independent. The Mongols intervened in Kumaon at the request of Indian princes seeking protection from the expansionistic Chand rulers, and the land was devastated in 1305 and 1306--the ruling king Damaru Chand submitted to Chagatai rule.

    Kashmir was raided in 1307 to devastating effect by 10,000 men led by the general Zulju, but as he left the kingdom the talented Kashmiri general Ramacandra attacked his forces weighed down by loot and returned much of it to the Kashmiri people. Maryul and the small adjoining states centered at Skardu and Gilgit faced attacks from Zangpo Pal's forces, but the Tibetans were ambushed and defeated by the ruler of Swat, and no permanent Mongol control west of Maryul was established at the time [10].

    Meanwhile, the Chagatai intervention in the war between Ananda and Ayurbarwada failed dramatically--even the pro-Ananda Yuan generals disliked while the local populace despised them. Most of them perished when Ayurbarwada's general Kuchu crushed them at Huozhou, including Ghiyas ud-Din Tughlaq himself. The few survivors of subsequent battles mostly joined local rebellions, such as the rebellion of the Muslim administrator Masud in Yunnan which had allied with the perserving rebel Song Longji. It is said only 40 men returned to India, and Duwa executed all of them for incompetence and cowardice. He ordered their families enslaved and granted as tribute to Ayurbarwada, now ruling as Buyantu Khan. Of course, Duwa sent many other tributes to the new Great Khan, who seems to have so many domestic issues to resolve he ignored Duwa's disloyalty.

    Around this time, Buddhasena II of the small state of Bodh Gaya attempted to gain from the Yuan a title confirming his pre-eminence in the region. He emphasised his role as a Buddhist preceptor and particularly his dynasty's hereditary role as the defender of the Diamond Throne of Bodh Gaya where Siddhartha Gautama reached enlightenment (from whence his dynasty name Pithipati--"Lord of the Seat of Enlightenment"--derived). This represented a direct challenge to Chagatai affairs and Yuan interference in the region. But due to the ever present Lakhnauti threat, they arranged for a treaty at the request of a senior monk of Nalanda named Vinayabhadra [11].

    In 1308, Vinayabhadra arrived in Dadu where he presented his request to the Yuan emperor Buyantu Khan. Buyantu worked out a treaty delineating spheres of influence out of his desire to maintain the fragile Mongol unity his uncle Temur Khan re-established. Thus Maryul and the nearby valleys of Baltistan were to be governed as the 14th and 15th of Tibet's myriarchies, while Kashmir would pay tribute to the Yuan. In exchange, Kumaon would pay tribute to the Chagatai and the Chagatai received a free hand in India, Nepal, and the Khasa Kingdoms, but a Tibetan administrator was to be appointed to supervise these Buddhist lands. Buddhism was to perpetually be the state religion in this area, with no tolerance given to those who defile Buddhist sites be they Brahmin or Muslim. The land of Bengal was to be ruled by the Chagatai, but everything east of there would be Yuan tributaries.

    The treaty did not involve the matter of the Chagatai family's hereditary appanages within China, a sticking point in Yuan-Chagatai relations for the anti-Yuan stance the Chagatai had taken for decades ensured that revenue from those lands defacto belonged to the Yuan state. However, Buyantu ensured that one year's income arrived to Duwa's treasury in 1308 with the caveat that it be used to restore Buddhist sites in Central Asia, Magadha, elsewhere in India (most notably the city of Mathura) and that their autonomous Mongol legal system be harmonised with the laws of the rest of China.

    The Chagatai were grateful for this and accepted Buyantu's terms, but they would continue insisting on decades of delayed revenue. For this reason, they denied Buyantu his demand to grant an appanage to a descendant of Kublai Khan. Instead, the Chagatai granted this territory to Chin-Pulad, the luckless son of the deposed Ilkhan Gaykhatu who had been overthrown for his Buddhist and pro-Yuan policies. Chin-Pulad would become one of the more notably Toluid princes resident in the Chagatai realm.

    Clash with the Sultan of Lakhnauti and the Eastern Hindu princes

    Buddhasena II's newfound alliance with the Mongols constituted rebellion against his overlord, the Lakhnauti Sultanate of Bengal, who sent an army against him. Lakhnauti was a powerful state, having absorbed many warriors from the Delhi Sultanate. Among these was even Malik Kafur's general Malik Dinar, who defected to Lakhnauti alongside 10,000 Muslim warriors in 1307 after a dispute with Diler Khan.

    After subduing the Khasa Kingdom and several skirmishes against Lakhnauti in 1307, in January 1308 the Chagatai set out once more into Magadha. At least 70,000 Mongol warriors under ultimate command of Qutlugh-Khwaja met around 80,000 Lakhnauti soldiers under Tajuddin Hatim Khan and Syed Nasiruddin near the town of Deoghar. The Mongols fended off the initial skirmish, but Qutlugh Khwaja deemed the place a poor battlefield so conducted a feigned retreat.

    In many ways it was a typical Mongol feigned retreat, for the Mongols and Bengalis skirmished for days and days with no decisive battle. The Mongols lost the entirety of the elephant units they brought with them due to their slow speed. However, Qutlugh-Khwaja's plans came to naught after a week of this retreat, for the Buddhist soldiers stopped near Nalanda University and demanded battle be given there. Similarly, Buddahsena II feared an invasion of his lands if he continued accompanying the Mongol army. Therefore on January 9, Qutlugh-Khwaja established his headquarters at the fort of Garhpar on the ruins of the Buddhist monastic complex of Odantapuri and ordered his men to turn about and attack.

    The minute the order was relayed, the zealous Buddhists of Tono no Houin turned about as the vanguard and mounted a terrifying attack that was immediately followed by the advance of Mongol horse archers. There they were countered by equally zealous ghazi warriors for Syed Nasiruddin showed no fear before the Mongols--the ghazi forced back the Mongol army. Tajuddin then counterattacked with his elephants all in one flank followed by waves of cavalry. They fell upon the Nepalese positioned on the Mongol left, where king Ananta Malla perished from the fierce attackk.

    But before the Lakhnauti could turn the Chagatai flank, a thunderstorm broke out, allegedly summoned by a Sakya lama (in truth perhaps a tropical cyclone). Lightning struck dead the emir Tajuddin Hatim Khan and several men around him, and Tono no Houin's zealous men charged once more into the Lakhnauti center alongside thousands of others. The thunderstorm convinced the Chagatai force they were favoured by the gods and their morale improved. Although the Lakhnauti held against this attack, by this time Diler Khan's cavalry on the Mongol right had driven off the Lakhnauti forces. This allowed Diler Khan to attack the Lakhnauti center, which began a great rout that ultimately claimed half of the Lakhnauti army, including Syed Nasiruddin himself.

    Accounts of death vary in Muslim and non-Muslim sources, but all depict him as a powerful holy man in both life and death. Indian Muslim historian Ziauddin Barani, a government official of Lakhnauti in this period. Barani asserts that Syed Nasiruddin voluntarily surrendered to Diler Khan in exchange for the retreat of his associates. In Diler Khan's tent, Nasiruddin warned the former Delhi general of the spiritual danger of associating with infidels and in particular their priests, who used dangerous black magic. He begged Diler Khan to come to Lakhnauti where he might take his place, but Diler Khan refused. The Mongol leaders overheard Nasiruddin and sent him to Delhi in chains while reprimanding their general, but he vanished along the way for his captors embraced Islam and freed the elderly leader, who died several days later from exertion after cleansing several villages of idolatry.

    The Battle of Garhpar ended Lakhnauti's rule in Magadha and resulted in their expulsion from the region. For his participation in battle and eager pro-Mongol stance, Duwa named Buddhasena II the ruler of Magadha and overlord of the local chiefs and kingdoms of the region. Although Bodh Gaya was not a powerful force within Magadha, Duwa sought to appoint a Buddhist to govern such a sensitive region to balance the powerful Hindu and Muslim influences in Chagatai India.

    The Karnats and other small Hindu kingdoms opposed Buddhasena II's appointment. Duwa placated them with promises that the Pithipatis would be forced to follow Mongol law and function as little but local tax collectors and military commanders, but these allies of the Mongols came to dislike their new overlord and sought to expel them as yet more mleccha invaders.

    In this they found a powerful ally--the Ujjainiya clan of Rajputs. They were among the many clans of Rajputs who over the past several decades had migrated from further west into the forests of Magadha and were led by a certain Raja Ganesh, a kinsman of the Paramara dynasty of Malwa. This dynasty suffered immensely from Muslim raids that even after the advent of Chagatai rule continued unabated, but Magadha's dense forests offered vast wealth and above all, the chance to be cleared and converted into rich farmland.

    Ganesh likely arrived in the first years of the 14th century. His clan regularly battled the Cheros, a powerful coalition of forest tribes and minor lords who sought to protect their land from the invading Ujjainiyas. After a particularly harsh defeat around 1307, the Chero chiefs turned to the Chagatai for protection and paid tribute to them and Buddhasena II's kingdom. They forced Ganesh to abandon many of his ambitions and pay tribute as well, but this was unacceptable to him and several other clans of Rajputs recently arrived in Magadha. Fortunately for Ganesh, the Chero army in Chagatai service suffered heavy casualties at Garhpar so the Ujjainiyas regrouped.

    Ganesh's Rajput coalition threatened Mongol supply lines--along with the 10,000 casualties suffered by the Mongols, Qutlugh Khwaja could not follow up his success at Garhpar. He attacked several more forts southeast of Magadha, but encountered difficulties from the dense forests of Bengal, the Lakhnauti armies, and Bengali peasants both Hindu and Muslim who ensured his army could advance no further. Thus he returned to Delhi once more with the onset of the rainy season, bringing with him a great quantity of plundered treasures and slaves.

    Of other leaders, the Hindus also formed an alliance with the elderly but vigorous ruler Gour Govinda, the ambitious and zealous ruler of the Hindu Gour Kingdom, located northeast of Bengal in what became the Srihatta region [12]. Having ruled since 1260, Govinda reformed his tribal kingdom's army and subjugated several petty kingdoms and hill tribes to become one of the most powerful local rulers. He invited Brahmins and Hindu ascetics to his kingdom out of a desire for culture and wisdom in his remote kingdom, and these men influenced his policy which proved staunchly Hindu. He had been at war with the Lakhnauti since 1303 and already repelled several attacks, thus giving him a reputation as a defender of Hindus.

    The Chagatai learned of Govinda shortly after the Battle of Garhpar when they sent emissaries to negotiate an alliance--and his submission. Govinda ordered them mutilated, for he was a fanatical supporter of the Brahmins and an opponent of Buddhism. The Chagatai then tried allying with those rulers who had submitted to Govinda in the past, but Govinda's army suppressed these rebellions while crushing another Lakhnauti attack in 1308.

    \While Lakhnauti still persisted thanks to the many from the Delhi Sultanate who fled there, the defeats against the Mongols and Govinda's Gour kingdom damaged their state enough that Hindu remnants rose up and occupied Lakhnauti's attention for some time. Even in defeat, these rebels fled to Gour and joined Govinda's force. Meanwhile, Govinda himself might send armies at will through the Lakhnauti realm which by this point was restricted to only several forts and cities, enabling him to conclude alliances with Hindu princes of eastern India against the true threat--the Mongols.

    Duwa prepared an invasion of Bengal itself for winter 1308 to destroy both Lakhnauti and Gour, but in August of that year he suddenly died. His son Qutlugh-Khwaja assumed rule over the khanate (as confirmed by Buyantu Khan himself) but immediately faced a challenge by his Muslim kinsman Taliqu who sought the support of various conquered Muslims. Many nobles of the Delhi Sultanate allied with Taliqu, and Taliqu further counted many non-Muslim allies as well such as Kaidu's son Yangichar and his chief general Tukme who wished to restore the House of Ogedei's position. Therefore the great civil wars of the Mongol Empire would now engulf India as well.

    ---
    Author's notes

    This is another chapter dealing with India. Most of the states and dynasties discussed here are quite obscure (although they many left descendants and are notable social groups within India to this day), but from what I can tell this indeed was the political situation in 1300, and a fairly interesting one to drop an empire like the Chagatai Khanate into. There's a lot of legend and folklore surrounding groups like the Rajputs (especially from this era where many notable Rajput groups emerged or conquered new lands), so I've tried to keep it vague and based on what I could find from sources dealing with Indian archaeology.

    Because this TL is focused on Japan first and foremost (as hard as it seems to believe sometimes), I've decided to emphasise elements like what happens with Indian Buddhism TTL and the adventure of Ryouchuu/Tono no Houin. That's why he gets narrative sections.

    My next update will cover this particular Chagatai Civil War, then I will return to China. I have also written a third India entry, but I don't think it fits in this part of the TL so I'll return to it another time. Thank you for reading!

    [1] - Yes, this is supposed to be the same Rinchan who OTL converted to Islam and took over Kashmir. I have some interesting ideas for him TTL. He fled Ladakh (then known as Maryul) after murdering several members of a rival clan who had helped kill his parents.
    [2] - Garhpar was a medieval fort that was built on the old Odantapuri vihara (monastery) and today lies within Bihar Sharif, Bihar, India
    [3] - This is Syed Nasiruddin, a prominent Sufi and important general of the Lakhnauti Sultanate who was evidently quite successful in his wars and was venerated as a saint by later Sufis. He was probably quite elderly at this point since he was from Baghdad and fled from the city to India when the Mongols advanced.
    [4] - See Chapter 36 for details. Pagan and Myinsaing both had lengthy connections to the Mahabodhi and were indeed funding its repair as late as 1300 and supporting the local Pithipati dynasty. To this day the Mahabodhi has traces of Burmese architecture due to Burmese craftsmen aiding in its reconstruction, which is rather recursive as the Burmese themselves were heavily influenced by the Buddhist architecture of Magadha and even built a copy of the Mahabodhi in Pagan
    [5] - The Ahoms and several other "hill tribes" in northeastern India are Tai peoples who had maintained some contact with lowland Southeast Asian states. As a result, their ethnic religions have some influences of Buddhism, although today it's more influenced by Hinduism. In later times, the nearest Buddhist power (Burma) was not well regarded in this region.
    [6] - Maryul is the old name for Ladakh, which today is mostly in northern India and disputed with China and Pakistan
    [7] - Several prominent Tibetan Buddhist monks of the 10th-14th century were Indians who traveled north, and IIRC many who survived the Muslim raids against Nalanda and other Buddhist centers fled to Tibet and brought with them various texts and treasures
    [8] - Despite having the same name and both being called rulers of a "Malla dynasty", the rulers of Khasa and Kathmandu (Nepal Mandala) had no connection. I will call the Kathmandu ruler "Ananta Malla" and his Khasa counterpart "Anandamalla" to disambiguate. "Nepal" in these days referred to a region far smaller than today.
    [9] - Classical Rajput culture was still emerging in the 14th century, but the class certainly existed and consisted of warrior families who owned land and particularly those who controlled forts. Practically any family who was successful (which invariably included success at war) might become a founder of a Rajput family, be they warriors, princes, tribal chiefs, or wealthy farmers and herders. I'm going to generalise these sorts of local Indian warrior clans as "Rajputs" for the sake of this TL, even if some groups today might not be considered as such
    [10] - For instance, Gilgit, Hunza, the Swat Valley, Chitral, Nagar, etc. in the disputed areas of northern India and Pakistan--before Pakistan and India abolished the princely states, there were many in this region. Details are hard to come by since they often mythologised themselves as long having been Islamic, but even in this era Buddhism was still likely an important force and culturally and economically they had affinities with Tibet (although growing in influence of course was Islam thanks to the Sufis and power of nearby Turkic emirs)
    [11] - The Pithipati dynasty of Bodh Gaya were probably the last Buddhist rulers in India and persisted into the early 14th century, but although they styled themselves rulers of Magadha, they rarely controlled much beyond Bodh Gaya and were usually vassals of a larger power. Buddhasena II himself is known for helping the OTL Burmese mission to Bodh Gaya in this era, so he was likely a reasonably connected ruler.
    [12] - An archaic name for the modern Sylhet region of northeastern Bangladesh. In this era it was a collection of petty kingdoms, of which Govinda's Gour kingdom became the largest and most dominant
     
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