Chapter 9-Reshaping the Land
-IX-
"Reshaping the Land"
Hakata, Chikuzen Province, 1294
Flickering candlelight illuminated the faces of the two men. Each and every scar in their career shone on their face, as did the hidden ambition within. Serada Noriuji liked that--young as his host was, he was in good company here at Asahara Tametsugu's manor. The long exile on Sado had left him in dire need of such company."Reshaping the Land"
Hakata, Chikuzen Province, 1294
"You wished to speak with me, Lord Asahara? This matter better be as important as you claim. I could be anywhere in the San'you region claiming estates right now."
"Land is nothing without its people, and this matter concerns the most important people such as yourself," Asahara pointed out. "I am certain you will want to hear my invitation."
"Come in, Lord Houjou."
The wooden door slid open, and a rough-looking samurai walked in and took a seat. He looked at Noriuji, his brow full of suspicion and skepticism.
"Houjou? Ah, the rumours of that Houjou Tanetoki holding a high position in our army is true," Noriuji said.
"Hmph, of course they are. The invader is the only one who gave me what I deserved."
"You are here because he hasn't, Lord Houjou," Asahara said. Noriuji smiled as the realisation dawned on why Asahara invited him to his manor. "And it isn't just the invader, but the invader's men as well."
"Shouni Kagesuke?" Houjou said. "Hmph, he's nothing but a worthless traitor, a poor commander who lost every battle he fought. Were it not for his clan's ineptness, our nation would still be united."
"Lord Serada, do you hold an opinion on Shouni Kagesuke?" Asahara asked. "Speak freely, you are among allies here."
Noriuji pondered the matter. I spent too long on that accursed hell of an island to worry about these petty struggles. All he knew about Shouni was from warriors who shared in his banishment to Sado. From what they told him, he was an honorable, but stubborn man who foolishly threw it all away with his choice of chose rebellion and treachery.
"I've spent nearly 20 years of my life on Sado Island. News is rare, but rumours plentiful. Shouni Kagesuke is nothing but a man who betrayed his emperor...just like all of us now."
"I don't mean your personal opinion on the man, I mean your thoughts on his leadership. Do you truly believe a bureaucrat of the Dazaifu should hold the utmost authority over someone from the most noble lineage of the Seiwa Genji [1]?"
Serada thought about the question Asahara prodded him with. It is true that for a mere provincial bureaucrat, he holds an incredible amount of power. The Emperor gave the Dazaifu to his clan so long ago, and even Minamoto no Yoritomo saw it fit to keep the Shouni in power.
"Just what are you proposing, Lord Asahara?"
"Ah, it seems your time on Sado eroded your once noble mind, Lord Serada," Houjou interjected, clearly at the behest of Asahara. "Ashikaga, Nitta, you Serada, we Houjou know your clans grumble about serving us, but without our clan, the Shogunate would not exist. What separates the Shouni clan from innumerable other great families? They are mere bureaucrats not worthy of their current position."
"I want to see each and every one of us benefitted," Asahara said. "Tomorrow, I will set out for Hakata. When I arrive shall be the day Shouni Kagesuke breathes his last. What happens after is up to you." He spoke without hesitation, clearly having devoted every bit of himself to such a wicked task. Noriuji sighed--he had barely returned from Sado and already found himself plunged into intrigue.
"That is when I will become shikken, the office that by right belongs to my clan," Houjou declared. Noriuji knew exactly where the conversation was going.
"I suppose you wish for me to assume the position of shogun in your government, then," he said. He took a deep breath, knowing his next words consigned his fate. "Very well. Whose support might we count on? Will the invader tolerate this intrigue?"
"The invaders will not care about our squabbles," Asahara said. "A vassal of mine will petition the Dazaifu regarding Shouni's failings, and besides, the invaders care more about their succession council across the sea."
"We have many, many allies," Houjou said with a grin. "Lord Miura Yorimori has countless men at his disposal. Surely he will join our cause."
"Exactly," said Asahara. "The provinces reclaimed from the Kamakura rebels nearly all answer to Miura and his allies. How few will follow Shouni Kagesuke to his doom!"
As the two began to excitedly chat about the coming rebellion, Serada sighed. So much of this plot relies on one man. Yet should I not take this opportunity, I would have wasted my entire life on that island for no purpose and far worse, I would be spitting on the memory of my father who bore that exile with me.
---
Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, March 1294
Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, March 1294
Asahara Tametsugu walked into the courtyard of Iwato Castle, his heart pounding. Even the battles of the past war failed to excite his nerves as much as this--this was a level on par with the kidnapping of the imperial prince in Kyoto. How pleased will my father be when he sees what I have done for our clan! How much will my elder brother strive to exceed my deed! Truly the Asahara will stand among the great clans of our nation!
"You are Lord Asahara Tametsugu, am I correct?" a young Shouni clan retainer said. "The Dazaifu informed you would be here to meet with my lord."
"Yes, yes, this concerns very important matters, very important indeed." Just hurry it up! "You see, the conflict between my estate's overbearing darughachi, the village leader, and the villagers of a neighbouring estate is reaching a boiling point. An expedited appeal means an expedited appeal, and the sooner Lord Shouni places his seal on the order, the more likely we restore harmony and avoid loss of life."
The retainer hesitated for a moment before ushering Tametsugu further inward. Hmph, fool. What a simple system I might exploit, where all I need is invent a wild story and I may appeal directly to that man who dares call himself the shogunal regent.
On a balcony overlooking a valley and a distant sea stood Tametsugu's target. One arm of Shouni Kagesuke's robe fluttered in the breeze as the retainer explained to him the situation. Tametsugu reluctantly bowed, annoyed he had to submit to such a man. It was difficult to conceal his irritation, especially when he noticed the hilt of Minamoto no Yoritomo's blade at Shouni's hip.
"You wished to appeal your case directly to me, Asahara Tametsugu?" Shouni asked. The man's voice was weary, perhaps with increasing age--clearly this was not a role he preferred.
"I do, my lord," Tametsugu said, preparing to execute his plot. "This concerns my estate and its relationship with its darughachi." Tametsugu took a deep breath, focusing on drawing his sword and cutting Shouni down in a single stroke. "But first, I thank you once again for this opportunity to receive a private audience from you."
He sprung into action and lept to his feet, drawing his sword as he prepared to cleave Shouni Kagesuke's remaining arm off.
"I thank you indeed, Lord Shouni!" he screamed, bringing the blade down right on Shouni's collar. Tametsugu laughed as he heard that lovely slicing of flesh and muscle in bone, but to his surprise he felt an incredible pain in his stomach and noticed at once his blood gushing forth. His head grew weary and vision clouded in red as he realised he would share in Shouni Kagesuke's fate.
"Another traitor..." Shouni muttered. As Tametsugu collapsed to the ground, he heard Shouni hack up blood.
"Who do you work for! Who is your master!" a retainer shouted at him as he grabbed the sword from Tametsugu's hands, but the voices sounded so distant now. Dammit! How is this man still so powerful! Lord Houjou better reward my sons well for my sacrifice!
---
Hizen Province, 1294
Hizen Province, 1294
As Shouni Kagesuke lay weary in bed, his chest and shoulder aching from the painful wound, he saw the spirits float into his room once more. They were terrifyingly familiar, spirits that often haunted his dreams yet now in his feverish agony felt so real. Why are you here, he wanted to say. These were spirits which needed to find peace, not linger in this life as they glared in disatisfaction at them.
Several child spirits approached his bed, watched by a distant mother. Why must I be tormented by those looks from my own children and wife, stolen from me over the years by the curse of disease? [2]
"You are a man who has lived poorly," the voice of his withered old father echoed, each wrinkle on his face exactly as it was before he died in shock of hearing his clan's defeat at Hakata Bay. Even if the spirit did not talk, he heard the voice clear as day. "Your emotions controlled every decision you made and led you to this place."
"You abandoned your duties to our clan all for the sake of petty revenge? It is fortunate you were never the heir," the voice of his older brother Tsunesuke spoke.
"I lost my life and still faithfully served my Shogun and Emperor, you lost only your arm and betrayed everything," his nephew Moritsune chided.
The voices rose to a crescendo, tormenting Kagesuke as he lay there so injured. I did it all for your sake, he thought. Were it not for the Houjou clan, I would not have needed to go to such lengths to defeat the invader. I am indeed a traitor, but I will not always be a traitor. The time will come when one day, these clans loyal to me will expel the invader and save Japan. I am only in this pitiful situation now because I foolishly permitted the Houjou to once again stand in my way.
Yet before he lost himself to madness, he felt his body shaking and suddenly awoke.
"Master, master?" a voice called. Kagesuke awoke, seeing a servant hunched over him, checking his wounds. Even if his body felt better than it had since the assassination attempt, his spirit certainly did not. He stared up at a low ceiling, the rough and simple wooden ceiling of a small village temple. Is this too a dream? This house is so much like the one I awoke after the battle I surely should have perished at.
"It is good you are awake," another voice said as a door slid open. Sitting down was Mouri Tsunemitsu, looking more aged than ever. Kagesuke thought of the reason for his survival before it suddenly dawned on him--Asahara and his allies failed in whatever scheme they had.
"It seems I cannot die just yet," Kagesuke said. "Is Houjou Tanetoki dead?"
"Yes, my lord. He was assassinated on orders of Lord Miura Yorimori. His household and many of his vassals have committed suicide or are now in exile on the mainland. So Miura remained loyal. Even if he should've been enthralled, hearing just who quelled the rebellion worried him. Whatever Miura's aims are, they are far more grand than just establishing his power here.
"And what of the other rebels?"
"Serada Noriuji has committed suicide after he illegitimately deprived our Emperor--our King, my apologies--of the right to the Shogunate. His young son Ietoki remains in Miura's custody. It is much the same with the Asahara. As you lay recovering from your wounds secreted away here on this island, the rebellion ended with few casualties besides those who organised it."
"That is wonderful news. Yet this struggle isn't over. Until we are in a better position to defeat the Houjou clan, we must continue to lead the armies of our Emperor--'King' as they may call him--and bring justice to the liberated lands."
---
The Kingdom of Japan bore the brunt of losses in the 1294 war, having lost at least 15,000 warriors on the field of battle. To call them successful is dubious, as they relied greatly on their Yuan and Goryeo allies to accomplish their gains of only several provinces as well the Amami Islands. Additionally, localised famines broke out due to the constant requisition of labour and rice for the war effort, and the newly conquered lands faced constant internal revolt.
The root cause of the disputes within the kingdom of Japan traced back to the decision regarding land rights in 1293. Due to the problem of imposters and potential traitors, the Mongols continued to revise the practice of restoring in their entirety land owned by defector Japanese. To those who defected before and during the war, this represented the government denying them their rights.
In the newly conquered provinces on Honshu, the Yuan strictly abided by this rule. They granted just as much land to their warriors from the mainland, including establishing soldier-farmer colonies. Other land they granted to those warriors and courtiers from Kyushu. Those who defected from those provinces at times found themselves losing parts of their land to upstarts looking to seize it, or otherwise misguided policies from Mongol governors. Only at the fringe of Mongol control in Izumo and Houki provinces did defectors manage to keep all their land thanks to Miura Yorimori's guarantees and strict supervision of land rights there.
As the long-time leader of the Kyushu samurai, Shouni Kagesuke was a warrior first and politician second. He preferred a path of moderation, viewing the Mongols as the lesser of two evils compared to the Houjou clan. Unfortunately, he had invited in a number of ambitious men, not the least including Houjou Tanetoki and Miura Yorimori. These men undermined Shouni's rule and pressed forward with their own decisions that aimed at building a powerbase.
The death of Kublai Khan in February 1294 opened an opportunity. With the Mongol Empire distracted, Houjou Tanetoki dispatched Asahara Tametsugu (younger son of Asahara Tameyori) to assassinate Shouni in March 1294. In this he failed--even with one arm, Shouni still managed to cut down Tametsugu with the blade Higekiri, but in the fighting he was wounded and subsequently became severely ill.
Houjou rose in revolt against Shouni, claiming he illegitimately killed Asahara along with a number of other grievances. He sent representatives to argue his case both the local Mongol ruler Ataghai as well as to the court in Dadu, although the kurultai (succession council) determining the next Yuan Emperor precluded any radical decisions. Houjou allied himself with Serada Noriuji and seized control of Hakata where they took the royal court hostage. King Tanehito was forced to yield the position of shogun to Serada Noriuji, who then granted the position of shikken to Houjou.
The coup would have been a complete success had Miura Yorimori taken Houjou's side. True to his scheming character, he remained neutral to both Shouni and Houjou, and even helped the Shouni clan escape danger by relocating them to a remote island in Higo Province. Furthermore, he acquired Serada Noriuji's young son Ietoki (世良田家時) as hostage. Miura based his stance on the Mongols not having ruled in favour of either party, although it seems he held the ulterior motive of making himself indispensible to the winner.
The local Mongol forces likewise remained neutral, as Houjou did not interfere with the collection of tribute. Instead, Houjou and Serada concerned themselves with reinstituting the warrior government they knew best. They officially created numerous allies as hereditary land stewards, decreeing that all but the smallest estates required their presence. This was a stark contrast from Mongol policy, where the land stewards had been abolished in favour of direct ownership and proprietorship.
By May 1294 however, the Mongol succession had peacefully resolved itself in favour of Temur Khan. The Mongols accepted Shouni Kagesuke's side of the dispute and soon came to view Houjou and Serada as dangerous usurpers whose economic policies threatened to undermine Mongol rule. They ordered the Kingdom of Japan to reverse these decrees and demanded Houjou, Serada, and other prominent backers be exiled to Liaoyang along with their entire households.
Houjou and Serada refused and raised 8,000 warriors from the Amami Islands alongside conscripted peasants and the land stewards they had created. With his links to Sado, Serada recruited many from that wartorn island. They fortified the castles around Mouji in preparation for an attack by Burilgitei's warriors crossing from Nagato Province on Honshu.
The attack never came. Miura Yorimori and his retainers betrayed the rebellion from within in July 1294 and assassinated Houjou. The rebel army started melting away, first beginning with Chikama Tokiie's departure back to Amami, leaving Serada with only 3,000 men. Miura besieged Takasu Castle () in Chikuzen Province, where after a short siege, Serada committed suicide many of his troops. The most prominent survivor of his forces, Takasu Castle's elderly castellan Harada Tanefusa (原田種房), was executed not long after.
The Mongols treated the surviving rebels harshly, at first deporting around 3,000 households of Japanese to Liaoyang, but through Miura's intervention they were sent to Ezo instead. To compensate this "lesser" sentence, Miura entrusted care of these households to several of his kinsmen as well as those already present on Ezo--most prominently this included Ashina Yasumori, whose clan was to play a prominent role in Ezo's politics from that point forth.
Miura Yorimori was greatly rewarded for his deeds. The post of rensho (連署, cosigner) was a Kamakura Shogunate title that lay unused in the Kingdom of Japan, yet now this post was created for Miura. As Shouni Kagesuke by this point was getting old and suffering from illness due to his many injuries, Miura effectively became the most powerful man in the Kingdom of Japan through being the one to control access and sign off on Shouni's decrees. Among these reforms Miura instated were restrictions on direct appeals, a practice which Shouni prominently used since his defection to assist--and control--the community of elite Japanese defectors. While perhaps necessary for solidarity in the early days, by 1294 the position of Japanese defectors was stable enough that it might be safely abolished to avoid corruption.
Miura likewise ingratiated himself to the Mongols for his success in quelling the rebellion and his refusal to take aggressive action, deemed a levelheaded measure. In the Zhengdong occupation government that served as the Yuan's administrative superstructure, Temur Khan moved around many administrators in 1294, and Miura only benefitted, as displayed below:
Zhengdong Right Chancellor - King Tanehito of Japan
Zhengdong Left Chancellor - Ataghai (reassigned to equivalent post in mainland China) -> Cheligh-Temur
Zhengdong Marshal - Li Ting (reassigned to Marshal of the Capital) -> Burilgitei
Zhengdong Right Secretary - Fan Wenhu (reassigned to equivalent post in mainland China) -> Hong Jung-gyeon
Zhengdong Left Secretary - Cheligh-Temur (promoted to Left Chancellor) -> Miura Yorimori
This assignment made Miura Yorimori the highest-ranking Japanese in the Mongol Empire, one who outranked even Shouni Kagesuke (who only retained his post as Zhengdong Vice-Marshal) despite Shouni holding a higher Japanese rank. Miura's skill at convincing numerous clans to defect proved crucial to his advancement, and he even began to marry his relatives to prominent Zhengdong families. He ingratiated himself with the Mongols to the point his half-brother Sawara Tametsura (佐原為連) achieved the leadership of Tsushima Prefecture, a directly governed territory of the Yuan. In every respects, Miura Yorimori was to the Mongols what Hong Bok-wan was to Goryeo decades before--a social striver with skills of great persuasion who helped bridge the administrative divide.
The rebellion exposed weaknesses within the Kingdom of Japan that required Yuan intervention to repair. Thus in June 1295, Temur Khan issued the Gentei Formulary (元貞式目), a monumental set of laws meant for the Mongol administration in Japan constructed with the aid of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese scholars. Through this, the Yuan ironically confirmed the continuation of land steward appointments to pacify the restless, land-hungry warrior class, although their number and prominence was greatly reduced. Yet now, they became a prerogative of the Yuan's own local government.
Thus, anyone who claimed themselves a land steward was forced to have permission from the local bureaucracy, and in addition was forced to have a Yuan deputy magistrate. It would be these frequent land disputes that ensured the Yuan and their vassal Japanese kept fine public records of landholding through frequent surveys, a sharp contrast to the rest of Japan where such government interference was considered unwelcome [3].
These surveys were conducted on Chinese lines, centralising the village as the primary unit of society and streamlining the various sorts of fields and estates. Actual land ownership did not change, but the people whom the landowners dealt with certainly did. New ranks of bureaucrats were established at every level, and their agencies staffed with both those who formed the bureaucracy under the old system as well as foreign magistrates from Goryeo and China. Typically these foreigners served as darughachi, the Mongol supervisors of the system.
The system was not without bias. Mongol administrators gave much more leeway with landowners of preferred ethnic groups. Japanese-controlled landholdings shrank by perhaps 5-10% relative to previous years. Particularly affected were religious institutions, especially Shinto shrines or Buddhist schools such as Zen Buddhists with many Song Chinese clergy. The surveyers took great liberties in shaving off portions of their land, weakening their power and strengthening those loyal to the Yuan.
The Gentei Formulary marked the decisive end of the policy of restoring of prior land rights. Defectors were not given any portion of their former land should they raise a claim for it, at least assuming the current occupier had a legitimate claim. This caused some controversy within the royal court, as their claims to land they had collected income from for centuries were both numerous and litigation regarding it bitter.
One case involved Konoe Kanenori, most famous for keeping a detailed journal of the case and his frustration. Konoe's family owned Shimazu-no-shou, the largest estate in all Japan that spanned three provinces. The estate had been thoroughly divided in 1285, but Konoe demanded it returned to him so he might distribute it to his loyal family members. His case had lasted since his defection in 1291, and was especially an issue given he was the regent (sesshou) of Japan, the highest rank of all courtiers.
Konoe faced opposition from not just the Mongol-appointed land owners, but Chikama Tokiie and his clan as well as branches of the Shimazu and Chiba clans, who had been land stewards at Shimazu-no-shou for decades. Shouni Kagesuke had ruled in favour of the warrior clans, but Konoe appealed directly to the Mongols, petitioning Kublai Khan himself.
This case likely shaped the specifics of the Gentoku Formulary. For instance, no estate was to consist of land outside one province, an attempt at controlling the limited amount of land compared to the large number of claimants. Thus, Shimazu-no-shou was dissolved outside the province of Satsuma (where it still formed almost 60% of the land in that province). Within Satsuma, Shimazu-no-shou was partitioned between the Chikama, the Shimazu, the Chiba, and the Konoe along with several minor landowners. Konoe thus received less than 10% of the land he claimed.
The greatest complication with the Gentei Formulary arose with the Yuan insistence on separating the civil and military realms, called in Japanese heinou bunri (兵農分離). Military households were to be registered and thereafter only allowed military positions. Kublai Khan had made it his policy, but had great difficulty carrying it out in China made no attempt to apply it to Japan. In the Kingdom of Japan, this was likely intended as a means of reducing the number of local warriors and forcing their reliance on Yuan salaries instead of tribute they extracted from their land.
The leaders of warrior families maintained that status, appointing junior lines to enter civilian service. This was much the same as had been done prior with junior branches governing large estates. Warrior families used their status to keep their superiority over even the wealthier peasants, reserving for themselves the right to become warrior families. At the same time, a dearth of bureaucrats ensured that as according to Yuan custom, warriors would occasionally be tasked to fill certain offices. The system thus proved effective in solidifying the status of warriors over peasants while also letting them enforce discipline within their clan through rewards of office [4].
Concessions were made to warrior families. Unlike Yuan China, the Kingdom of Japan had a huge number of military posts available thanks to the influence of Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimori, both of whom sought to counter the Mongol decree out of conservatism. The institution of land stewards found themselves many successors, for even at the village level, a village military captain and lieutenant were appointed for community defense, policing, and procurement of supplies.
In many locations, the "old" military nobles used their status to deny the peasants whose status rose under the Yuan the right to register as warriors. In 1297, Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimori decreed that all military households must demonstrate a past history of service. This was only a partial measure, for the records often still lay at Kyoto and Kamakura or had otherwise been destroyed. The methods allowed in stead of this gave rise to widespread fraud.
The newly wealthy families disproportionately entered careers as bureaucrats. Often they were employed by the Yuan rather than the Kingdom of Japan. Others swelled the ranks of the royal court's bureaucracy, even if their low status prevented them from rising to the position courtiers might. This contributed to a renewal of the court's influence, although arguably it perfected the system of military supervision of civilian government desired by the Minamoto no Yoritomo [5].
Regardless of its many difficulties, this system greatly simplified the procurement and supply of warriors and armies from Japan. Warriors could now entirely focus on training and readiness as opposed to bureaucratic tasks, leaving their holdings to their distant kin while receiving a guaranteed salary. All warriors were required to spend a certain number of days at centralised points where they would drill, conduct patrols, and capture criminals. Additionally, a warrior might be summoned for guard duty at any moment. The Kingdom of Japan thus assembled a great standing army far more trained and ready than any equivalent among the Kamakura Shogunate.
The economy of the Kingdom of Japan gradually recovered from the conflicts and rebellions of the 1280s. It continued importing copper coins from China as payment for its agriculture and manufactories, practically eliminating old schemes of barter. The communities of foreign moneylenders enabled a large amount of investment in the region. Among these introductions were a rudimentary form of double-entry bookkeeping, practiced by Korean moneylenders, which was promoted in Japan by the decree of Shouni Kagesuke, who commanded the merchants and moneylenders "keep their books in the manner of those from Goryeo" in hopes it might prevent fraud and thus ease relations between the peasants and the foreigners [7].
This parallel administration involved many duplicated functions at every level due to split military and civilian posts as well as the split between Yuan and Japanese administration. Temur Khan abolished the Chinese administrative divisions imposed in 1285 (although the offshore islands of Tsushima, the Oki Islands, Sado, Iki, Hirado, and the Gotou Islands remained separate military prefectures under direct Yuan rule), reducing the number of posts, yet at the same time this came with the rule specifically created as a result of Konoe's case that no land-holding might span more than one province. Although it strengthened the province and district-level institutions, it fractured many estates which required yet more bureaucrats to manage them.
Temur Khan's reforms thus continued his grandfather's reorganisation of Japan, one which would have drastic consequences for centuries to come. Overnight, the dominant shouen system weakened yet further, bringing with it great social changes none could have foreseen. Among these were the greater strength of villages and smallscale farmers in negotiating with higher authorities, represented by the formation of village councils, nominally to assist the Yuan bureaucracy.
This reorganisation of land impacted the structure of agriculture. With their more direct ties to the land and common availability of moneylenders, landowners now had far greater incentive and ability to fund improvements and reclamation of their land. Further, new cultivars of plants such as Champa rice improved the productivity, as did the introduction of new breeds of livestock and indeed new domesticates in general such as sheep and goats (brought by Central Asian landowners) [7]. Because tribute demands remained similar, the lower classes increased in wealth.
Village councils permitted the organisation of protests termed do-ikki (土一揆), where entire populations of villages followed directions of their council and refused tax payments, sometimes even violently assaulting bureaucrats. The first of these occurred in 1297 in Chikugo Province, where sixty villagers demanded a reduction in tribute, beat a local magistrate, and even evicted several fellow villagers who disagreed with their decision. Although suppressed with the deportation of the village leaders, it was but the beginnings of peasants as an unignorable force in Japan.
The greater wealth and organisation of peasants promoted a great religious revival. Much of this was driven by the spread of Pure Land Buddhism. A popular religious movement despite strong opposition by both established Buddhist sects and the new sect of Nichiren, Pure Land Buddhists believed that devotion to Amida Buddha and chanting his name (nembutsu) was enough to gain rebirth in a better land as opposed to the intensive demands other Buddhist schools claimed. Peasants and village leaders donated extensively to the preachers of these movements, creating a network of many temples and meeting grounds throughout Mongol-ruled Japan.
For the elite, the religious revival continued in the form of Zen Buddhism, particularly of the Rinzai sect. While Song Buddhist Zen monks and those who studied under them remained persecuted, the Yuan government ensured they were replaced by more loyal monks. For the elite military families such as the Shouni (who had played a special role in funding early Zen monks in the late 12th century), or the royal court at Hakata, demand for Zen monks remained high due to their knowledge not just of Buddhism, but of Confucianism and Taoism as well as cultural arts such as poetry, calligraphy, and painting.
The most famed of these from this period was Yishan Yining (一山一寧), who arrived in 1294. He sought to bridge the gap between China and Japan and was a highly effective teacher of zen, as well as calligrapher, poet, and writer. Many future Zen monks of note--even those from the Shogunate--would study under him, and he was to play an important role in spreading Chinese culture within Japan. Yishan's fame combined with the Shouni clan's patronage helped turn Hakata into an important center for Buddhism and culture in general.
Perhaps the most popular Buddhist school in Mongol-ruled Japan was Ji-shuu (時宗, sometimes translated as the "Time Sect"). It had been founded by the monk Ippen (一遍), a member of Shikoku's Kawano clan who had taken a monastic lifestyle. One day he received a vision from Amida Buddha in the form of a Shinto kami, setting out a religious mission for him. Ippen had traveled throughout Japan, preaching his version of Pure Land Buddhism which centered on a "single-minded devotion" to the nembutsu. Ippen identified Shinto kami with Amida Buddha and his pure land, incorporating a particular form of Shinto into his rituals. Most famously, these included rituals of fanatical dancing and chanting, the so-called dancing nembutsu, which proved extremely popular. A meticulous record keeper, Ippen kept books of the names of his believers organised by location.
Ippen had traveled to Mongol-ruled Japan shortly before his death in 1289, where the wartorn land took great solace in his preaching and rituals. His successor, the monk Shinkyou (真教), likewise continued these travels and frequently visited the Kingdom of Japan. Unlike Ippen, who burnt his writings in a spirit of fanaticism, Shinkyou wrote down his doctrine. Others of Ippen's followers gathered together Ippen's words and sermons and by the mid-1290s had compiled a substantial body of literature.
While most popular among peasants, Ji-shuu gained greater organisation as the preferred religion of the numerous lower-class individuals who found themselves landowners due to their support of the Mongols. Despite their increased wealth, sometimes so dramatically increased they rivaled what local military clans possessed before 1281, their religious mindset often remained intact. These new clans frequently sponsored Ji-shuu temples, including a great temple in Hakata that effectively served as the headquarters of the sect.
The Kamakura Shogunate disliked Ji-shuu and sometimes persecuted its followers as heretics. These persecutions increased in intensity after 1294 as Ji-shuu began becoming associated with pro-Mongol turncoats. This was far from the truth--it was never promoted by the Kingdom of Japan, nor the Yuan dynasty, but its support by the most fanatical of anti-Shogunate forces--those newly-landed men--ensured this perception.
The Kingdom of Japan spread Ji-shuu to Ezo through the deportation of Japanese households there. Shinkyou understood through a follower that many had been deported there, and traveled to Ezo in 1296. There, he preached across the island, achieving not just many Japanese followers, but even some followers among the Ainu and Jiliemi. They constructed several temples, including a temple at Yi'an, the first known Buddhist temple in Ezo.
Ji-shuu was not alone in seeking converts on Ezo. The ever belligerant Andou Gorou routinely funded the travels of the monk Nichiji (日持), one of the six successors of Nichiren. Although lacking the combativeness of his teacher, Nichiji found the spread of Ji-shuu on Ezo disturbing and endeavoured to set right the religious landscape of the island. His travels there in 1296 would both be a famous exploration of the island, a great confrontation between two popular new schools of Buddhist thought, and even indirectly lay the groundwork for the inevitable renewal of war between the Mongols and Kamakura Shogunate.
---
Author's notes
This was originally one chapter, but I decided it worked best as two. The Kingdom of Japan I felt needed some additional focus, particularly since its Mongol-backed land reforms and other policies are very revolutionary in the medieval Japanese context. The rebellion at the beginning I feel would be an inevitable internal power struggle, given the diversity of defectors and the likelihood of them clashing with the initial defectors over practically any issue.Author's notes
The Kamakura era has an association with with Buddhism, and it felt necessary to show the impact of the Mongol invasions on Buddhism. It is debateable which Buddhist schools would thrive or decline, but I find Ji-shuu one with interesting prospects, particularly in the Kingdom of Japan given Nichiren Buddhism (also one with obviously good prospects during such a bleak era) is officially persecuted there.
The next chapter will focus on the Kamakura Shogunate and the Ezo Shogunate, mostly economic and religious notes as this chapter. Thanks for reading!
[1] - The Serada clan is a branch of the Nitta clan. The Nitta, along with their close relatives the Ashikaga, were among the foremost branch of the Seiwa Genji lineage. The Asahara were also Seiwa Genji, but from a less prestigious lineage. In any case, they all held greater prestige than non-Seiwa Genji like the Houjou (hence Serada Noriuji's OTL exile to Sado) or Shouni. OTL this was a factor in why the Ashikaga aided the destruction of the Houjou in 1333.
[2] - While Shouni Kagesuke was almost certainly married as any Japanese noble of his status, it is likely any sons died in childhood. Women are poorly recorded in medieval Japanese chronicles (usually unnamed as a wife or mother of a male figure), and because Kagesuke does not seem to have been father in law or grandfather of any notable figures, it is likely he had no surviving descendents.
[3] - Land surveys were done on a case by case basis for much of Japanese history, as the land owner in distant Kyoto/Nara generally did not have the ability to survey his own land and other land administrators lacked the rights. It benefitted many for the elite to not know just how much the land was worth so they might keep their tax burden to a minimum. IOTL, Toyotomi Hideyoshi's land surveys in the late 16th century are considered revolutionary and indeed are what I based this on.
[4] - Heinou bunri was the term used OTL for Toyotomi Hideyoshi's attempt to create separate statuses for warriors and peasants. It was a recurring problem in Chinese history, one which Kublai Khan sought to solve OTL, but given the vast empire he ruled and the fact many positions within his empire were both civilian and military, naturally experienced many difficulties. The same issue would likely occur in Japan as well, but it is a step forward.
[5] - The civil governors and their aides during the Kamakura Shogunate still wielded a significant amount of power, particularly before the rise of the Houjou clan. There was to a degree a "separation of power" at the provincial level (as there was the national level) between Imperial and Shogunal governments, although at lower levels the institution of land stewards (jito) caused many problems between civil and military authorities. Essentially, this was not the powerless imperial government of later centuries, and as the Kingdom of Japan roots itself in Kamakura's law and style of governance, this situation prevails there
[6] - Forms of double-entry bookkeeping were used since at least the Roman Empire, including in China since the Tang dynasty (perhaps an introduction from Muslim trade). It seems to have been especially prominent in Goryeo, but doesn't appear to have been used in Japan before the Edo Period.
[7] - Sheep and goats were known in Japan since the 1st millennia through trade, but don't appear to have been natively raised until the 15th century and even then were not extensively raised until the early 20th century.
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