Nobunaga’s Ambition Realized: Dawn of a New Rising Sun

The Russian threat would be 100% in the minds of the Japanese, even if the Russians might take a greater interest at an earlier date since it means the opportunity to directly trade with Japan without Chinese or indigenous intermediaries.
Hmm contesting Russian influence would be a good reason for Japan to colonise Karafuto, Hokkaido and Kamchatka.
I suspect the Koreans and Jurchens could repel the Russians from the area, but they might see value in keeping the Russians relatively close to keep the Japanese out.
Tbf I wouldn't be surprised if that is the case, and the fact that Korea would be a competitor for Japan in influencing the area is very interesting indeed.
 
That's quite a way to consolidate power. Even if he isn't really a Konoe, he's clearly the strongest of his clan since his (nominal) Fujiwara ancestors nearly 650 years prior. It would be quite a twist if the Oda Chancellorate ends up becoming the method through which the Fujiwara regents at last make a return to power.
In terms of the bloodline, Konoe Toshishige is the grandson of Konoe Nobutada through his daughter who married Oda Nobutomo. Nobutomo himself was a grandson of Konoe Sakihisa as his mother was Nobutada’s sister (cousin marriage I know I know). The same thing basically happened IOTL except Konoe Sakiko married Emperor Go-Yozei and an imperial Prince from among their sons became the heir to the Konoe family.
 
Chapter 77: Ming Reinvigoration Under Emperor Hongguang

Chapter 77: Ming Reinvigoration Under Emperor Hongguang


On March 12th, 1641, Zhu Yousong succeeded his father as emperor of Ming China, adopting the regal name of Hongguang. Upon his ascension, Emperor Hongguang had to deal with the plague that had taken the life of his father. It would dissipate by 1645 but not before killing 200,000 people, including 20-25% of the population in and around Beijing. Once it cleared, he was finally able to focus on the greater governance of China. Fortunately for the emperor, his father had shepherded the realm throughout his own life from collapse as China faced the Jurchens, famines, natural disasters, disease, and peasant rebellion. Emperor Zhenchun had also maintained a cautious foreign policy, ensuring that Ming China’s commercial relations were free from foreign control and influence. Thus, Hongguang found himself with a realm without any serious threats. Taking advantage of this, the emperor would focus on the agricultural and economic revitalization of provinces stricken by the recent disasters and turmoil. He elevated a minor bureaucrat named Song Yingxing in this task in order to utilize the man’s vast knowledge of technical processes, all compiled in the encyclopedic work Tiangong Kaiwu. The literary work illustrated many Chinese innovations and processes, from agricultural cultivation to sericulture and metallurgy, and its enormous detail greatly impressed the imperial court. Song Yingxing would travel to the stricken regions and directly supervised many of the recovery efforts, walking amongst the local bureaucrats and farmers and distributing the knowledge imparted in his encyclopedia. Thanks to his efforts, provinces like Shaanxi were able to bounce back from their calamitous years. The contributions of Song Yingxing as a civil servant and writer would not be forgotten, for the Tiangong Kaiwu would quickly become a widely circulated book throughout Ming China albeit with moderate distributive regulation by Beijing [1].​

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Illustration from the Tiangong Kaiwu of the puddling process of smelting iron ore, where wrought iron is derived from pig iron​

Emperor Hongguang also focused on reinvigorating Chinese influence in its traditional sphere of extension via its tributary system. During his father’s reign, other Asian powers had risen in strength and influence, most notably Japan, Joseon, and Siam. In particular, Beijing could not help but continuously watch Azuchi send embassy after embassy to far-flung lands and establish a new network of diplomatic relations with a sense of both concern and jealousy. The Middle Kingdom had previously always been the front-facing face of the region to the rest of the world, the realm of unimaginable power, prestige, and wealth that everyone else desired to trade with. Now, though, a previously decentralized archipelago had come together under the might and direction of the Oda clan and they were now the ones attracting the latest global attention. They had already briefly seized complete control of foreign trade along the Chinese coasts until Macau was reopened by Emperor Zhenchun in 1638. Although merchants across the world still prized trade with Ming China for its large supply of exotic luxury goods and vast resources as well as being a main importer of silver, the emperor knew some change had to occur for his realm to not fall behind in political and hegemonic relevance. On September 5th, 1646, Hongguang celebrated his 39/40th birthday [2] and for this occasion invited dignitaries from not only all of the Ming’s longtime tributary nations but also representatives from the English and Dutch East India Companies as well as the Casa da India [3] and the Spanish Philippines as a way to impress upon the world the power and prosperity of Ming China. The highlight of the day was a parade that was the largest recorded up to that time meant to display the splendid wealth and sophistication of Ming China. Masses of dancers, including lion dancers, followed flower girls covering the road leading to the Forbidden Palace with petals. The highlight of this display was the emperor himself, carried in a golden yellow palanquin and surrounded by imperial troops, including cavalry and arquebusiers. The firework show was last and it was said to be the biggest one yet according to first-hand sources surviving from this day. The next week saw Hongguang receive every single dignitary and their tribute and praise. Importantly, the representatives of the East India companies did as well, albeit they probably were no doubt biting their tongue submitting to a foreign power outside Europe.

The celebration was just Hongguang’s first step towards reinvigorating Ming prestige abroad. In a move that stirred the criticism of a minority of the Confucian-aligned bureaucracy, the port of Guangzhou was opened to European merchants to allow them access to Chinese goods outside of Macau. The opening of Guangzhou would in particular increase trade with the English and later the French. The English East India Company’s power was marginal compared to that of the Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish in the Far East and they had not previously been able to break through and establish a strong base in Macau. Thus, Guangzhou’s opening would be a particular blessing for them. Emperor Hongguang would also ease restrictions upon native merchants and incentivize greater activity among them overseas in an effort to indirectly export Chinese political and economic influence.​

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Sketch of 17th century Guangzhou​

Hongguang’s moves towards reinvigorating Chinese influence and prestige through the tributary system also strengthened ties with polities beyond the northern frontier in Beijing’s favor, namely the Northern Yuan and the remnants of the Jin khanate. By Abhai’s death in 1643, the Jin khanate had split into two unstable halves. Abhai’s eldest son, Hooge, succeeded his father in the southern half, to be known as the Lesser Jin. The northern half, meanwhile, centered in the Amur river basin, became known as the Amur Khanate and was ruled by a Jurchen noble outside of the Aisin Gioro clan named Sahaliyan [4]. The two khanates conducted raids against one another’s lands and frequently engaged in border skirmishes, with the more Sinicized Lesser Jin covertly supported by Joseon. To keep the region stable but sufficiently divided enough to pose no threat to the dynasty, Beijing used its symbolic supremacy and power to force a truce upon the two khanates in 1649 under the guise of excluding them from the tributary system and its benefits if they refused to agree. Meanwhile, infighting had emerged among the tumens of the Northern Yuan after the death of Ligdan Khan’s eldest son and successor, Ejei Khan, in 1641. The latter had actually been in the middle of building a pan-Mongolian coalition with the remnants of the Four Oirat Confederation, including the Dzungar Khanate, when he passed. His 6 year old brother, Abunai, succeeded him, putting a halt on the coalition as different tumens began to squabble for influence and power in Karakorum. Beijing would intervene and prop up the young khan to similarly keep the northern frontier stable but also to prevent antagonistic forces from taking over and successfully build a pan-Mongolian coalition against powers like the Ming and the Kazakhs.

For all of these moderate successes, however, Ming China would not be saved from one issue: succession woes. Emperor Hongguang, having sired no sons, elevated his cousin Zhu Yousi as the heir to the throne. Hongguang would die in 1651 at the age of 44 and the 38 year old Zhu Yousi became the new emperor, adopting the regnal name of Titian. However, his accession would be disputed on the basis of primogeniture by Zhu Ciran [5], the grandson of the executed first son of Emperor Wanli, Zhu Changluo. In contrast, Emperor Titian was the son of Wanli’s 5th son, Zhu Changhao. Zhu Ciran quickly gained supporters and began organizing a rebellion from the city of Luoyang. Before the rebellion could progress further, the emperor ordered an army to march against Luoyang. This combined with Zhu Ciran’s paranoia and impatience alienating many of his supporters caused his coup attempt to disintegrate and the prince himself would be beheaded by a turncoat, his severed head sent directly to Beijing. The new emperor for now had been saved from internal strife and civil war and could begin to forthrightly lead China.​

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Official portrait of Emperor Titian​

[1]: IOTL, the Qing dynasty’s heavier economic interventionism prevented this from happening and most of the work's original copies have been discovered in Japan.

[2]: In Asia, you’re 1 year old upon your birth, hence his birthday being celebrated in 1646.

[3]: The Portuguese state-run commercial entity that oversaw Portuguese trade and its overseas possessions

[4]: Inspired by the Manchu name of the Amur river, Sahaliyan Ula.

[5]: Zhu Ciran is the son of OTL’s Emperor Tianli who died in the Wangchonggang Explosion. Tianli himself had been spared ITTL and allowed to be an imperial prince even after his father had been executed.​
 
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Oh, the Ming Dynasty is going to survive! I wonder what would happen to Central Asia and Tibet, and how Russia will be once it starts expanding further into Siberia with more powers on the frontier
 
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Chapter 78: Tomoaki Takes Up Arms - The Beginning of the Manji War

Chapter 78: Tomoaki Takes Up Arms - The Beginning of the Manji War

At long last, the tension between Konoe Toshishige, now the de facto ruler of Japan, and his confined rival Oda Tomoaki finally broke into direct conflict on the night of June 14th, 1659. That night, he and an army of 5,000 gathered at Hiragata Suwa Shrine (平潟諏訪神社) in the town of Nagaoka. Surrounded by loyal retainers and warriors, he paid homage and prayed for victory. He then turned to his men and declared that he was standing against the imperial regent for his supposed usurpation of power in Azuchi and the resulting corruption of the power, stating that he intended to restore righteous governance and honor. He ended by taking a personal jab at Toshishige:

“It has been the Oda clan that built Japan up to where it exists now, and it cannot be a fake Oda who leads us,
for such a leader will fail us as we already have been witnessing."


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Present-day Hiragata Suwa Shrine​

The next day, Tomoaki departed his capital of Shibata (新発田) began a march towards the domain of Nagao Kagesada (長尾景貞), a pro-Toshishige daimyo in the area, leaving the nominal lord and son Nagaaki (織田長昭) in charge back home. It was around this time that his messengers began to deliver their letters to various daimyo across Japan, old friends and previous allies whom he hoped would join his cause. Among these included Tokugawa Noriyasu, Ikeda Yoshinori, and Chosokabe Tadachika. When the rebellion began, however, Tomoaki only had the support of a few minor lords in Shinano province. Among these was Sanada Yukitoshi (真田幸利), the great grandson of former Takeda vassal Sanada Masayuki who had clung on after his submission to Nobunaga.

To gain more support, Tomoaki needed a victory. This was going to be difficult as Azuchi quickly found out about Tomoaki’s activities. Toshishige immediately ordered the mobilization of 2 armies, one led by the Eastern shogun Shibata Katsuoki and the other led by the Chinjufu shogun Sakuma Moritora himself. In the meantime, Tomoaki faced his first challenge when an army led by Mori Tomoyoshi entered Echigo province to assist the Nagao clan. Thus far, his campaign had been successful. Although he only possessed a small army and could not raise more men so as to not alert Azuchi, Tomoaki had built up an elite core of infantry under the guise of “personal leisure”. This unit had been trained in the French style of line infantry he had witnessed and read up on while in France while incorporating samurai melee equipment and fighting traditions along with the latest firearm technology, making them a lethal force. Thus, the rebels had some of the best infantry throughout the entire realm and were able to make up for their lack of numbers. The effectiveness of Tomoaki’s new infantry would be demonstrated best at the Battle of Matsudai (松代の戦い). Tomoaki’s forces had earlier captured Matsudai Castle (松代城)and had begun to march towards the Nagao’s main castle of Kasugayama Castle. However, the Mori advanced upon Matsudai Castle, risking Tomoaki’s supply lines and forcing the Oda lord to pivot back and confront the enemy besiegers. In the meantime, the garrison of 750 in Matsudai Castle resisted the 10,000-strong Mori army. On September 9th, Tomoaki’s army of 8,000 gathered in the mountainous town of Matsudai just north of the castle itself. Already outnumbered with the Mori army holding the high ground, they were tailed by a Nagao force of 3,000 that arrived to Tomoaki’s north 2 days later.​

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Yellow = Nagao forces, Salmon = Tomoaki’s men, Blue = Mori Tomoyoshi's men​

Despite being outnumbered, Tomoaki decided to split his army into two halves in Matsudai and take action on September 12th. One half remained encamped, prepared for a Mori offensive from the mountains. The other half, including the elite infantry, charged the Nagao position which was still solidifying having just arrived. The discipline and gunfire of the rebel infantry supported by samurai warriors overwhelmed the Nagao forces and the latter soon broke into a retreat. Meanwhile, seeing the outbreak of battle between the Nagao and the rebels, Mori Tomoyoshi ordered a general assault upon the main rebel camp, not knowing that only part of Tomoaki’s army were on the offensive against the Nagao forces. In fact, this was a trap by Tomoaki to get the Mori off the high ground and their defenses. Although Tomoyoshi himself stayed back in his camp along with a few thousand men to keep surrounding Matsudai Castle, Tomoaki still faced an enemy that outnumbered him. Nevertheless, he was able to hold off the Mori through his men’s own resilience and his camp’s well-positioned cannons long enough for the Nagao to be routed, allowing the rest of his army which had suffered only minor casualties to come back. With the decisive entry of the elite infantry, Tomoaki forced the Mori back up the mountains and began to encroach upon the periphery of Tomoyoshi’s main position. Fearing a pincer between Tomoaki’s approach and a sortie from the castle itself, the Mori lord ordered a retreat and an end to the siege. The pro-Azuchi forces had suffered nearly 4,000 casualties combined among the Mori and Nagao forces, whereas Tomoaki only suffered 800.

The Battle of Matsudai would prove to be the propaganda victory Tomoaki needed to finally receive defections from previously loyal daimyo lords. Over the next few months, many would join his cause, including Gamou Noriharu, Sassa Katsutoyo, Anekouji Noritsuna, Tokugawa Noriyasu, and several minor lords in the Kanto region. Both Mori Tomoyoshi and Nagao Kagesada would also choose to defect to Tomoaki after witnessing his army’s prowess and morale. To the west, Chosokabe Tadachika, Ikeda Yoshinori, and even Kudō Kanetada’s uncle and successor Kanemasa (工藤包当) [1] who suspected Toshishige of poisoning Kanetada defected and ensured that the war would be a national rather than a regional affair. In some areas, certain congregations of the Church of Yamato would make commitments against being levied to service for someone who hated their faith and its practitioners. Beyond those who now sided with Tomoaki, it was obvious that many daimyo hoped to stay out of the conflict, either for self-preservation or because of their dissatisfaction towards the kōbu kanpaku. This not only included Shimazu Norihisa and Mōri Tsugumoto (毛利嗣元) but also many lords in Bireitō and Luson.​

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Western-style portrait of Oda Tomoaki, the first of its kind​

However, Azuchi retained the loyalty of much of the realm and Toshishige still held several advantages against the rebels. One of these was his political position, which he used to declare Oda Tomoaki an enemy of the imperial court in late 1659. Another of these was the army of Sakuma Moritora, which had gathered under the command of the Chinjufu shogun. Numbering 30,000 and possessing many veterans with years of experience, it was fast approaching Echigo province. After his victory at Matsudai and the subsequent surge in support for his cause, Tomoaki pledged to focus on the overthrow of his nephew and march straight towards Azuchi along the Hokurikudo. However, Moritora’s movements necessitated a confrontation before he could commence his trek westwards. The Manji War (万治の乱) [2] had started, and the Tiger of the North was about to leave his mark on the conflict.

[1]: Kanetada had no sons.

[2]: Named so because the era name was Manji in 1659.​
 
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Great couple of chapters man!

And i knew it! This will be like the Japanese version of the Wars of the Roses and i'm all for seeing the outcome!
 
tbf I really worry for Japan. Considering Moritora's one of the greatest generals of the era, he should cause Tomoaki to lose (or he switches sides but idk). This would cause Japan to basically become more and more isolated much like the reign of the inspector general. That'd alienate the lords of Luzon and Beiritou a lot more, and it may be interpreted by the Spanish as the perfect time to take Luzon back from the Japanese, which would be a huge blow to Japan in general.

Considering that Korea and especially Ming China are becoming more important actors too they should be muscling themselves in against Japan. I can see the Ming attempting to take Taiwan for example, which would be bad too, considering the Beiritou clans are very important to Japan. I defo wonder if we see some shrinking of Japan's southern territories.
 
Oh my, another civil war. Is this the Eastern Roman Empire of Asia? Lol I hope it ends soon or all the works of previous chancellor may go to waste
 
This is very good chapter but I'm starting to feel burnt out from reading constant civil wars...
This could be the last one in a long while, there are people that will grow tired of the constant squabbling between samurai that disrupts the economy.

Things will become even more complicated when a new wave of modern ideas arrive, and the inevitable decline of samurai class.
 
This could be the last one in a long while, there are people that will grow tired of the constant squabbling between samurai that disrupts the economy.

Things will become even more complicated when a new wave of modern ideas arrive, and the inevitable decline of samurai class.
Hopefully, I don't mind reading wars chapters sometimes but it does get tiring thought.

Honestly that would be a good thing since the samurais were romanticize until the end of WW2, at least as far as I know anyways, so yeah.
 
Hopefully, I don't mind reading wars chapters sometimes but it does get tiring thought.

Honestly that would be a good thing since the samurais were romanticize until the end of WW2, at least as far as I know anyways, so yeah.
I do think the samurai class would just get folded in with the merchant classes as ossified clans being in charge of certain bits of the economy for some time, which may be quite bad for Japan too, especially with the colonies being a good money maker.
 
I do think the samurai class would just get folded in with the merchant classes as ossified clans being in charge of certain bits of the economy for some time, which may be quite bad for Japan too, especially with the colonies being a good money maker.
True but I don't think all of the samurais will join since most of them would be traditionalists but who knows.
 
True but I don't think all of the samurais will join since most of them would be traditionalists but who knows.
Frankly considering that a lot of samurai clans would be doing a lot of stuff related to the economy I'd think they'd try to monopolise certain sectors of the Japanese economy. Even if a bunch of merchant families deal with stuff that's quite taboo like the production and trading of cow products (beef wasn't eaten until the 19th century ittl, I'm sure it'll be relaxed due to more extensive westernisation but still) the daimyos won't be touching those sectors until they and the general population gets westernised enough.

This probably means the clans would be split between the progressive 'western' faction and the traditionalists which would mean it's just split along geographical lines instead.
 
I do think the samurai class would just get folded in with the merchant classes as ossified clans being in charge of certain bits of the economy for some time, which may be quite bad for Japan too, especially with the colonies being a good money maker.
With the domains still being pretty autonomous as a political unit, this could also develop into an explicitly corporatist regime. The centralised regulation of taxation and expenditure as the kokudaka system has first imposed can fray in favour of an explicitly exploitative system where the capitalisation and investment in the economy are primarily made by the domains, as opposed to the state or corporations as we have known it in the west.

Explicitly seeing it as profits - as opposed to just merely raising tax income - can make for quite an intense labour and environmental exploitation, increasingly abandoning aspects of their way of life they used to see as sacred in favour of that mighty copper coin.
 
I could see the descendants of samurai evolving into less of a warrior class and more of the traditional political class like provincial governors
 
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