Look to the West Volume VIII: The Bear and the Basilisk

Frontispiece
  • Thande

    Donor
    Quick links to previous parts

    Volume I: Diverge and Conquer & Volume II: Uncharted Territory
    Volume III: Equal and Opposite Reactions (formerly "The World Turned Upside Down")
    Volume IV: Cometh the Hour...
    Volume V: To Dream Again & Volume VI: The Death of Nations
    Volume VII: The Eye Against The Prism
    Laconic chronology ("Date: Stuff Happens") version


    NB. Volumes I & II and Volumes V & VI were split retroactively so each share one thread.

    Volumes I-IV (currently) available for purchase as eBooks(with accompanying media and bonus features) from Sea Lion Press via Amazon and other online purchases. Click 'Look to the West' on the left sidebar, then click the individual volume covers to see links to Amazon etc. Alternatively, see my Amazon author page for a list of all my books.

    Volumes I and II also available as print paperbacks from the same source, and III and IV will be forthcoming once delays caused by the current pandemic are resolved. V is coming soon(ish) as an ebook.

    Now, without further ado...



    Look to the West


    A Timeline

    by Dr Thomas W. Anderson MSci MA (Cantab) MRSC SFHEA







    VOLUME EIGHT:
    THE BEAR AND THE BASILISK


    Vol84.png








    “If KNOWLEDGE draws lines on a map to divide us from them;

    If WISDOM proclaims that glory is worth more than human life;

    If PROGRESS means new ways to kill more of our fellow men more swiftly than before;

    If UNDERSTANDING concerns the weaponisation of all of science;

    If INSIGHT is merely for foiling the plans of self-proclaimed enemies;

    And if MEMORY ensures that ever death shall be avenged sevenfold;

    Then, say I: LET OBLIVION REIGN!

    - Final public speech of Kapud Rodrikus, 1990
    (alleged; authenticity disputed)​
     
    Interlude24
  • Thande

    Donor
    Interlude #24: O Carolina

    Transcript of Thande Institute Zoom meeting with TimeLine L Field Team Delta with Director Stephen Rogers
    Time: 19:30 hours (GMT)
    Date: 02/04/2020
    TimeLine L Location: Waccamaw Strand, Kingdom of Carolina (de jure), Empire of North America trust territory (de facto).
    Analogous location of Portal receivers in Our TimeLine: Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, United States of America
    Director Rogers’ location: Cambridge, United Kingdom


    DIRECTOR STEPHEN ROGERS (SR): Hello? Can you hear m...where’s the thingy for...am I muted? Are you muted? Did you fix that browser compatibility issue, Seamus?

    (Interruption; transcript resumes at 19:43 following resolution)

    SR: There – yes – yes I can hear you now. Hmph, appears the problem was on our end after all. At least one advantage of...all this is that we’re developing the infrastructure for more meaningful commuuuuuuuuuubzzzzzzzz

    (Interruption; transcript resumes at 19:46 following resolution)

    SR: Yes? OK, yes, I can see them again now. I’ve closed those background tabs, how was I to know the runtime was...Captain MacCauley, do you want to—

    CAPTAIN BEN MACCAULEY (BM; strained tone): Yes, sir. You were saying something about developing infrastructure for, uh...

    SR: Yes, that’s it. More meaningful communication. None of that ancient text digitiser and datastreams stuff, not now we can make the Portals small enough to avoid any intercepts. We can have a Zoom call—

    LIEUTENANT THOMAS BLACK (TB; under his breath): Other APPS are available.

    SR: —between two timelines just as easily as betweeeeeeeebzzzzzz –people in adjacent buildings. In a grim time like this, at least we can stay better in touch than last year.

    DR BRUNO LOMBARDI (BL): Uh, yes, sir. Speaking of which, any word on when we’ll be able to return? We’ve been stuck here four months now because of the quarantine, you see, as I said in my last message—

    SR: Yes, yes. It’s obviously very important that we don’t spread the virus to other timelines. (Strained tone) I already have to answer about three memos a day from briefed Government ministers asking if it came to our timeline from one of the ones we’ve visited.

    BL: Oy vey! I don’t suppose—

    SR (firmly): No. And nor does a cure for it exist in any of the timelines we’ve explored, I have to answer that one daily too. Anyway, to answer your question, it would be one thing if you were on the analogous territory to the UK still, but the fact that you’d have to come back through to South Carolina and then be flown here...you’d be passing through too many sets of hands, I don’t want to risk it. If you’ve got any more messages for your families, of course—

    BL (sighs): I understand, sir, thank you.

    CAPTAIN CHRISTOPHER NUTTALL (CGN): Well, at least we’ve had plenty of time to gather more information, sir. Now we’re no longer in the middle of all that stuff with the Olympics—

    SERGEANT BOB MUMBY (BM): The Global Games.

    CGN: Yes, those...we’re under considerably less scrutiny from law enforcement here. Which is a rather weird kind of law enforcement, as I’ll expl—

    SR: Very well, Captain. Now we’ve re-established this link, you should continue to send your information on TimeLine L. All the plans we discussed four months ago have necessarily been delayed by this global crisis, of course; the Security Council has more things on its plate right now. But we’ll continue compiling your work for when that day comes.

    BM: Thought as much, sir. Well, we’ll keep at it.

    ENSIGN CHARLTON CUSSANS (CC): Wait, where’s Doctor Wotsyn?

    LIEUTENANT JACK TINDALE (JT; in long-suffering tone): His name is Wostyn, Charlie, S before T, he’s French.

    CC (incredulous): He IS?

    JT (ignoring this): And he already told us where he was going, he was going out to b—

    (SOUND OF DOOR SLAMMING BACK)

    DR DAVID WOSTYN (DW; breaking into the call): Mille sabords en le tonnere de Brest! Chicken ‘bog’ they call it! Too right! Tastes like a swamp! If that’s their idea of ‘cultural culinary reconstruction’, I think Sanchez had the right idea—

    CGN (glassily): Ah, Dr Wostyn, I see you’ve made it back from your shopping trip for (coughs) our important Zoom call with the Director, who I’m sure you’ll want to—

    TB: Don’t worry, Chris, the screen’s frozen anyway.

    CGN (peers at it): So it is. Technological progress, eh?

    BM: I’ll just send him an email or something with what we’ve found.

    BL: Yes, make sure you mention all those sources we’ve got this time—books in that library, fact and fiction, all those pamphlets, even the local Motext when I figure out how the blasted thing works.

    DW (sighs): D’accord. But can we please avoid quoting from those damn racist news broadc—

    END TRANSCRIPT AS CALL TERMINATED
     
    1922 world map
  • Thande

    Donor
    Yes, we're back once again with another exciting episode of Look to the West. This is just the prologue, the first proper update will be this Sunday.

    It looks as though Volume VIII is going to have longer parts (like Volume VI) so each weekly update on Sundays will be a segment of a chapter/part rather than a full one. I have a busy schedule coming up but I hope I will be able to keep to the weekly updates once again!

    Thanks to everyone who has liked and commented in the past; I am in the later stages of preparing Volume V for publication right now; and here's a reminder of the world situation as it stands in 1922 on the eve of the Black Twenties.

    AG-1922a.png
     
    276.1
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #276: A Betrayal

    “Coming to you from C-WNB’s Factcentre... With Wragg Roberts and Ultima Jaxon...”

    (A brassy jingle plays in the background, almost overwhelming the words)

    “Here is the news, coming to you every hour, on the hour...”

    (An audible switch from pre-recorded lines to live commentary)

    “Those headlines again.

    “The backblast from yesterday’s Global Games Investigative Board decision continues to build. The Board’s inquiry ruled against Sangita Sharma’s appeal against the controversial original finding that stripped the young Panchali gymnast of her silver laurels won in the Global Games held recently in London, England. Miss Sharma has always maintained that her positive doping test result was caused by sabotage by a competitor.

    “The GGID’s decision has been met with mass protests on the streets of Lucknow and other Panchali cities. Now Consul Satya Upadhyay, leader of the Panchali government, has weighed in with a hinted warning that unless the case is reopened, Lucknow’s hosting and funding of next year’s Multinational Athletics Championships may be withdrawn.

    “Is Consul Upadhyay justified in his response, or, as some defenders of the GGID have warned, is this a return to the geopolitical blackmail of the bad old days of the Ram Kumar regime in Panchala? In the studio we have Colonel Xavier Sparks, an expert on the region, and he’s written a book all about it...”

    – Transcription of a C-WNB News Motoscope broadcast,
    recorded in Waccamaw Strand, Kingdom of Carolina, 19/03/2020​

    *

    Dr Lombardi’s note: The following extract is taken from a rather battered copy of a romance novel I found in a second-hand bookshop just outside Charleston. The book has a yellow label on its cover, clearly affixed long after it was published, marked with the letters IP. The same symbol was indicated on the bookshop’s sign alongside a green symbol with the letters CA, and we have collected many more, newer books which have that symbol (usually part of the cover rather than a sticker). This appears to be some sort of certificate classification system, but we have not worked out all the details yet. Also, Dr Pylos wishes me to point out that the region in which the novel takes place does not really qualify as ‘the steppes’.

    From: “Passion on the Steppes” by Marjoria Kartera (1978)—

    “Trooper Ferrier!” Sergeant Beauville called once again. “Less of the daydreaming, the Russian bastards could be on us any moment!”

    “Yes, sarge,” Lucien said, barely holding back a sigh. A month ago, he would have known never to risk antagonising the belligerent noncom—no, a month ago he would have instinctively understood that Beauville was right, that negligence would put him and his comrades at risk. He wouldn’t need to have been told.

    But then, he had met her.

    He looked down at his wristwatch, now scuffed and scratched after four months of knocks and sandstorms and bitter conflict. His uncle had told him that a bright American had had the idea of strapping his fob watch to his wrist during the last war, and had made millions from his notion. Other men in the Volunteer Brigade instead insisted it had been a German, or someone from the vanished Meridians. To Lucien, it did not matter who had invented the device and where; he only cared what it told him.

    Yes, the hands hadn’t stopped. He ignored the expensive day and date readouts, betraying that this watch was far more expensive than he could afford—he’d appropriated it from the body of a lieutenant who hadn’t been quite lucky enough. SAT JUN 17. Nobody had yet thought it necessary to add a year indicator, though for Lucien this year might as well have been 1822 or 2022 as 1922. No, all he cared about were the hands, showing a time of 10:32. Less than half an hour till the rendezvous, till the time when she would be there.

    Part of him, the cynical part that had helped keep him alive and guard his own life as his naive comrades had charged to their deaths in certainty of the righteousness of their cause, gave him a warning. Why did he assume she would be there? Aynabat, his sweet moon, as she had told him her name meant. All the exotic mystery and province of the East wrapped up in a very real lady of dignity and culture, with a Persian university education that meant she could hold her own with any Cytherean grand dame of the salons of Paris. It was almost, he thought uneasily for a moment, as though his childish notions of the backward Orient were founded in nothing more than falsehoods, as if all men were brothers, all women were sisters...

    But his mind was not ready to accept this truth. To Lucien, Aynabat was something special, a moon shining in the darkness, a diamond in the rough. Yet her parents still had too much of the village to them, suspicious of this foreign, Christian interloper. He was sure that Aynabat’s brother was convinced Lucien saw her as nothing but an easy conquest, to be used and abandoned. Maybe his past experience of Europeans could partly excuse such an assumption. But in Lucien’s mind, it was absurd. She was his moon, and he wanted only to worship her forever.

    He remembered when he had first come to these lands, mere months ago, been startled by the landscape of the Khanate of Khiva. He had thought that his own home town, south of the Loire in the province of Maine, was home to a flat and featureless landscape; but it could not compare to the staggering, bleak beauty of the arid steppe. Here to the north and east of Khiva city, the great river Oxus[1] cut through the landscape and lent it a little greenery; farmers scratched out a living and cities had grown up. Back then, when he had seen it, he had almost wished he had his sister’s talent with the paintbrush.

    Now, everything had changed. Not because houses and farms had been reduced to burnt-out wrecks, because craters pocked roads and fleeing refugees had left towns emptied. If nothing had changed, the world would still seem pale and dim to him, his entire being consumed by the thought of Aynabat. Selfishly, in his heart, none of that human suffering mattered. He had long learned that his dreams of glory in battle were nothing more than lies told by recruiters, that Russians, Persians and Frenchmen alike were doing nothing but perpetuating endless misery for no cause amid these debated lands. Yet he had found something precious amid all the ennui, and he clung tightly to it.

    His pack bumped treacherously against his shoulders and back, reminding him of when Aynabat had bound his wound, tittering coquettishly and remarking on the muscles that hard living and fighting had built up. From what she had said in her near-fluent French, these Khivan villagers regarded Frenchmen as all soppy dilettantes living in debauchery in Paris. Lucien had already seen, on the ship in which his company had travelled in secret here, that so many foreigners had such negative views of the French, still blaming them for sitting out the last war. Well, now we are here at the beginning of the next one, he thought bitterly. We can hold our heads high to these folk in days to come—those of us who actually survive.

    Sergeant Beauville was ignoring his own advice and, as the plain-clothes company of ‘unofficial volunteers’ formed up, glanced at a battered newspaper. Displaying hidden depths, the seemingly crude sergeant had clearly learned enough written Russian to make slow, painstaking sense of the Cyrillic characters. “Hah!” he pronounced, waving at his men. “I knew they’d have to give the game away eventually!” He slapped the paper importantly. “Friend Ivan has been trying to downplay all those amarts that our brave allies blew up near Azrat, just before Rumyantsev got himself shot. But he’s had to release the death notices eventually, shoved ’em near the back so nobody would spot ’em!”

    He stabbed a finger at a list of Cyrillic names in very, very small characters. “Look at that butcher’s bill. Tsar Pauly will think twice about sending his boys in again!”

    The men cheered, but a little uncertainly. Lucien knew that Beauville was just putting a brave face on it; there had already been rumours that, contrary to what the sarge had said, the Russians were mobilising to send in their frontline troops. There was talk of the whole Fergana Valley in revolt. Whether Paul cared about his soldiers’ lives or not, no world leader could dare walk away from such a challenge.

    Which meant war. As if what he’d been living through for the past four months didn’t already qualify for that. But this would be worse.

    He needed to see her.

    Daydreamer though he might be, Lucien was still the first to see it. His eyes suddenly focused on the dull spots growing on the horizon. “Aerodromes!” He pointed.

    Beauville snapped out of his propagandising with almost disconcerting ease. He shaded his eyes and swore viciously. “Dammit! Attends! Galtier and Chambord, you for the Lectel shack, let Khiva know! Everyone else, take cover!”

    Lucien heard the words, an order which he had obeyed many times over the past few months, and had saved his life by doing so. This time, he ignored them as casually as he would have his mother’s instruction not to get his hands dirty when he had been a little boy. Those Russian aerodromes were heading this way. If they were anything like the two previous bombing raids he’d seen—they had stepped up in tempo considerably since Rumyantsev had been killed—they would carry both rockets and bombs, and would use them indiscriminately against civilians as a weapon of terror. Some might even carry death-luft, and Lucien nervously remembered that while he had a mask in his pack, his protective rubber suit was now too damaged to protect him against Petrograd’s new burning brimstone luft. Clearly the Tsar had no interest in winning the hearts and minds of the peoples of the steppes, only crushing them beneath his bootheel. Including the people of Khiva, who had formerly rested in the sphere of influence of Persia.

    Including his sweet moon Aynabat.

    She had liked it when he had worn his rubber suit, for some reason.

    Lucien took a direction that might have charitably implied that he was just seeking cover a little more distantly than his comrades. He turned a corner and went into an alleyway. The village was tiny compared to Khiva, and he had learned many of its byways on his previous visit. He heard a call from the minaret of the mosque that was quite different to the usual call to prayer; evidently the imam had spotted the dromes as well. He wondered if, one day before too long, his own village would be ringing its churchbells to warn of a Russian or Belgian air attack. Truly men were not so different, and yet it seemed they must slay one another...

    He raced down the streets, pushing his way through the bazaar as merchants and patrons alike threatened to kill more of one another in the panicked crush to escape than the Tsar could ever hope to. He puzzled out the street signs in their twisting Persian script, looking for the one he knew. There! One of the better-off areas, with larger and more palatial houses whose exotic architecture would have been received with approval in much of fashionable Paris. But perhaps it was just that they were designed for different weather, and the apparent differences were superficial.

    There! Aynabat’s father might dislike Lucien, but he had worked hard for his family, as his daughter had told him. He had risen from a peasant farmer to an important man in this small region, a gentleman who had the ear of the regional governor and considerable investments in the Persian stock market in Shiraz. A man who had been able to send his academically brilliant daughter to university in that city.

    And now it all came crashing down, because some men who had never heard of Aynabat and her family had decided it was time to move some lines on a map.

    Lucien had lived as long as he had because he had rapidly adapted to the hell of life in this miserable quasi-war. Even as his muscular chest filled with damp pain and fear, his mind consumed by thoughts of Aynabat, something deep within him automatically halted his run and threw his body behind a group of odiferous rubbish bins.

    That reflex, whatever it was...it had heard the keening sound of a Russian drome. The big Polzunov Po-19 bomber thundered over the defenceless Khivan city.[2] Maybe it was just a terror attack, maybe the pilot or navigator had blundered and was meant to be attacking a military target. Or at least a civilian one that might make headlines. No-one would care about this attack but ordinary folk like Aynabat’s family.

    An instant after the smell of the rubbish in the summer heat bored its way into Lucien’s nose like some particularly unpleasant smelling salts, he found himself flung back and upside-down against a collapsing wall. The bins partly shielded him from the blast as the bomb detonated, but he was still briefly knocked unconscious.

    When he came to, he scrambled unsteadily to his feet. Miraculously, he had escaped with nothing more than a few more bruises and scratches to add to the scars Aynabat cooed over when she massaged the tension from his sinewy back. Right now, he cared not for such things. Smoke filled his vision and made his eyes hurt, overpowering even the strench from the bomb-shattered bins. He blinked furiously to clear his vision...

    And he saw it.

    There was Aynabat’s house, the great mansion her father had built with its flat roof and its fine carpets hanging from the walls. No more. Flames curled from its windows, the craft of generations of Persian carpet weavers going up in smoke.

    Lucien cared not for such trifles. “Ma douce petite lune!” he cried, and without a second thought, flung himself through the burning door.

    ... (Dr Lombardi’s note: Pages missing here, probably just through neglect and wear rather than deliberate censorship. I suppose that’s why it only cost one Carolinian royal...

    When he awoke, a bright light was above his head. He stared at his blurry surroundings for a moment. Then his eyes came to rest, and long before his vision resolved her form, he knew it was his sweet little moon. “Are...” His throat was thick, and he coughed up smoke. “Are you an angel...?”

    Aynabat laughed and kissed him passionately on the forehead, her beautiful dark hair sliding sensuously across his cheeks. He raised an eyebrow at the chaste kiss, then noticed she was being watched by her sour-looking brother. Her parents were also there, but her usually severe, powerful father was staring blankly into space, being comforted by his wife (and if she was a forecast for what Aynabat would look like in years to come, Lucien had nothing to complain about). “What...happen...”

    “Save your strength, my brave Frenchman,” Aynabat whispered, kissing him again despite her brother’s look, her hand softly stroking his chest. She wore her traditional koynek skirt and headdress, quite different from the westernised university student’s clothes he had first seen her in. Part of Lucien wondered if it wouldn’t be so much better if everyone in the world dressed the same. “Do you remember what you did? We were trapped, and you—but there will be time for that later.”

    Lucien belatedly realised that if every part of his body still hurt, it probably meant he wasn’t in heaven. No matter how much it felt like it, right now. “Dear heart, we...” He tensed. “We have to get out of here! The Russians...”

    Aynabat put one of her delicate fingers over his lips. “Be at peace, sun of my heart. Do you not hear those engines you told me of?”

    Lucien concentrated. What was his vision of loveliness talking about? He heard the keening roars of the Po-19s as before, and...

    Not the raspy thutter of the old Laporte Mercure-2 dromes that Rouillard had sold to the Persians before Cazeneuve got in at the election. He’d heard those a fair few times, and they had provided some defence to the Khivan people when they owned the skies against Russian armarts, but they could never stand up to the more modern frontline Russian craft. No, these had a different tone, one he’d only heard once, a year ago at a chest-thumping patriotic airshow... “Those are the new Laporte Vulturs!” A name that had been chosen in mocking defiance of those who dismissed France’s foreign policy as that of a vulture.

    Aynabat smiled, showing her lovely teeth. “If you have the strength, my love, come and see...”

    “I will always have the strength, with you,” he promised. And, indeed, he somehow not only rose to his feet and came to the window she indicated, but paused to sweep her up into his arms first. She squeaked in surprise and delight, and it was enough to even startle her father out of his funk.

    Ignoring her relatives, Lucien came to the window and stared. Yes, the fight was still close enough to make it out; a faint whiff of brimstone in the distance suggested the Russians had indeed unleashed death-luft. But they had been punished for it.

    A Po-19 was crashing from the skies, trailing flames, and hot on its tail was the sleek shape of a Vultur. The Po-19 bore the diagonal white-blue-red colour slashes and double-headed black eagle of Russia; up till now, the only symbol Lucien had seen on dromes contesting the skies with the Tsar’s legions was the golden lion and sun of Persia. Some of those dromes might have had French pilots inside them, of course; this undeclared war had been going on for some time. But now the Vultur proudly displayed the new French Aerostatic Force symbol, adapted from the national flag by changing the white-in red rectangle surrounding the fleur-de-lys to be a diamond instead. None had quite publicly explained the reason for the change, particularly considering the Diamantine Party was in opposition. Perhaps so-called democracy and choice meant nothing after all, and it was all a conspiracy to mislead the public.

    But those with common sense might suggest that a distinctive diamond shape would be a good choice to avoid confusion between friend and foe when both sides used colours including red, white and blue. Purely on the hypothetical chance that such a war broke out, of course.

    But now it wasn’t a hypothetical. Cazeneuve had sent the King’s men openly into battle against the Russian hordes, and now this would no longer be a distant dispute in a far corner of the world. Once again, the globe would be plunged into war.

    In that moment, Lucien decided against participating in it.

    He kissed Aynabat back. “We can’t stay here, though,” he said, as the Po-19 crashed into an outlying farmhouse and exploded. “Soon the armarts will come.”

    “Where can we go?” Aynabat asked, her lovely dark eyes full of fear and concern. “Everything we have is here...”

    “Everything we had, daughter of my heart,” her father spoke up quietly.

    Lucien nodded. “But what is gone may be rebuilt, sir, in time of peace.”

    Diamonds. Diamonds on the planes...diamonds in...armarts...

    He set Aynabat down, startling her, and went to his pack. There it was, hidden in a loaf of bread...not the safest place to hide something in the days of dearth to come, when desperate thieves might steal his pack just for that. Carefully he broke it apart to reveal the cavity inside.

    Aynabat squealed with joy and surprise. “Beautiful diamonds! Where did you find them?”

    Even her brother perked up. “Those are real diamonds, not glass,” he noted, peering at one. Lucien abruptly remembered he had worked with jewellers in the past. “Yes, where did you find them?”

    “I had almost forgotten,” Lucien admitted. “Two weeks ago, we found some burnt-out Russian armarts, destroyed by fighters with German weapons.”

    “Brave fighters!” Aynabat’s brother commented.

    “Yes. But it seems one of the Russians had these valuables on him. I found them and took them,” Lucien explained. He didn’t pause to dwell on the fact that the Russian had probably stolen them in turn from a sacked mansion in Samarkand or something, continuing an endless cycle of wasteful destruction. But perhaps these could be put to a better use. “I brought them here to be...to be Aynabat’s dowry.” His voice broke.

    Aynabat’s father bowed his head. “I misjudged you, young Frenchman. But though it is clear to me your heart belongs to my daughter...” He trailed off, his accented French growing more indistinct. “But wealth alone does not help us. Our land is gone.”

    Lucien nodded. “You are right, sir. Father, if you will consent. But not yet.” He wiped sweat from his brow, as the lovely Aynabat nuzzled into his shoulder. “Let us all go to a land which knows nothing but peace. Let us go to South America!”

    (Dr Lombardi’s note: The propaganda gets even less subtle from then on and it gets a lot steamier, so I’ll leave it there; David, do you have that history text with the green label to go next?









    [1] The old Latin name, commonly used by Europeans until recently; the name now preferred in OTL is Amu Darya.

    [2] Polzunov is a Russian manufacturer of land vehicles and aircraft named for the eighteenth-century steam engine pioneer Ivan Polzunov; it has no direct connection with him or his family, the founders just liked using the name for a historical narrative.
     
    276.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “History of the Twentieth Century” edited by K. D. Saunders (2001)—

    Here in our precious homeland, we always see the twentieth century as providing the backdrop for our great national trauma. Some may say we deserved everything we got for our legacy of exploitation and prejudice, yet others would argue that we learned only that some things are worse than division.

    But, though we must always be careful to keep our national perspective and hold on to our fragile identity, we must remember that there is more to the twentieth century than that. Mother Carolina is not unique in seeing that century as a theatre of trauma and distress, even if her people suffered more than most. The pieces did not move on the world chessboard out of some narrative desire to ruin our lives, but as the consequences of natural events and choices made by men. And women, for in this century women began to take their place as equals on the world stage.

    Both we and our estranged brethren in the ENA have a tendency to place ourselves at the centre of the conflicts that ravaged the world in that century, whether through war, disease or cultural devastation. But we cannot truly understand them unless we look at events in the wider world. Though much of this book is devoted to our own struggles, we must look beyond to find the causes of the Black Twenties.

    The end of the Pandoric War had produced both winners and losers. As we will cover in great detail elsewhere, Carolina was certainly one of the latter, though her people could not have dreamed that far worse than indecisive American occupation was yet to come.

    The fates of many nations were ambiguous. China had emerged victorious on all fronts, the atavistic Beiqing remnant destroyed and a reunited empire ready to exert itself on the world stage—yet the new Huifu Emperor spent much of the First Interbellum Period resolving the country’s internal contradictions and recovering from disasters, little dreaming that they would soon be overshadowed by worse. The ENA might have been victorious over Carolina and subordinates half of old New Spain, but she had seen reversals against the Russians in the North West and had finally lost the mother country of Britain to revolt and revolution. Emperor George IV had abdicated in favour of his son Augustus, and though the Social American programmes of President Faulkner would change the American people’s quality of life, it was hard to see America as a victorious nation. Germany, Danubia, the Ottoman Empire and Belgium had all been weakened by the conflict. Russia, despite her reversals in China, seemed otherwise the clearest victor of the conflict, with wins against both the ENA and the German-Danubian Pressburg Pact. Yet it was France, who had led the Marseilles Protocol alliance of armed neutrality, that emerged as the world’s premier power without becoming directly involved in the war. Even her old enemy of Britain was now part of her alliance. Grumblings of her policy being that of a ‘vulture’ aside, with her rivals weakened it seemed as though the twentieth century might be a French century.

    Yet as every schoolchild knows, it was a paper victory. Only a handful of years later, France’s pre-eminence would be threatened by her failed intervention in South America. The UPSA had seemed the most definitive loser of the war, and in any meaningful sense she had been; yet though the nation was murdered, its people went on, like a shambling zambee corpse bereft of a soul. The Alfarus regime brutally but effectively led the new Societist Combine to drive France from the shores of the former UPSA, unite a continent under the black flag and the Threefold Eye, and then spread its destructive message to distant shores. Yet, throughout the First Interbellum, few recognised the threat that the seductive message of Sanchezism represented, or the cultural self-harm that former Meridians were suffering in their alphanumerically redesignated homeland. Instead, nations turned inwards and revelled in peace and prosperity, with the rise of the Flippant movement; politics was neglected, as we know all too well from the endless debates over our own occupied country’s fate which went nowhere.

    Such Flippant debauchery was brought to a rude end by the Panic of 1917 and the ensuing global financial collapse. The five years between the Panic and the start of the open conflict phase of the Black Twenties are crucial for drawing up the battle lines. France and Russia, as the two most financially stable powers of the Old World, had built new alliances and reinforced old ones by means of bailing out the less fortunate nations. Sometimes those alliances might be firm, as in the longstanding attachment of successive francophile Italian governments to Paris, or the brutal suppression of Belgian protests by Russian troops in 1918 which rendered Charles Theodore III as nothing more than a puppet of Petrograd. Others were considerably shakier. The French governments of Mercier (m), Rouillard and ultimately Cazeneuve attempted to build an alliance aimed at containing Russian expansion. This is sometimes described as the ‘Bouclier’ (shield), but in truth this was a propaganda term only applied to alliances in Europe, in particular those with Germany; as Marshal Picotin observed, the shielding in question was between France proper and the hypothetical hordes of lightning-fast Russian armarts. A more general term thrown around in theoretical French foreign policy circles was Cannes Mondiale or ‘Worldwide Cannae’, drawing comparisons with Hannibal of Carthage’s successful victory in surrounding and annihilating a Roman army at the titular battle. Similarly, France sought to surround Russia, though the second part of the Cannae comparison only lent weight to Russian propaganda which portrayed the French as aggressors bent on world domination, that Russian culture and freedom was under threat.[3]

    The idea of an inevitable confrontation between France and Russia, in modern renditions of history tinged with hindsight, is frequently influenced by the 1919 publication The Dream of Rome by the rakish Bavarian academic Hubert de Pfeffel. De Pfeffel created a historiographic vision of European history since the first separation of the unitary Roman Empire, in which he argued that the final heirs to the Emperors of the West and East were the Kingdom of France and the Empire of All Russias. Like a number of European historians of the period, he was undoubtedly influenced by an influx of Chinese writings as China slightly opened up further towards Europe and the Novamund; many Chinese scholars had suggested a comparable model in that China might go through long periods of division, but would always inevitably reunite into a single empire as its natural and default state. De Pfeffel traced descent from Charlemagne being crowned Emperor of the West by Pope Leo III in 800 AD, then dismissed the derivative Holy Roman Empire as a dead-end of history, arguing that French history represented a truer descent from the Roman past. He pointed out that the Romans themselves had frequently passed down the imperium via adopted sons rather than blood descent, arguing that actions—such as the successful unification of France and her growing influence on surrounding nations like a new Carolingian empire—spoke louder than the mere legalities of direct descent. Russia was far easier to fit into his model, as the Tsars had openly claimed the succession of Byzantium (the Empire of the East) since the fifteenth century, and proclaimed Russia as the Third Rome.

    De Pfeffel’s argument, doubtless influenced by the Chinese scholars, was that Europe had slowly but steadily travelled a path back from division to an Empire of the West and an Empire of the East, led by two nations that had never strictly fought a war. Now the two blocs would clash to decide who would be the last victorious Caesar, uniting Europe under the rule of either Paris or Petrograd. He even envisaged a future in which that victor would eventually move the capital back to Rome, and the more than a millennium of division would be seen as a mere passing crisis, a blip in the history of the eternal Rome. Colourful and imaginative though de Pfeffel’s vision was, it had very little to do with French or Russian foreign policy at the time. A moment’s reflection should make it obvious that, quite apart from anything else, it came far too late to possibly influence anything significant. Rather, de Pfeffel was himself reflecting ongoing events and attempting to fit them to his theory. If any grand geopolitical theory can be said to have influenced French foreign policy, it is instead Hendrik Wiegel’s Crossroads of History in 1907, in which he portrayed any power that possessed the ‘Core’ of the Old World would eventually grow to dominate it.[4]

    Ultimately, the Cannae Mondiale suffered from the sheer number of nations on the frontiers of Russia (or the Vitebsk Union) and France having varying levels of relations with those neighbours. France’s firmest alliances, like those with Italy, were also the ones least relevant to such frontiers (likely not a coincidence, as powers like Danubia had little incentive to invite a new conflict). While firm alliances grew with Scandinavia and Persia, that with Germany proved shakier than expected, and bad blood over Algiers continued to undermine French approaches to the Ottoman Empire. India remained too debatable a region, with de jure control often bearing no resemblance to the lines on a map; the Russian control of Pendzhab [Punjab] had already caught many observers offguard. A real coup of French foreign policy did come with the Treaty of Bermuda in 1920, signed by the Cazeneuve government but based on negotiations by the Tuilleries under Rouillard, which led to rapproachment between Paris and Fredericksburg. As well as defusing tensions over the British Isles, this ensured that the two great powers would face their mutual enemy of Russia in a coordinated fashion.

    But the keystone of French policy, building over years and even before the Panic of 1917, was China. Feng China had proved it could beat the Russians during the Pandoric War, even as most other fronts had given way before them. And the Russians still sat on large territories claimed by Hanjing, whether lands they had persuaded away from their Beiqing puppet or pre-emptively occupied when that puppet had finally been disposed of by the Feng invasion. Impressed French and allied observers noted that China’s successes had come in part because her soldiers had already knocked Siam out of that war, albeit at the cost of great loss of life. The Siamese had lost much of Tonkin to the Chinese in the war, and the French were concerned that Ayutthaya[5] would forge an alliance with Petrograd for a concerted attack on China to get it back. From France’s perspective, the top priority was to give China a clear run at Russia’s Far Eastern possessions without the distraction of a Siamese revanche. To that end, the Tuilleries focused on attempting to force a lasting peaceful settlement, resulting in the Treaty of Guiling in 1919 which normalised Sino-Siamese relations with some border adjustments.[6] This certainly puts the lie to those who claim that conflicts based on national self-interest are inevitable and that they cannot be peacefully resolved without committing cultural suicide!

    This, then, was France’s imperfect Cannae Mondiale, further punctured by Belgium’s new ‘alliance’ with Russia and both nations being able to base forces around the world in their colonies. By the start of the 1920s, a Franco-Russian war was widely seen as inevitable, but the precise casus belli was less clear. Indeed, it could have occurred in India or Africa. But instead, it came in a place closer to home for Russia, a place which many Russians saw as their country’s natural sphere of influence. If the Tartar peoples were revolting against the Vitebsk Union, clearly it could only be the result of interference by the nefarious French and their lickspittle allies. Uprisings were triggered by the ‘Azrat Incident’ of an attack on a Russian armart convoy using traded German Firefist weapons, followed by the assassination of the Governor-General in Samarkand. The Russians issued an ultimatum, not only against the revolting khanates but against Khiva, recognised as part of the Persian sphere of influence. There was a brief period of hesitation at the Tuilleries, in which Cazeneuve considered merely providing the Persians with more modern French aerocraft (and perhaps pilots) to counter Russian terror raids on Khiva, but he decided further escalation was necessary.

    Even as French Vultur dromes shot down Russian bombers over Khiva, French diplomats were at work around the world, calling in their favours, coordinating with the equally war-ready President Fouracre in America, and, of course, the government of China...



    [3] It’s not brought up here, but the reason why the French don’t go for ‘disease containment’ analogies like cordon sanitaire is that they are regarded as having been discredited by the failure of the anti-German unification ‘Isolationsgebiet’ in the mid-nineteenth century.

    [4] See Part #261 in Volume VII; this is similar to the ‘World Island’ theory of OTL.

    [5] Used here to mean Ayutthaya the city, the capital of the Siamese Empire, i.e. in a metonymic sense like ‘Paris’ or ‘Petrograd’.

    [6] More details in Part #275 in Volume VII.
     
    276.3
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “Memoirs of a Wanderer” by Chev. Jean-Paul Vaillant (1970; authorised English translation 1981)—

    (Dr Wostyn’s note: This battered but useful book, located by Lt. McConnell from a library back in Charleston, is the rambling yet detailed autobiography of a gentleman who spent his life in the French diplomatic service. Although I have not finished reading it, from the dust jacket notes it seems M. Vaillant eventually rose to become Foreign Minister of France during the later Sunrise War. I should say that ‘Chev.’ is a ridiculous Anglo-Saxon calque attempting to equate ‘Chevalier’ to ‘Sir’. Judging by the library stamps in the front, this copy spent some years in an institution in Philadelphia before being ‘donated’ here around 1995. It is marked with a green label. Now read on…


    I remember the morning—well, more the afternoon—of June 20th, the year of Our Lord 1922, as clearly as though it were yesterday. Of course, none of us then had any inkling of how that bitter decade would turn out, even though we all thought ourselves prepared for war. I was still a young and nervous junior attaché, my head spinning from the recent move of the Chinese court from Nanjing to Beijing to escape the summer heat.[7] It was still a culture I was struggling to grasp, though M. l’Ambassadeur, Chev. Philippe d’Amboise, was a gentleman as kindly and generous as he was wise, and was always there to guide me. Really, I should not have been there at all for that meeting, but my more senior colleague, Robert, was still recovering from injuries he had sustained not long after the court’s move. The poor fellow had walked straight out into the street, foolishly trusting that the Beijing locals would obey the traffic signals, and had collided with a treble celeripede.[8] The monster was being pedalled by some maniacal Flippant girl, with a grooveplayer on the back blaring the screechy local version of Sillon music out of its horn. Sometimes I wonder if those conservative local newspapers complaining the West has ruined Chinese civilisation might have a point. Worthy Robert, though, was not so badly injured that he did not make a game attempt at soothing and propositioning the pretty scorcher as she clucked at him; to hear him say it, the only result was that he obtained some additional injuries in the process.

    While Robert slept off such noble wounds, it fell to myself to step into the breech as M. l’Ambassadeur’s spear carrier. Sadly in these decayed days of exotic Flippants beating the diplomatic immunity from a gentleman with their parasols, the role more literally involves carrying despatch cases rather than weaponry. I had to force myself not to grasp the case to my chest as we waited on those hard wooden seats in the anteroom, lest M. l’Ambassadeur chide me as acting like an old woman clutching her handbag on the multicarriage. I knew that the documents inside it could—well, under more normal circumstances I might say that they could start a war, but here and now that felt a little redundant!

    I was unsure if the Chinese were making us wait as a means of putting us in our place. We were told that Ding Guoyang, Duke of Cao, would see us after his return from a meeting elsewhere. While his adjutants and guards were naturally less than free with the details, the perceptive Ambassador had picked up more than they had intended, as he shared with me once they were out of earshot. “Jinzhou, up in the Liaodong Republic. Interesting. We shall have to see if our contacts have anything to tell us.” Liaodong had firmly slipped into China’s orbit since the bailout of the Panic of 1917, but I knew we still had intelligence resources there from the days when it looked as though the Tuilleries might be able to turn that odd footnote of history into a colony. You win some, you lose some.

    At least we were getting to see the Duke. Though the Chinese might speak of an Imperial Council of equals and note that their country had not had a single Chancellor for centuries, all knew that the titular ranks of the Council often bore little resemblance to whom was really in charge. Under the Huifu Emperor (to this day, I feel a reflexive urge to add his titles lest I offend any passing Chinese) the scholar Xi Juzheng, who we suspected to be a secret Christian even then, had the most background influence. But in terms of the business of government, the primus inter pares was certainly Ding Guoyang, who bore the formal title of Foreign Minister.

    Finally, we were ushered into the Duke’s office. The Foreign Minister rose to greet us. I remember the Ambassador had told me that Ding had once served in a role not dissimilar to mine(!) as an adjutant to China’s Ambassador to the Court of Saint-Denis.[9] I might be tempted to think that his easygoing, relatively casual mannerisms were a relic of that time, yet I knew by now that they were more typical than not of the Feng court. My ideas about Chinese society had been informed by the stereotype of the bloodies and the sequents. But the Ambassador had told me that in his own youth serving at our consulate in this very city, back when it had been the backward residence of the northern Beiqing rival dynasty, there had been a grain of truth to those. Men with long moustaches and silly hats and costumes, insisting on being referred to by ridiculously inflated titles and refusing to discuss matters unless the consul went along with his dynasty’s absurd delusion that it was the centre of the universe and owed tribute by ‘barbarians’… That was the arrogant, eminently mockable China that the bloody writers had enjoyed, a colourful setting for their dramatic adventurers.

    Today, under the Feng dynasty that was now the only China, things were different. Foreign Minister Ding wore a suit that took some inspiration from European and Novamundine ones, albeit those which had been in fashion when the Ambassador was a young man. It would be easy to smile at those frilly cuffs, but at least he did not have to manage the gigantic lapels which I now sported. No man, and especially no lady, is immune to the arbitary diktats of Vienna; in the world of fashion, we kowtow to one self-appointed court far more readily than that old consul did to so-called Great Qing.[10] Ding’s suit is far from a mere Chinese copy of a European product, though; beautiful silk panels decorate and enliven the fabric as black as his obviously dyed hair, depicting the crane that is the heraldic badge of a first-rank official. More discreetly, golden metallic badges of the same bird sit at his more modest lapels. The message is obvious to even a neophyte like me. China is a modern and powerful nation, but one that remembers her ancient heritage and culture without being defined by it. Against that magnificence, the Ambassador’s mere blue sash, indicating his knighthood as a member of the Order of Saint Louis, seemed but a trifle.

    In those days, I still grew so swiftly frustrated with the slow, almost flirtatious dance of diplomacy. Though the Chinese bureaucracy might be particularly associated with euphemism, innuendo and never saying anything straight-out, I was rapidly learning that it was more a characteristic of embassy life in general, regardless of what part of the world one found oneself in. The Ambassador tried to explain it to me at the time, but I needed more time, more experience, more maturity before I could appreciate his points. Diplomacy was not war; war was the failure of diplomacy, a failure not merely because it led to the deaths of good men and women, but because it was fundamentally irreversible. An engineer once attempted to explain thermochemical principles to me, and while most of what he said flew over my head as readily as Minister Ding’s heraldic crane, I do remember him talking about the difference between reversible and irreversible processes. War is like the latter. Once blood is spilt, it begins an endless cycle of revenge. By contrast, the tentative diplomatic dance lets us recover from mistakes. Sometimes, like the worthy and indefatiguable Robert, we may put our hand out to invite a lady to join us; if she spurns us, we may shrug and move on without allowing the incident to define the rest of our lives.

    Sometimes, metaphors can break down.

    So I sat there and fidgeted, despatch case on my lap, as we shared tea with the Duke, as the Ambassador politely complimented the blend, as he discussed small matters of little import with the second or third most powerful man in China. Never mind that a few thousand leagues away, the world was going to hell. Me, I would have given all the tea in China to be somewhere else. I felt myself sweating, despite the milder Beijing climate compared to the furnace of Nanjing, convinced I was going to embarrass myself and my King and country. I found myself gazing into the worn crevasses of Ding’s broad, reassuringly craggy peasant’s face. This man had worked himself up from humble beginnings, as so many had in our own nation. He was not one of those dusty mandarins of the bloodies, the equivalent of a white-faced Vieux Blanc fop at his country manor back home. His eyes hid secrets, as did those of the Ambassador above his mild, pleasant features.

    When it came, it felt as abrupt and shocking to me as if I were riding a steerable that had hit a patch of air pressure and suddenly rose into the air, leaving my stomach behind. In the middle of some ridiculous conversation about opera, the Ambassador casually brought up the reason for our visit. “The Tsar has overplayed his hand. You will have seen the reports from Khiva.”

    Ding inclined his head an infinitisimal fraction. “Indeed.” We spoke Chinese for courtesy, although his French was excellent. “Our ambassador in Shiraz has seen the evidence for himself. It will not go well for the people of Persia.”

    The Ambassador crinkled his brow briefly, the equivalent of a full-on grimace from another. “Quite. As you may imagine, it is not the position of the Court of Saint-Denis to allow such outrages to go unopposed.”

    “Which has certain consequences,” Ding agreed.

    “It does,” the Ambassador nodded.

    I skip over the new few minutes as the dance resumed, abandoning that brief island of solidity in favour of wading back into the swamp of imprecision and innuendo. It was a while before the Ambassador found it proper to broach the next, related topic of conversation. “The Bear still sits upon Manchuria,” the Ambassador said poetically. “And many Mongol provinces and more besides. Even part of the very Zhili province over which this city rules.” He steepled his fingers. “Is this a situation with which the Son of Heaven is satisfied?”

    Ding allowed himself a brief smile, exposing teeth worn by his hard early life. “It is a blot upon the Emperor’s spyglass,” he commented, matching the Ambassador’s poetic language. “As any child could see.”

    “Yet it was understandable that it should be the case,” the Ambassador argued, in a practiced manner, as though both he and Ding had danced these steps together many times before. “The Empire arose triumphant from the last war, with Siam humiliated and the Manchu usurpers finally eradicated. Triumphant but tired. Yet she has rested now, under the forward-thinking rule of the new Son of Heaven.”

    The Ambassador’s language was flattering, yet I knew it was not the complete falsehood he would once have been forced to nod along to in those vanished Beiqing days. I knew the Ambassador did express a sincere admiration for what the Huifu Emperor and his people had achieved; it was this very success, China’s modern economic power, that would make her such a valuable ally against the Tsar’s ambitions.

    Yet, young and inexperienced though I was, I felt a wrong note there. Like I had spotted a hairline crack in one of the magnificent Tang and Ming Dynasty vases that dotted this palace, or a discordant note in the operatic pieces that both Ding and the Ambassador evidently enjoyed. It was something in Ding’s eyes, in the set of his jaw. Men of little learning call the Chinese implacable and inscrutable, but clues are there for those with eyes to see.

    “She has rested,” Ding allowed. “And she will continue to rest.”

    The Ambassador rose an eyebrow a fraction. “All are glad that the Siamese have acceded to the Treaty of Guiling,” he said smoothly. Another step in the dance. Letting the Duke accept the interpretation, withdraw the unthinkable implication of his words…

    “The Empire shall indeed rest against the Siamese, thanks to the treaty France helped negotiate, for which the Council is grateful,” Ding agreed. “But we do not require your assistance for such negotiations, sir. I need not remind you that China was a great civilisation when your ancestors were still chucking axes at legionaries of the Daqin Empire.” He switched to French, deliberately colloquial and earthy French, for the last sentence. I felt my cheeks growing red.

    The Ambassador ignored the insult. “Then, I presume that your recent trip to Liaodong…” He trailed off, then sat up suddenly, his eyes bright like a hunter’s. “No!”

    There was a whisper of a sickly smile on Ding’s face. I knew, on some level, he did not relish telling us this. “It is my duty to officially inform you, as the representative of His Christian Majesty King Charles XI, that representatives of the Son of Heaven and the Tsar of All Russias have recently concluded what shall be known as the Treaty of Jinzhou. The full provisions of this treaty shall be made known to you in due time, but I am authorised to inform you that a primary consequence of same is that China has signed a non-aggression pact with the Russian Empire.”

    I felt blood flooding into my face anew as my mind struggled to grasp the impossible message. Beside me, the Ambassador reacted quite differently.

    He laughed.

    He laughed and clapped like a little child who has just seen a conjurer’s trick.

    “Well played!” he gasped. “Well played, sir!”

    “Sir!” I told him urgently, careless of Ding and his fluency in French. “Sir, they can’t do that! All this—all our plans—they rely upon—without this there’s no Cannae, no checkmate—”

    The Ambassador, still mirthful, raised his hand to quiet me. Really, in hindsight I am quite surprised he did not give me a public dressing down and throw me out of service for my unprofessional outburst. I am profoundly grateful he did not—most days. “Peace, M. Vaillant. It is unsportsmanlike to be a sore loser.”

    He turned back to Ding. “What did they promise you, sir? The return of those lands without a fight?” A bit more edge entered his voice.

    Ding shrugged. “You will see the full details, as I informed you. You will also be receiving certain documents in relation to French assets in the so-called Republics of Formosa and Liaodong.”

    The Ambassador bared his teeth. “I am sure I will. It is fortunate, indeed, for a nation to reap such rewards without having fought for them.”

    Anger briefly crossed Ding’s face, then to be replaced by a rueful smile. “I decline your open goal, sir. You know as well as I do how well such a policy served your own homeland in the last war.”

    “And it led to resentment,” the Ambassador warned. “Do not forget that. Will you have to change that crane you wear to a vulture in time?”

    “Perhaps,” Ding allowed. “Yet I think that even while men throw that appellation at France, and while your hot-blooded young assistant here is angered by it—he may take solace in the fact that he is alive to be so angered.” He glanced at me briefly, then looked straight in the Ambassador’s eyes. “I have my own sons, sir, and I have no desire to see them die in trenches in the frozen north.”

    The Ambassador inclined his head. “And so more sons of men in Persia and Germany and America will die in their place,” he said harshly. “Their sons, and our own. But so be it.”

    “Sir,” I said, the words bursting out of my chest. “Isn’t there—something we can do—something we can offer—”

    He gently placed his hand on mine, forcing it back onto my despatch case. The case bearing the documents describing how France and China would agree to cooperate against the Russians in the new war, documents that now would never see the light of day. “Another time, M. Vaillant. Your problem is that you play chess.” It was true, I did, though China’s own board games had begun to intrigue me even then. “You speak of checkmate; but in the game of diplomacy, chessmen do not merely take orders. They have their own agendas.”

    The Ambassador looked up at Ding. “And sometimes the player finds he is the one being played.”









    [7] See Part #263 in Volume VII for the details of the Huifu Emperor’s rotating capital.

    [8] I.e. a tricycle.

    [9] While the French monarchy in TTL still uses the Château de Fontainebleau, the primary royal residence is now the Palais de Saint-Denis, built in the 1840s on the ruins of what was once the Basilica of Saint-Denis. While the church itself was destroyed by anti-religious government policy under the Revolution, the cemetary with its many buried monarchs survived, and was a natural association with the royals when a new residence was constructed. The name ‘Court of St Denis’ is a common allonym for the French court or government.

    [10] Although France has grown powerful again both temporally and culturally, Vienna seizing the crown of the centre of the European fashion scene has resisted attempts by Paris to reclaim it, even decades later. In practice, trends in Paris (and Rome) do have some impact, but Vienna is still the cultural touchstone—partly because of the idea that “Emperor” Francis’ anti-modernity period is inherently romantic from a fashion point of view.
     
    277.1
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #277: Conscientious Objection

    “There is disappointment and uncertainty across the troubled region of Indochina tonight, as the Singhapur peace talks break down once again. Three weeks ago, world leaders applauded the representatives of Burma and Siam returning to the table after the disruption caused by protests by the Front for Karen Rights.

    “Now, despite frantic work by mediators from the Chinese and Bengali governments to save the talks, questions over the status of the breakaway Annamese and Cambodian republics remain open—and with them, peace in the entire region…”

    – Transcription of a C-WNB News Motoscope broadcast,
    recorded in Waccamaw Strand, Kingdom of Carolina, 19/03/2020​

    *

    (A brief explanatory note about the following artefact, recorded by Sgt Bob Mumby (BM) and Sgt Dominic Ellis (DE):

    BM: Is this—yes, the little light’s gone—or does that mean it’s charging—good thing the backroom boys worked up that transformer and adaptor but I wish the light was a different—(distorted sounds) OK, that was definitely recording then—but is it recording n—

    DE: Alright, alright, Bob, I think we’re OK. So tell the guys back home how you found this one.

    BM: There was a load of surplus school stock we found at what I guess our Yanks would call a yard sale, they call it a trunk market here. We were looking for school history textbooks really, and we did find some, I think the Docs will be quoting from those later. But I also happened to find this.

    DE: You were looking for comics—uh, sequents—weren’t you?

    BM (sotto voce): Crumbs! (out loud) Er, well, what if I was, they’re a very useful insight into the culture and society of—

    DE: Never mind, just teasing you. But this isn’t a comic—sequent, is it?

    BM: No. When I picked it up I thought it was one of those teach reading to young kids books. And It sort of is, but, well…

    DE: I noticed there was more subtlety to it when you opened it up. So I conducted extensive research—

    BM: By which you mean you read the label on the back.

    DE: …Yes, and I found out its purpose. This is a book for teaching children to read, published in thw 1950s when Carolina was under Societist rule. So it’s all bilingual, English and Novalatina. But the interesting point is that I noticed there seemed to be an unnecessary amount of blank space on the facing pages to the illustrations—which are actually not bad, shame there isn’t an easy way to digitise those right now.

    BM: Maybe another time. You realised it’s designed so parts of the page can be peeled away to reveal more text beneath.

    DE: Yep, interesting idea. There’s four sets of text and each is pitched at a different reading level. I get the impression from the label that kids were supposed to learn with the first, basic set, then move on to the second and so on, while the pictures stay the same. Good way of saving money!

    BM: Although I’m not sure if the third and fourth sets weren’t meant to be aimed at the kids’ parents at different levels, rather than the kids when they grew up.

    DE: Maybe. Also there’s a kind of insidious side to it—the Novalatina text is printed normally but the English text is in a special ink that makes it fade after the exposure to ultraviolet—I mean supracynthic—light in sunlight.

    BM: Yeah, I guess the idea was the kids would learn in both languages, and the adults would learn Novalatina, but then the English would disappear and they’d only be left with memories in Novalatina. I don’t know how common a practice it was, we’re looking out for more books that use this…

    DE: Fortunately, it looks like this one was surplus to requirements and sat on a shelf for decades virtually unused, so the English text hasn’t faded. We reproduce it below, the different sets of text from each page in sequence…

    BM: By which you mean I need to type out a copy by hand.

    DE: Well, I did all the brain work, Bob.

    BM (mutters to himself, interrupted by click of recording being over)

    From: “Learning is Fun with Marius and Josepha” issued by the Zone 4 Education and Indoctrination Authority (1951)—

    Text page 1 (opposite illustration of 2 smiling children aged about 4-5, a boy and a girl; behind them a window shows a large, oblong tower on the horizon)

    Level 1 text
    This is Marius and Josepha. They are brother and sister.

    Level 2 text
    Marius and his sister Josepha live in Zon1Urb1 with their Mommy and Daddy. Can you find Zon1Urb1 on a map? It is a big city.

    Level 3 text
    These are the children of Markus and Elena, a young couple who live in Zon1Urb1. Their names are Marius and Josepha. Their parents love them very much.

    Level 4 text
    Little Marius and Josepha love their life in Zon1Urb1 in the year 1922 because they know their parents, Markus and Elena, love them so much they are raising them in the good Societist way and they will never lack peace of prosperity. (The limits of the nationalistically blinded language of English make it inadequate to express the depths of this love and Novalatina fluency is required to truly appreciate it in the accompanying text).

    Text page 2 (opposite illustration of Marius and Elena playing with their toys in the foreground, while in the background their father Markus is shown hastily dressing in a suit and their mother Elena, wearing an apron, is kissing him goodbye with a quister handset in one hand)

    Level 1 text
    Marius is playing with his blocks.
    Josepha is playing with her doll.
    Daddy is ready to go out and work.
    Mommy is ready to stay in and work.

    Level 2 text
    Marius and Josepha play with their toys, while their Mommy and Daddy get ready for the day’s work. They know the Society means they will never be hungry or hurt by bad men, but Mommy and Daddy love them so much they want to work for more money for treats.

    Level 3 text
    Markus prepares to leave for his job while Elena checks the kitchen for later. The children play happily. Elena finds she needs to shop for food. She kisses Markus goodbye for the day as she calls a baby-sitter to look after the children.

    Level 4 text
    Marius leaves for his job, at which he works hard for bounties, knowing that if he is ill the Society will still look after the basics for his family, but his hard work will be rewarded. Elena finds she needs to buy more food for later and quists a baby-sitter to look after the children. The children play, secure in the knowledge that their parents are good Societists and they will never be taken away from them.

    Text page 3 (opposite an illustration of Marius, blocks in his hand, with an accompanying one showing his father Markus at work in an office, industriously typing; the illustration is designed with deliberate ambiguity so either side could be a thought bubble from the other)

    Level 1 text
    Marius plays and thinks of his Daddy at work.
    One day, he wants to go to work like his Daddy.

    Level 2 text
    Marius thinks of his Daddy at work.
    One day, he will go to work like his Daddy.
    He might be a clerk like Daddy, or an engineer, or a doctor.
    The tests will tell him which when he is eleven years old.

    Level 3 text
    Markus works hard at his job as a clerk.
    He thinks of his son Marius.
    He is glad his hard work will be rewarded and he can give Marius treats.
    He is happy Marius lives in a place where the job he is perfectly suited for
    will be chosen for him by the tests.
    He wonders what the tests will pick for Marius as his job when he is older.
    It is too early to say and he dismisses the thought as being of no purpose.

    Level 4 text
    Markus works as a clerk, knowing his work is necessary for the Society and benefits Humanity.
    He thinks of Marius and is happy to know he is raising him as a good Societist and he will never be taken away.
    Markus is worried about some of the rumours he hears at work, about what is going on
    outside the Liberated Zones. But he knows violence will never come to the Zones and
    the lives of he and his family will always be protected from the nationalistically blinded.

    Text page 4 (opposite a similar illustration, but with one half showing Josepha playing with her doll, and the other half showing Elena at a market with a shopping bag, with a man on a soapbox in the background)

    Level 1 text
    Josepha plays and thinks of her Mommy.
    Mommy has left to buy food for tonight’s dinner.

    Level 2 text
    Josepha plays and thinks of her Mommy buying food.
    One day she will be a mommy and have children of her own.
    The tests will tell her whether she will work at home like her Mommy
    or at work like her Daddy.
    She will raise her children as good Societists, and practices on her doll.

    Level 3 text
    Elena asked Jada, a trustworthy girl she knows, to be baby-sitter.
    She has gone out to the markets and buys food for her family.
    She knows they will never starve because of the Society, but the peace and
    prosperity of the Society also means there are all kinds of interesting foods to try.
    She uses Society vouchers for most of her purchases, but the money her husband
    has earned for some extra special treats for the children.

    Level 4 text
    Elena buys food at the market. She is worried about the rumours she hears.
    The poor nationalistically blinded humans outside the Liberated Zones are plotting violence again.
    She hears a wise man talk about the Doctrine of the Last Throw.
    She is relieved that the Society will act for the good of all humanity, as always.
    She pities the other humans, who will soon starve for the sake of violence,
    but knows that one day they will all know peace under the black flag.

    Text page 5 (opposite an illustration of a teenage girl with an East Asian appearance playing a card game with a laughing Marius and Josepha)

    Level 1 text
    Mommy chose Jada to be baby-sitter while she buys food.
    Marius and Josepha like Jada. She is fun!

    Level 2 text
    Jada plays with Marius and Josepha while Mommy is out.
    “You win, Sepha!” she says.
    (She knows that ‘Sepha’ is the authorised abbreviation for
    Josepha’s name according to current guidance from the Biblioteka Mundial)

    Level 3 text
    Elena’s trust in Jada was well placed.
    The girl watches over the children and keeps them entertained while Elena is out.
    Elena thinks Jada may become a closer friend of the family in future.

    Level 4 text
    Elena was right to trust Jada to look after the children.
    Last week, one of Jada’s colleagues at school said her eyes look different.
    She reported him to the authorities and he has been sent to the camp for re-education.
    Jada is a good Societist and can be trusted with the children.

    Text page 6 (opposite an illustration of a weary-looking Markus coming home, while Elena looks up in delight from the oven. The children run to greet their father, leaving Jada behind with a board game)

    Level 1 text
    Daddy is home and dinner is ready!
    Marius and Josepha are excited!

    Level 2 text
    Daddy is home after a hard day’s work!
    His work means Mommy could buy treats for tonight’s dinner!
    Mommy has made a delicious meal.
    Marius and Josepha ask if Jada can stay for it.
    Mommy and Daddy say yes!

    Level 3 text
    Markus returns home to Elena and the children.
    He meets their baby-sitter, Jada.
    Elena and Markus are so pleased with Jada, they let her stay for dinner.
    Both Markus and Elena have had a hard day’s work, but they are glad
    their work has helped their children and the Society.

    Level 4 text
    Markus is home. Elena has cooked dinner.
    Both dismiss their worries about the trouble with the nationalistically
    blinded humans outside the Liberated Zones. It is time to feast and be thankful
    for what they have under the benevolent rule of the Society.
    Jada is asked to stay to thank her for her work. It does not matter where on Earth
    she was born, all humans are the same. And she is a good Societist.

    Text page 7 (opposite a larger illustration of the family around the table eating a delicious-looking meal, while in the background music notes are shown surrounding a large Photel set)

    Level 1 text
    Everyone enjoys the food and music after their long day!

    Level 2 text
    Marius and Josepha thank their Mommy for finding such good food and cooking it.
    Mommy thanks Daddy for working so they can afford the treats and the music.
    Mommy and Daddy thank Jada for baby-sitting.

    Level 3 text
    Markus, Elena and their family enjoy good Human music from their
    Photel set which Markus bought with his earnings.
    The children are happy and love the meal Elena has made.
    Jada is shy but happy she has been invited to dinner.
    Everyone is happy.

    Level 4 text
    With the good food Elena has made and the Human music from the Photel set Markus paid for,
    the rumours of violence far away fade from the family’s minds.
    Markus and Elena know that their children will know a better life than even they know,
    as the Society advances.
    They know that their children will never be asked to kill people who look like Jada just because
    of how they look.
    They will raise their children in this knowledge. Perhaps their children’s children’s children will
    know a world where all humans live in the Society and there is no violence or starvation anywhere.
    It will be a long hard road, but one day it will happen.

    THE END

    Also in this series:
    Marius and Josepha Visit Daddy at Work
    Marius and Josepha Meet Jada’s Family
    Marius and Josepha’s Grandparents’ Stories
    Marius and Josepha Versus the Fanged Hood
     
    277.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “Years of Infamy: The Black Twenties” by Maurice Yewdall and Ernest Young (1988)—

    The period leading up to the outbreak of open war over Khiva remains one of the most analysed by historians. It differs from the Pandoric War, whose trigger was an unforeseen lit match cast randomly into a global assembly of metaphorical oil drums. Those seeking a guiding narrative for the leadup to the Pandoric War, whether Societists, Diversitarians or others, must remain frustrated by its arbitariness. Some even resort to virtually inventing labels for alliances, or at least adopting them anachronistically (such as the postbellum academic term ‘Diametric Alliance’ for the Russo-Meridian cobelligerency) in a desperate attempt to create order where none exists.

    By contrast, a quarter-century later there is far more meat for historians to get their teeth into. Some form of conflict was long prophesied, viewed as inevitable and forces in Petrograd, Paris, Fredericksburg and elsewhere were moving in attempts to ensure that that conflict served their own interests. Alliances were very real and deliberately formed, in comparison to the ephemeral cobelligerencies of convenience that had characterised the Pandoric War. Yet the apparent solidity of such pacts began to evaporate as soon as the first French Vultur shot down the first Russian bomber over Khiva, and war shifted from theoretical inevitability to harsh reality.

    Here in the ENA, our popular historical narratives have tended to focus on the idea of America as France’s only ‘true’ friend of any consequence, comparing America’s honour favourably against Chinese perfidy. The persistence of this view speaks well of the skills of Imperial government propagandists. Initially, in a contemporary sense, the positioning of America as France’s Cher Ami was purely for internal consumption. It is easy to forget that, prior to the rise of the UPSA, France had been America’s defining foe since the days when she had been a mere collection of English colonies clinging to the eastern seaboard of our great continent. Even after the Silver Torch was lit in battle against the Jack and George, Americans and Meridians often shared mutual respect for one another’s countries, and it took the Great American War to turn friendly rivalry into bitter opposition. By contrast, Americans had fought French forces since the seventeenth century, and until the Third War of Supremacy, that conflict was seen as an existential one in which French fortresses and Indian alliances directly threatened American subjects. Though Americans had fought against Republican France, the ENA’s long history of conflict with the Bourbons manifested in a hostile attitude even during the 1830s, when France’s occupation of the Channel Islands met with a negative diplomatic response from Fredericksburg.

    Such Franco-American tensions prevented the two countries from any kind of meaningful cooperation against mutual foes in the Great American War. They finally began to ease in the Long Peace and the final French withdrawal from Nouvelle-Orléans, but were reignited when the American monarchy was overthrown in England and Scotland with the assistance and protection of French forces. Only two decades before the outbreak of war in 1922, waves of francophobic riots had broken out against French subjects and businesses in American cities over the fate of the British Isles; at that time, most Americans refused to admit that the Third Glorious Revolution had been homegrown. Such an attitude also ensured yet another lack of cooperation between Fredericksburg and Paris over a rising threat, this time to that of Societism in the former UPSA. Many Americans rejoiced in 1907 at the news that the French International Expeditionary Force had been thrown out of South America, little dreaming of what was to come.

    The fact that an alliance of mutual convenience existed at all between France and America in 1922 was the result of years of hard diplomatic work by both sides, multiple governments from different parties all having become convinced that an expansionist and industrialised Russia represented an existential threat to both their countries’ interests. Trying to sell this pragmatiste idea to a sceptical American public was a tall order, and it is small surprise that propaganda seized upon the idea of American honour and friendship in contrast to China’s betrayal. It was a way of appealing to American patriotism and faith in our country’s values, without too much focus on the fact that the country she was being honourable and friendly to was a traditional foe. Later, of course, the position shifted subtly; China’s name was further blackened by what came later in the Black Twenties, and the American propaganda view of France became more paternal and patronising in tone. American observers looked on unrest in Pérousie and, later, Bisnaga, and considered it self-evident that France was a fading great power who could no longer keep up with the vast resources of continent-spanning nations like the ENA, Russia, or China (or the Combine, some at the time might have said). The attitudes of 1930s Americans tended to praise ‘quaint’ French culture while adopting the same kind of ferdinandismo views of the country’s global relevance that their grandparents had held of Great Britain.[1]

    Naturally, views were quite different in France. The French people had historically regarded America as more of an ‘unknown rival’ and quite far down the list of traditional enemies, so there was little of the same need by the French government to convince its voters that an alliance with Fredericksburg was a good thing. When news of China’s betrayal reached Paris on June 21st, 1922, there were (unsurprisingly) riots targeting Chinese economic interests in France and targeted attacks on anyone whom the mob thought looked Chinese (the tragic drownings of two Siamese students in Toulon are a case in point). However, as far as cooler-headed European public opinion was concerned, what really mattered was what impact China’s failure to honour her alliance (as the French saw it, though said alliance had always been only implied) on the rest of the shaky edifice. Would the ‘Cannae Mondiale’ truly hold together in the face of the Russian menace, or would other rats begin leaving the sinking ship? Would Paris, in the end, be robbed of her friends and be forced to roll over in favour of Russian domination of the Middle East?

    Though American propaganda might profess loyalty and honour, the French and their neighbours barely considered the role of America in the alliance. The ENA had always been peripheral, cooperating due to her own interests. Prime Minister Cazeneuve knew that President Fouracre could be trusted to lead his country against Russian North America, to recoup her losses in the Pandoric War and perhaps even attempt to drive the RLPC from the continent altogether. But, beyond that, the ENA lacked much of a dog in the fight for how the war went elsewhere. It would be only a long-term problem for Fredericksburg if all of Europe fell to the Tsar and his new alleged legions of fast armarts capable of overwhelming a whole country in days.

    No; as far as France, and wider Europe, were concerned, all eyes were now turned on Germany. Germany was the keystone of the so-called ‘Bouclier’ that put a buffer between France and those armart legions massing in Poland. She certainly had reasons for wanting to oppose the Tsar, having lost not only forgettable overseas colonies but also the entire Kingdom of Bohemia. Bohemia, now the Kingdom of Czechosilesia, was not only a sizeable chunk of antebellum Germany’s wealth and people, but also played a key role in the country’s foundational mythos; it was there that High Saxon forces had crushed the Hapsburgs and driven them from an ancestral territory.[2]

    Yet, at the same time, there were plenty of arguments to suggest that Germany might flinch at the news from China. Belgium had become a Russian ally since the Tsar helped Maximilian IV regain his throne, and more of a Russian puppet since he was succeeded by his son Charles Theodore III in 1920. Russian-allied Belgium, Poland and Czechosilesia meant that Germany was crushed between three hostile powers, with a rather narrow neck of Swabian and Grand Hessian territory all that stood in the way of the armart legions cutting the country in two. With France very much seen as a fair-weather friend, it would seem that few could condemn Bundeskaiser Anton for cold feet.

    Other events among her neighbours slipped into the background as the eyes of Europe focused on Dresden. While Danubia had lost considerable territory to Russia in the Pandoric War, few were surprised to see her government (already quite Societist-influenced) declare for peace and neutrality. Bavaria, which had still been a theoretical French ally on paper thanks to the old Marseilles Protocol days, had been drifting away from any kind of meaningful military cooperation for years, especially under the new King Humbert.[3] The Chinese betrayal triggered a full declaration of armed neutrality, with Humbert declaring that the small but professional Bavarian army would be mobilised to defend the country’s borders from incursions by any of her neighbours. In practice, Bavarians and Danubians quietly co-operated and did not defend their own mutual border to spare troops elsewhere—a far cry from the bitter, bloody conflict which the two had known a century before. ‘Emperor’ Francis might have turned in his grave to see Vienna’s alliance with the land of his assassins. More surprisingly for European observers, China issued a message of support for Vienna and Munich, representing one of her first forays into truly global diplomacy. While it was clear the lukewarm collective security guarantee was really just an excuse for China to appropriate the nearby colonies of whichever nation violated Bavarian-Danubian neutrality, it still demonstrated that the world had changed.

    Now, as armies and navies alike mobilised, much rested on the decision of Bundeskaiser Anton of Germany. It is small surprise that the drama of those black days formed the basis for the impactful yet controversial play Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers (“The Conscience of the Federal Emperor”)…

    *

    (A further recording by Sgt Bob Mumby (BM) and Sgt Dominic Ellis (DE):

    DE: Hurry up Bob, I want to digitise this one as well!

    BM: Hurry – my [redacted] fingers are falling off, you [redacted] [redacted]! Next time you can copy up your own [redacted] children’s book.

    DE: Yes, yes. But look what I found! In the education section of that thrift shop, remember? All those sold-on textbooks, revision guides, past exam papers?

    BM (sighs): Yes, I remember. With all those warning stickers on saying they were outdated?

    DE: I guess the risks around here of studying the wrong curriculum are even worse than at home. But at least it meant they were cheap! Remember, that was before Eamonn won all that local currency on the races, when we were at the end of our tether and we couldn’t go home—

    BM: I mean, we still can’t. But I suppose at least we have money. (Sighs again) All right, how much is there to type up?

    DE: Not that much. The other reason it was cheap, there’s pages missing. But at least some of the sources attached to this past exam question are still there, and from what Doc Wostyn’s last history book extract said, I think they may be relevant.

    BM: …Fine. But the next time we go to the pub, the mint juleps are on you.





    [1] Ferdinandismo refers to an attitude of Novamundine supremacism and contempt for the Old World as fading in relevance, especially Europe. In the context of 1930s America, it is often associated with industrialism and the nouveau riche.

    [2] This is a bit of a woolly description, but this is a mainly American-focused history book.

    [3] Humbert Victor – Umberto Vittorio to his family behind closed doors.
     
    Last edited:
    277.3
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “Compiled Examination Papers (2004-2014), Imperial College of New Jersey[4]; Volume 21A, Historiography of Foreign Literature (Authorised Translations Only)”, published 2015 by CNJ Press—

    2013 Michaelmas Semester Exam Period, Paper 2
    Question 4


    Refer to SOURCES A-E, attached.

    SOURCE A is an excerpt from Act 2 of Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers by Lothar Friederich Müller (1958), authorised Imperial English translation by T. Gedney Powell (1968).

    SOURCE B is the corresponding excerpt from Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen by Gunther and Gisela Gerlach (1987); translation legal information is available from the University.

    SOURCE C is a review of the 1960 premiere of Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers at the Hassehaus Theatre[5] in Dresden, written by Karl Maximilian von Weber in the Deutsches Zeitung; translation legal information is available from the University.

    SOURCE D is a review of the 1987 premiere of Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen at the Festspielhaus Leipzig, written by Maria Ernst in the Neudenker; translation legal information is available from the University.

    SOURCE E is a reflection on the 50th anniversary of the abolition of the German monarchy in 2011, written by Albrecht Lang in the Tageszeitung; translation legal information is available from the University.

    Answer ALL parts of section (a) and TWO parts of section (b).​

    (a) Answer ALL parts of this section.

    (i) Consider the delay in dates between composition and publication of the two pieces of theatrical media. Compare and contrast the two, considering factors in both Germany and the wider world.

    (4 marks)​

    (ii) No authorised English translation of SOURCE B was made before one was requested for the purpose of this course. Consider this fact, and analyse the suggestions made in both SOURCE D and SOURCE E about the impact of Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen upon popular views of the former German royal family.

    (4 marks)​

    (iii) Compare the editorial style of SOURCES C, D and E. What factors represent a change in social attitudes in Germany over the years in which the articles were written? Conversely, which are instead the result of differences between the writers and journals that are not directly related to chronology?

    (4 marks)​

    (b) Answer any TWO parts of this section.

    (i) “Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers was written with a political point in mind, whereas Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen was written purely as entertainment”. Do you agree with this statement?

    (20 marks)​

    (ii) Lang, in SOURCE E, suggests that “The most controversial portrayal in Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers was that of Bundeskaiser Anton in a positive light.” Do you agree? What implicit assumption is Lang attacking with his statement? Though writing about the reception of the original play in 1960, is Lang’s statement influenced with hindsight knowledge of Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen?

    (20 marks)​

    (iii) Ernst, in SOURCE D, claims that Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen is evidence that the former royal family have been “reduce[d] … to mere ribaldry and figures of fun”. Has her view been vindicated by history? Contrast with Lang’s statements in SOURCE E and comment on the chain of logic.

    (20 marks)​

    (iv) Lang, in SOURCE E, argues that Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers “could not have been written without the [German] Shakespearean Movement of the 1760s.”[6] Is this a mere flippant statement on the play’s title reference alone, or is there deeper truth to it?

    (20 marks)​

    (v) What can you deduce about Weber’s political loyalties from SOURCE B? Consider his reception of Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers and compare with what both Ernst in SOURCE D and Lang in SOURCE E say about the initial reception of the original play.

    (20 marks)​

    PLEASE TURN OVER

    SOURCE A

    An excerpt from Act 2 of Das Gewissen des Bundeskaisers by Lothar Friederich Müller (1958), authorised Imperial English translation by T. Gedney Powell (1968).

    SCENE: A gloomy room in Dresden Castle, lit only by luftlights (or candles if Franz’s brother can’t get those old luftlights he claims he has). BUNDESKAISER ANTON, aged beyond his years, gloomily examines papers at a desk. His son KING MORITZ, vigorous but concerned, enters.[7]

    MORITZ
    Good day, Your Federal Majesty.
    Father.​

    ANTON waves MORITZ dismissively to a seat. He hesitates over a document, then savagely stuffs it into a ledger.

    ANTON
    Good is the one thing it isn’t, Your Serene Highness.
    Son.​

    MORITZ looks concerns, sits but edges closer.

    MORITZ
    Does the news from Bavaria depress you so, Father?
    Surely Paris can hardly have thought to rely upon Humbert.

    ANTON
    (angrily snaps fingers)
    That for Humbert!
    His land has ever been an irrelevance to history,
    when it has not been an ulcer, that is.​

    ANTON picks up another paper, screws it up and throws it distractedly two feet from a wastepaper basket. MORITZ, delicately, rises to pick it up and place it in the basket.

    ANTON
    Oh, what’s the use? We will all be irrelevancies, this time next year.

    MORITZ
    You always taught me to begin with the small things, Father.
    Then the big things would look after themselves.

    ANTON
    (sighs)
    You quote my words back at me, boy. So be it!

    MORITZ
    (with an edge)
    It is a long time since I was a boy, Father.
    And you also taught me that family is everything.

    ANTON
    Once I thought that. Then your late grandfather…
    (sighs)
    Let us not darken this day further. Though I cannot
    but help think of those days as I wrestle with my thoughts now.

    MORITZ
    (concerned)
    Wrestle with what thoughts?​

    ANTON waves distractedly at a portrait of Johann Georg on the wall. If Franz’s uncle can’t get one that doesn’t look like Monica Richter with a moustache, put it on the ‘fourth wall’ where the audience is, and the description will have to do.

    ANTON
    You see him up there? There is nothing more terrible than
    the realisation that your father, the one you have looked
    up to all your life, is nothing more than fallible flesh and blood.
    (sighs)
    The poorest man in his hovel knows that epiphany,
    but bitterer still when that man is also his sovereign.
    The king, the Kaiser, is the land, and if he is fallible…

    MORITZ
    Let us not discuss Grandfather’s madness, Father…

    ANTON
    (sharply)
    I will not have that word uttered in this place, Moritz.
    (sighs)
    Your grandfather was…he was broken by the strain of…

    MORITZ
    War?

    ANTON
    Then you know what is in my mind.
    For myself, I suppose I cannot claim any special place.
    So many of our subjects lost fathers and husbands and brothers in that terrible slaughter.
    And for what? So that the Tsar’s bootheel could crush Bohemia and Poland?

    MORITZ
    You sound like one of those Societists running Danubia, Father.

    ANTON
    You read the papers, then. They say Little Leo[8] does what these men in grey say,
    as though they hold a gun to his head.

    MORITZ
    How else do you explain his actions?

    ANTON
    Must a man be some absurd Meridian cultist in order to reflect on the futility of war?
    ’Twould be different if I had any hope that we might buy restitution for
    our losses in those days when you were a boy.
    Yet to be a mere speed bump[9] in the path of the Tsar’s armart legions,
    to buy France a few more days before she, too, succumbs…
    Where is the honour or the glory in that?

    MORITZ
    Your words trouble me, Father.
    The alliance is not merely the project of the Treuliga any more.
    Ruddel and the Hochrads support it, grudgingly but wholeheartedly.
    So do the people. We hear them in the streets.
    They do not want peace at any price. They want justice.

    ANTON
    Or revenge.
    It matters little what they want, if we cannot give—​

    Mid-sentence, a young boy enters (around 10, let’s see if we can get that prodigy what’s-his-face from Erich’s Leipzig troupe if he’s not too big—or big-headed—by now). This is CHRISTIAN AUGUSTUS, then Prince of Brandenburg.[10]

    CHRISTIAN
    Dad! Grandpa!
    My allowance has run out again!
    Rudy is coming around on Saturday and we’re going to race boats on the Elbe—

    MORITZ
    (abruptly)
    Not now, Christian. Another time.

    CHRISTIAN
    (stubbornly)
    This is IMPORTANT, Dad!

    MORITZ
    (angrily)
    We are discussing matters of state!
    War and peace!

    ANTON
    Lower your voice, Moritz.
    (sighs)
    War and peace…war or peace.

    CHRISTIAN
    I heard about the war!
    I want to see the cavalry! I want to see the guns!
    Rudy will be so jealous if I can go on the parade!

    ANTON
    (sighs)
    So speaks the voice of the people.
    But perhaps a cooler head is needed...

    [THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK]​

    *

    SOURCE B

    The corresponding excerpt from Der Rillischkaiser Und Die Welt Von Morgen by Gunther and Gisela Gerlach (1987); translation legal information is available from the University.


    ANTON, a swashbuckling Hairad gang leader (multicoloured streamers on his leather jacket, crown-like emblem on his helmet, etc.) drives (if possible) onto the stage on his autopede, belching smoke. He flips up the visor on his helmet to reveal dark glasses under it.

    BACKING SINGERS
    Hey it’s Anton, hey it’s Anton,
    He’s the King, he’s the Emperor, he’s the best!

    ANTON
    If you’re on my case then you’d better watch your step,
    In this city my word is law, just ask my boy right here!​

    MORITZ, a younger copy of his father with a less illustrious costume and vehicle, dances into position.

    MORITZ
    You listen to Papa, you listen good!
    Nobody tells him what to do!

    BACKING SINGERS
    (echoing)
    Nobody tells him what to do!

    ANTON
    Nobody tells me what to do!

    MORITZ
    Why, d’you remember old Peter from the Volksfront gang?
    He sure liked those concrete shoes!

    BACKING SINGERS
    Sure liked those concrete shoes!

    ANTON
    Well, I…

    MORITZ
    (loudly)
    Sure liked those concrete shoes!

    ANTON
    (gives up)
    Sure liked those concrete shoes!​

    (The following section is abbreviated)

    CHRISTIAN, a young boy on roller-skates, skates on through the choreographed scene which seems to be building to its climax.

    CHRISTIAN
    But what about Herr Ruddel?
    Doesn’t he tell Grandpa what to do?​

    The music grinds down as though someone unplugged the equipment. Everyone stares at CHRISTIAN.

    MORITZ
    (throws CHRISTIAN a bag)
    Here’s some money for sweets.

    CHRISTIAN
    Hey, remarky![11]
    You can go back to your singing now!

    MORITZ
    Nah, the moment’s gone.​

    Everyone slowly walks off the stage. The lights go down, leaving just a spotlight around ANTON and his autopede. ANTON takes off his helmet and looks at the crown.

    ANTON
    (sadly)
    Nobody tells me what to do…​

    FADE TO BLACK

    *

    (A further recording by Sgt Bob Mumby (BM) and Sgt Dominic Ellis (DE):

    DE: Shame the other sources are missing, but…

    BM: What the [redacted] was that all about?! And what the [redacted] did it have to do with the Black Twenties?

    DE: Well, as I understand it, Anton’s decision was—

    BM: Oh, you can tell me later, help me with this bit from this Californian magazine compilation Doc Lombardi found.



    [4] In OTL, the institution founded by Presbyterians as the College of New Jersey was renamed Princeton University in 1896; in TTL, the only change is that it was eventually allowed to add ‘Imperial’ to its name as a process of recognising the oldest and most prestigious institutes of learning in the ENA to distinguish them from newer usurpers. Because New Jersey the colony was divided between Pennsylvania and New York, mentioning simply “New Jersey” in isolation to a modern-day American of TTL is quite likely to imply this academic institution rather than the geographic region.

    [5] An allohistorical opera house, and later theatre, named for the composer Johann Adolph Hasse who did his most celebrated work in Dresden in both OTL and TTL.

    [6] In OTL this is often associated with the Sturm und Drang movement, but that term is not used in TTL as the play it was named for was never written—it uses the American Revolution as a setting, after all!

    [7] In Anglophone usage, usually the names of the Kings of High Saxony are anglicised while those of the Bundeskaisers of Germany proper are not; Moritz should be ‘Maurice II’. This subtlety was evidently lost in the translation.

    [8] Leopold III, Archking of Danubia, who succeeded his father Ferdinand V in the midst of the Panic of 1917.

    [9] An anachronistic choice of words by the writer, Müller.

    [10] A title given to the eldest son and heir of the King of High Saxony.

    [11] A contemporary 1980s English slang term for ‘cool’, from ‘remarkable’, used in translation for a German original.
     
    277.4
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “The Mariposa Yearbook 1964” (1963)—

    Every year we are proud to bring you interviews with great examples of California ladies showing our sisters in other nations how it’s done. In 1963 we spoke to everyone from Global Games hockey team captain Priscilla Velazquez to aviatrix Galanga Jacobs.[12] However, our most requested reprint of all the year’s interviews came from way back in our February 1963 issue, when Carlotta Pérez spoke to Yevgenia Powell, first editrix of the Star City Clarion… [13]

    Miss Pérez: Good day to you, Mrs Powell. Thank you for agreeing to this interview.

    Mrs Powell: And good day to you as well, Miss Pérez. (Laughs) I always knew that my past crimes would catch up with me.

    Miss Pérez: By which I assume you’re referring to your involvement with United Western Press?

    Mrs Powell: Yes, it would shock many of my girls in the office to know that I spent over ten years of my life working as as a copywriter and sub-editrix on the Cometa Herald before I turned traitor and went over to the enemy. As you would see it.

    Miss Pérez: (Coughs politely) Perhaps. But you have always done your own thing, haven’t you, Mrs Powell—you’ve charted your own course in life?

    Mrs Powell: Oh dear, you’re not so different from my office girls yourself. Hero worship, I should say heroine worship—it’s all very well, but it’s all hindsight, I assure you. I had no idea what I was doing at the time.

    Miss Pérez: You shouldn’t be so modest.

    Mrs Powell: No modesty involved, Miss Pérez. When I think of how I first came to California, a slip of a girl who jumped at shadows—I don’t know how anyone else thinks I got to where I am now, because I certainly don’t know myself.

    Miss Pérez: Perhaps start there, then, Mrs Powell—when you first came to our fair shores?

    Mrs Powell: (Laughs) You sound like a tourism advertisement. Very well. I was born up in New Muscovy, just another province of the Russian Empire it was then. My father had fought in the war in Noochaland, the first one… (Pause) He did not like to speak of it. As far as we were concerned, we were just Russians. We might have lived fifty versts from (Pause) from Petrograd (Pause)

    Miss Pérez: I’m sorry.

    Mrs Powell: It—it’s AW. (Pause) The point I’m trying to make was…when I became a clerk, a typist, then a Lectel operatrix…my parents were good progressives and glad to see me making my own way, they did not want to just marry me off.

    Miss Pérez: You were fortunate.

    Mrs Powell: Yes…I think my father knew what had happened, too often, to women and children during the war. He would rather have a daughter who could think and fight for herself… but they knew there weren’t many jobs in Shevembsk. I could tell they expected me to go to somewhere like…well, Moscow when it still existed. Ha, perhaps even Fyodorsk! Somewhere where there were more jobs.

    Miss Pérez: But instead you came here.

    Mrs Powell: Not strictly by choice. I sat the civil service exams, sat them in a draughty shed in Shevembsk in midwinter with my dress blowing around my ankles. Somehow, instead of catching pneumonia, I got in as a Class Fourteen, at the bottom of the Table of Ranks. But it was higher than anyone in my family ever had been. I was surprised when they assigned me to the Foreign Ministry, and then to the Embassy in Monterey.

    Miss Pérez: So that is how you came here.

    Mrs Powell: (Laughs) Perhaps the old Tsar’s men just wanted to save money by sending someone who was already on the right continent. That railway journey terrified me more than anything before or since. Having to wait ten hours while they changed the gauge, then passing through American territory full of Yankees who wanted to [censored] and murder me, or so I thought at the time.

    Miss Pérez: But when you came over the border here?

    Mrs Powell: It felt like paradise on earth. Not just the lack of Okhrana and the free speech, but the wealth of the land, even when it bakes dry. And all the people, the melting pot! I think I spent the first month wandering around in a daze, sensory overload. If it hadn’t been for my work to focus on…

    Miss Pérez: You said you were a Lectel operatrix?

    Mrs Powell: Yes, a lowly role, but dealing with confidential documents of course. A lot of it was encrypted messages, but we still picked up a lot. It would have been a good place for a spy, that embassy, and it probably was. All sorts of rules that seem very strange now, about how to dress, and not to speak to strangers, and to stick to the Russian quarter of town…I think they wanted to arrange marriages for us at one point! Naturally, we were free-spirited girls, mostly from Alyeska or New Muscovy like me, and we ignored as much as we could get away with. We used to sneak away for Rattlebang dance concerts…

    Miss Pérez: And this was in the…uh…the 1910s?

    Mrs Powell: (Laughs) You needn’t blush, Miss Pérez, I boast in my years rather than being ashamed of them. Yes, it was an…eventful time. I was there when the economy crashed, and we were constantly telling…telling Petrograd of the news of all the companies and banks that had failed in California, and then we would be told of all the ones had that failed in Russia. But our, I mean Russia’s economy was still one of the strongest ones left standing, and that’s when the Tsar tried his policy of bailing out countries he wanted to get in with…

    Miss Pérez: Which worked in many places, didn’t it?

    Mrs Powell: Yes, of course the French and the Americans did it as well. But it didn’t work here in California. I remember perceiving that, even at the time. I was just a girl clerk, but I was closer to the action than all the people making the decisions back beyond the Urals. The Government had always acted as though beating America in Noochaland—all those lives like my father’s friend that were sacrificed for that—had pushed the Yankees out of California, the UPSA had collapsed so the Meridians were gone, and therefore now California was theirs.

    Miss Pérez: Ha! That must have been a rude awakening!

    Mrs Powell: I don’t think they ever truly realised that California was a force in its own right. Or that we, Californians I mean, had had a lot of experience in balancing the great empires trying to take us over.

    Miss Pérez: That was around the time that we did more treaties with the Chinese?

    Mrs Powell: That’s right. So the Tsar and the Soviet kept trying all these schemes as though we were already in a stronger position than we were, and it exasperated the Company.

    Miss Pérez: The RLPC, as it was then. Were they also around in the embassy? Did you learn any of your corporate leadership skills from them?

    Mrs Powell: Miss Pérez, the Company ran the embassy. All you folk who weren’t there think the split is a new thing, but that’s just the reality being recognised. The Company was its own animal, always was. The Embassy was run by Valentin Pozharsky…

    Miss Pérez: Related to Prince Pozharsky from our War of Independence?

    Mrs Powell: Yes, some great-nephew or something like that…far down the line for inheritance, I think he got the job because of the distant family connection. But he wasn’t some useless aristocrat, he was a good and capable man. Though he could be ruthless.

    Miss Pérez: Towards Russia’s enemies? Towards Californians?

    Mrs Powell: Yes, but also towards other Russians. Especially when the Tsar and the Soviet tried to interfere, as I said. Actually, that brings me to the most important point. I remember the day like it was yesterday. June 1922.

    Miss Pérez: …Oh.

    Mrs Powell: We all knew war was coming. I feared for my parents; I knew New Muscovy would be invaded by the Americans this time, without another front to distract them—as we thought at the time. I remember sharing rumours with the other girls. But real life ended up being stranger than all the rumours.

    Miss Pérez: You mean…er…

    Mrs Powell: I mean the betrayal. The Tsar had negotiated with the Chinese—directly, without consulting the Company—and had signed away lands that we had spent years developing and fortifying. Just like that. A huge slice of our income.

    Miss Pérez: I didn’t realise the RLPC saw it as a betrayal as well.

    Mrs Powell: Oh, [censored] yes. I can give you chapter and verse because I was there, working my telescripter,[14] when His Excellency Privy Counsellor Pozharsky stormed in, yelling at Major Volkov, who was the military attaché.

    Miss Pérez: Oh!

    Mrs Powell: The man might have been an aristocrat, but he had the vocabulary of a man whose grandfather had been a serf. I can remember the blushes spreading around the room as though the plague came years before it did. Pozharksy was beside himself, attacking the Tsar with language that would have had a lesser man strung up or shot at dawn. “The imbecile” was one of the politer terms I heard.

    Miss Pérez: Oh my, that is a surprise.

    Mrs Powell: He said the Tsar had swept away years of work in a careless heartbeat, and that this would be the ruin of the Company. Major Volkov tried to blame it on evil advisors in the Soviet, but Pozharsky was having none of it. From now on, he said, we are going to be like the Meridian companies used to be. It is in Russia’s interests to put the Company first and the Tsar second.

    Miss Pérez: I’m surprised he thought he could get away with that.

    Mrs Powell: Tensions were running high. It was at that point that I realised that, never mind the Americans invading, there might be a civil war. There wasn’t then, not quite, but it began bubbling beneath the surface then, and we all know how it ended.

    Miss Pérez: Uh, yes, we do. Well, Mrs Powell, how did you end up leaving Russian diplomatic service?

    Mrs Powell: On that very day, young lady. I knew from what Pozharsky said that conflict was coming; there would be loyalty purges and intrigue, and I had no stomach for it. I already had a little plan. I had sent money home to my parents, and I wrote a letter telling them to come to California—by boat, before the border closed. Bozhemoi, I thank God they listened. But I—well, I deserted, to be honest. Fled to Cometa, took on an assumed name.

    Miss Pérez: You weren’t worried about them coming after you.

    Mrs Powell: No. I knew it’d be easy for names to be lost in the purges, and Cometa was perfect. It had burned down barely a decade earlier and the records had gone with it. It was a shiny new city where nobody quite knew everything about everyone who lived there.

    Miss Pérez: I hadn’t realised the earthquake was so recent then…

    Mrs Powell: Ancient history to you, of course. But it helped me and my parents…though it would be a terrible thing when the plague came and the authorities were trying to control it. With the situation as it is in Russia—both Russias—now, I think I can finally come out and say who I was. Of course my maiden name was different.

    Miss Pérez: Yes, when did you meet your husband?

    Mrs Powell: Would you believe he was hawking newspapers in Cometa, and that’s how I got my first introduction to the Herald office? (Laughs) It sounds too convenient for reality, doesn’t it?

    See page 222 for part 2 of this interview. And now, a brand new Teatime Teaser with our trilingual wordgrid puzzle!

    *

    (A further recording by Sgt Bob Mumby (BM) and Sgt Dominic Ellis (DE):

    DE: Are you going to do the second part as well?

    BM: Nah, that’d be spoilers. Anyway, I think next they wanted us to make a start on those political memoirs and the naval fiction?

    DE: Fine. Tomorrow. Pub.

    BM: Pub.







    [12] This refers to field hockey, not ice hockey. Galanga is a Chukchi name, reflecting the influence of ethnic groups from Far Eastern Russia on California.

    [13] English in TTL tends to use more gendered terms, and therefore people say ‘first editrix’ rather than ‘first female editor’.

    [14] The OTL term is teleprinter or, more usually, the brand name Teletype being used indiscriminately.
     
    Last edited:
    278.1
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #278: The English, Patient

    “And finally, there are muted, cathartic celebrations across Verdigris, Britannia and neighbouring provinces tonight, as Egbert and Alfred Rawlings are found guilty by the Michigan Assizes of plotting last year’s planned death-luft attack on local October Festival revellers—which was foiled by the gallant Confederal Guard. The brothers, members of the extremist Pilgrim Society which desires an Anglo-Saxon America purged of all alleged foreign influence, continue to deny all charges and will appeal to the Privy Council, dragging out their case further…”

    – Transcription of a C-WNB News Motoscope broadcast,
    recorded in Waccamaw Strand, Kingdom of Carolina, 19/03/2020​

    *

    From: “A History of Europe, 1896-1960” by Susan Dempsey (1985)—

    The life of Charles Grey could fill several books—and has, in the form of his celebrated Diaries which were recently published in an expurgated form. Certainly, he would likely be a figure known to history even if he had retired quietly on returning in triumph to England with King Frederick III in the Third Glorious Revolution. That was, apparently, his intention at the time; but as things turned out, two decades on he would be called upon as an unexpected choice to succeed the embattled Anglian Party President Jeremy Merrick.

    Grey always knew that he faced a great challenge. Though Merrick’s handling of the Panic of 1917 was praised in hindsight, with the former Finance Minister making great use of his economic aptitude, at the time ordinary citizens had little basis for comparison with other nations. The economy was recovering by the time Grey became President, and he had also inherited a substantial buildup of military and domestic infrastructure under the Hughes presidency. Some sighed with relief and hoped Grey’s presidency would be a new golden age of prosperity, a relatively young man to be President with an exotic and glamorous Chinese wife, Amy, who usurped Princess Mildred as the kingdom’s fashion trend-setter. But while England was far more stable than any would have dared to hope in the immediate aftermath of the Third Glorious Revolution, war was coming.

    It would appear that Grey’s general view of the situation was a combination of a veteran’s sadness that conflict had come again, and concern about England becoming too close to France, but also a cold resolve that countering the Russian threat could not be avoided. The crucial days for England, as for other nations in the crumbling ‘Cannae Mondiale’, came in June 1922. Perhaps surprisingly, the current English Government has allowed these passages to be published in an unexpurgated form in Grey’s diaries…

    *

    From: “The Grey Diaries, Volume III: In Power (1921-1929)” (1983)—

    June 23rd.

    I woke up this morning with the firm conviction that today would be a day of destiny, an ultimate day of decision for the country. I think the Downing House staff are still a little shocked about how blasé, as they see it, I am towards such things, going to bed at midnight and awakening at 8 am like clockwork. The cook has told me stories of Jemmy Merrick working all hours into the night. Each to their own; war in the jungle taught me that conducting matters of life and death without adequate rest is akin to driving one’s mobile from London to Howick on an empty bunker.[1] That is irresponsible if it is merely one’s own life with which one gambles; it would be criminal murder for a man in my position, who decides the fate of millions.

    Perhaps I will change my perspective now this terrible war is beginning; there were times in the jungle when I was forced to fight and march without the rest I needed, or risk falling into enemy hands. Though perhaps these new breakthroughs in communications are a two-edged sword; I think how I, as the mere fighting-man of my youth, would react if the Feng generals had been able to send me orders all hours of the day, orders written by men who could not know the situation at the front as I did. I must remember this and resist the urge. I must trust my commanders.

    Speaking of two-edged communications, I had the planned call with M. Cazeneuve at 10 am. I suppose I should consider myself fortunate that he did not fob me off with that Foreign Minister of his, whom Roddy Jenkins thinks is merely a cipher for his own ends. A quist line under the Channel may be a miracle of modern technology, and it is certainly more useful for a dialogue than exchanging anodyne textual messages. But the quality leaves a lot to be desired, with plenty of shouting, and unlike the Lectel it cannot be encrypted—though I’m sure some gentleman with a high forehead, up in Leeds, is working on it.[2] It concerns me that the Russians could intercept it; I know nothing of the technology, but if they have a tea girl in the room next to the one in which I am shouting—or, I suppose, a coffee girl next to M. Cazeneuve’s office—it would not take a lot to piece it together! We did use a book of code words for locations and people, but it would not take a genius to figure out. It is not as if there are so many places where the Belgian fleet can sortie from!

    Amy came in when I was writing up the notes of the meeting; too sensitive for a secretary, of course. She marched into the room, fire in her eyes, and dramatically slung down her handbag on my desk. “Do you know what has happened to Sharon?” she asked angrily.

    Sharon—Xiaoyu, to use her Chinese name—is her favourite maid. It was a rhetorical question, but I would have answered “No, what?” had I not been paralysed by her beauty. We are older now, but to me she is always Cheung Amoy, the gutsy, pretty girl of Hanjing I fell for, years ago, and nothing pierces that veil of memory more than when she is consumed with righteous fury. I had to resist the urge to leap up from my desk and kiss her passionately then and there. Perhaps I should not have resisted; in a time when war and death are on the horizon, we need more love.

    Amy belatedly realised my frame of mind and snorted, though even through her anger she could not resist a secret smile at my obvious infatuation. “Stop mooning. She was attacked in the street for being Chinese—looking Chinese, I mean, because she said the little barbarian [censored] have burned a Siamese barber’s as well.” She shook her head. “She’s got a black eye. She says I should travel with guards. Me! In my own city!”

    This time I did get up, though forced myself to limit myself to wrapping her into a hug. I could feel her heart hammering with emotion. It was not truly fear, for Amy fought alongside me as bravely as any man. I knew what it truly was. It was the same second-hand fear I had felt in the jungle; not that I would lose my life for my own sake, but that I would leave her alone as a result.

    Now she felt the same anxiety. Not on a jungle battlefield in Tonkin, but on the streets of London Town!

    “I’ll do something about it,” I promised. “I’ll get Parliament to legislate against that vile and Jacobin behaviour.” I shook my head. “Besides being the moral thing to do, it won’t win us any long-term favours from the Chinese government. Though it’ll probably make that damn fool Beckworth complain about Russian internment again.”

    Amy nodded bleakly. “I’ve also heard the same attacks are happening in Paris,” she said softly. “What kind of world are we living in, Caajisi?”

    We were speaking Cantonese. It was a useful way to ensure our conversations could not be overheard, but I knew the staff gave me suspicious looks when we used that tongue. Perhaps those would increase now, I thought nervously; my position might become embattled due to my past Chinese service—and my Chinese wife.

    From Amy’s expression, I knew she was thinking the same. “I could go away, if you want, Caajisi,” she said softly. “Take the children. Go back to Howick, or live somewhere else in the kingdom, for a while—until this has blown over—”

    She gasped as I squeezed her tightly again. “Don’t you ever—ever say that,” I said fiercely. “If my England becomes a place where I cannot love you, it has lost my loyalty.”

    She smiled and blushed. When we had first met, she had been one of the rule-breaking girls who shocked their mothers by not using white makeup to hide such reactions. The Flippants these days think they invented being rebellious; those who don’t know history are doomed to repeat it, as Tressino said.

    The thought made me sad for a moment. Is that what this war was? Shouldn’t we know better?

    I shook the thought aside. There would be time for mourning the stupidity of humanity later.

    “You’re going to stay here right by my side,” I told her firmly, “and every lady in the realm is going to keep hanging on your every word and watching your clothes as they all cope with rationing.”

    Amy coquettishly flipped my words away. “Oh, don’t be ridiculous, Caajisi.” She meant the second part; she has never truly internalised how much of a fashion icon she has become, even though her face so frequently appears on the covers of the ladies’ magazines.

    She sat down beside me and glanced at my notes, which were written in a private pidgin shorthand that was a mixture of English word, Chinese characters and code. She was the only other person on this terraqueous globe who could decipher it. “So Cazeneuve wants us to make the first move?” she asked. “Typical French vulture…”

    “Somebody has to,” I said, though I half agreed with her. The French were always eager to push one of their alleged allies into the shark lake first and pause to see what happened. “Or else the alliance will fragment and the Russians will simply roll over Persia. They are subduing the rebellions across Tartary now.”

    Amy sighed. “If only the Emperor cared about China’s historic claims there…” She shook her head, dislodging one of her elaborate braids for a moment before she impatiently tucked it back and adjusted the lacquered needles in her hair.

    “If only,” I repeated. “But the Germans are dithering. Ruddel has ordered the army to mobilise, but the Bundeskaiser won’t commit to a pre-emptive strike on the Russians. He claims there has been insufficient provocation to honour the alliance.”

    “An excuse?” Amy asked.

    “I think so,” I sighed. I wish I had a basis for understanding how good or bad Roddy’s alienistic cameos of foreign leaders are. “He either has no stomach for war himself, or fears it will end badly and he’ll get the blowback from the people as his father did.”

    “He might be right,” Amy pointed out. “But I doubt this indecision will endear him to them, either.”

    “Right,” I agreed. “And while the Germans dither, the Russians are on the move. And the Belgians. Cazeneuve’s people think the main fleet is about to sortie from the Scheldt and combine with the smaller northern one at Den Helder. If we let them get away with it…”

    Amy grimaced. “Then the Russians have a powerful fleet that can dominate the German Ocean, shell our coastline and raid our shipping, or France’s. Maybe even reach the Baltic and combine with their fleets there.”

    I raised my eyebrow, though I don’t know why Amy’s habit of gaining expertise on all sorts of subjects should surprise me by now. “Yes. We have to bottle them up now. The Channel Fleet will go for the Scheldt and Cazeneuve tells me the Scandinavians will attack the fleet at Den Helder.” He grimaced. “I hope he’s not taking that for granted.”

    “Did he take your agreement for granted?” Amy asked pointedly.

    “He can’t,” I said, and felt a brief moment of satisfaction. “Not thanks to Admiral Hughes and Jemmy. We’re too strong to be bossed around like their other allies. The Channel Fleet, under Hotham, has a lot more English than French ships.”

    Amy nodded in relief. “Then you said ‘yes, but’?”

    “Got it in one, Amy,” I nodded. “I don’t like to play politics at a time like this, but let’s just say I’ve locked us into some trade arrangements that Jemmy was trying to get for years.”

    To say it wasn’t the most romantic line, it led to quite a few things. Poor Williams sounded like he was quite red in the face when he knocked loudly on the door to tell me that we’d had a signal from a Photel-equipped steerable: Hotham had engaged the enemy…



    [1] At this point mobiles (cars) that run on sun-oil (diesel) are also appearing, but Grey is using the coal-based metaphors of the mobiles he grew up with.

    [2] Leeds and Bradford have become general centres of technological innovation in 20th century England, originally driven by a local need to develop improved mining technologies that complied with the safety regulations introduced by the People’s Kingdom.
     
    278.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    (Sgt Mumby’s note) This is one volume of what appears to be a periodically released series of anthologies of military fiction, originally published in the ENA. Though I have only obtained this volume, the advertisements in the back suggest that the series’ authors chose settings ranging from classical history to the present day. They are all fictionalised versions of real battles, sometimes with author-created viewpoint characters and ships added, but often the authors depicting the real commanders—probably not in the most nuanced or well-researched way, I would guess. One day I’d like to put in some of the stories about events like the Spanish Armada or the Battle of Leptano, battles that are the same as those that happened in our timeline as they predate the point of divergence of TimeLine L, but are presented quite differently due to being written with different historiographic hindsight. But for now, here’s a more directly relevant one…

    From: “Great Tales of Naval History Volume III”, anthology edited by Richard Steadman (1972)—

    Admiral Francis ‘Frank’ Hotham glared at the horizon as though his vision alone could spot the enemy before any of the reports from the spotter dromes or steerables of the Royal Aero Corps.

    His gaze was interrupted by an unexpected splash of colour as a brief flutter of wind toyed with the war ensign at the stern of the Town-class dentist HMS Orpington, one of several escorts for his flagship HMS Drake. Hotham still found it difficult to get used to the ‘new’ ensign, as he thought of it, though he scarcely regretted the political change that had produced it. But when a man had served in the Royal Navy all his life, had had the role of running up the old Mauve Ensign as a young midshipmen, it was hard to get used to a version where the cross was now red and there was no Asterisk of Liberty defacing the Union Jack in the canton.

    The Union Jack. That was still everywhere, even though the Act of Union was undone. Hotham knew his history, for his family had long fought under that flag, whether it had stood for the Kingdom of England, Cromwell’s Commonwealth or the Kingdom of Great Britain.[3] One more change back to England shouldn’t matter, though he knew many of his men—with less of a sense of history—were more uneasy about it. They had been raised on rose-tinted tales of the glories of Britain. But Hotham knew that, while that Britain had indeed been glorious in the days of his ancestor William and his battles in the Third War of Supremacy, the name had long been tainted by insipid rule at home and supine subordination to America abroad. Let England rise again.

    He narrowed his eyes as he considered his fleet again. It was an impressive force, a legacy of his mentor Admiral Hughes’ time in power, rebuilding naval strength. He had six powerful English-built lineships under his command, four older lionhearts and the new super-lionhearts Drake and Holmes. The latter had been aptly named after Robert Holmes from the wars against the Dutch in the seventeenth century; by the time the RN’s committee had chosen the name, it was clear who would be the principal foe of England in the next war. Hotham was concerned, however, that so many of the names of commanders and victories used for vessels were so old. Partly that was a political decision, a tendency to evoke names safely dead and buried rather than ones who had taken sides on more recent political disputes, but it also betrayed the fact that England had not had so many naval victories in recent years.

    Hughes had done something to change that (though old Taffy would probably die rather than have his name attached to the word ‘English’, Hotham reflected with a brief smile), but his service in the war had been attached to the unequal ‘partnership’ with America. It was time for England to stand alone, time to blaze a new trail of victories for young men to learn about in school.

    He sighed and looked over to portside, at the seventh lineship in his force, the Conquérant-class lineship Rouvroy with its strange trimaran hull. Standing alone, that is, as part of a French-led alliance now. Once again, Hotham knew his history; though France had been Britain’s personal enemy throughout the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth century, he was aware that in the old Anglo-Dutch wars, French and English sailors had often cooperated as part of an alliance. He had been careful to point this out in his missives sent around the fleet. Perhaps the end of Britain could symbolically be the end of enmity with the old foe as well, a return to days of England when foes had been found elsewhere.

    Though many of those foes were here and on his side, as well. The French force included ships from Spain. The Royal Scots Navy, never large and also cash-starved by the Black regime’s dire economic straits, was represented as a handful of dentists. The Irish had more men and money, but it had taken a lot of bullying by Paris to jar Dublin out of its traditional neutrality to contribute ships—and most of the ones Dublin had sent were support craft. Welcome, but sending a certain statement. Hotham didn’t think much of that exile dilettante Charles Grey in Downing House, but he’d reluctantly give him credit for holding the French to a tight bargain this time, and was darkly amused by how the Scots and Irish had been forced to fly minor variations on the English war ensign ‘to avoid confusion in the heat of battle’.

    That was more than Hotham’s wife Theodosia would give him. She had a particular enmity for Grey’s Chinee wife. While Hotham would admit to some misgivings, especially what with the Chinese just having stabbed the French in the back, on his most recent leave he’d had to have a word with her about some of her comments about a certain yellow slant-eyed whore. He had a sense of history, and that kind of attitude was an inevitable path to Jacobinism and the spirit of the men who had raped Kent a century before.

    Now he fought alongside the French and was aided by steerables and dromes flying from RAC bases in the Weald, not so far from the battlefields of that bitter invasion. History was a funny thing.

    When he’d last seen Theodosia, he’d also spotted some flyers pasted on luftlights by Quedlingers, maybe even Societists, which painted the war as being English slaves of France being forced to fight Belgian slaves of Russia. But there was a flaw in that propaganda, Hotham knew. Whereas the Belgians were truly under the Tsar’s bootheel, the French had reluctantly—whether due to pressure from Grey or otherwise—put their smaller number of ships here under Hotham’s command rather than vice versa. Contre-Amiral Myard on the Rouvroy would follow his orders.

    He hoped.

    Hotham realised he’d been muttering his thoughts half-under his breath when a fellow officer leaned in to agree. “Myard won’t like it, but he’ll do it,” whispered Lieutenant Commander George Latimer. “Think what it’d be like if we were under his command; that’s what it’s like for the enemy.”

    The admiral nodded. Latimer was in his forties, though he looked younger; despite his far more junior rank, he was not too deferential to Hotham except when in earshot of the other officers. Latimer was an analyst from Office 13, or just O-13 as the documents had it, a particularly secretive branch of the already secretive Naval Intelligence Bureau. He walked around the Drake always carrying a discreetly slim despatch case, and one had to look quite carefully to see that it was permanently chained to his wrist. Inside were documents that only Latimer, Hotham, and the Drake’s captain, Meredith Davies, had seen—and Davies only briefly, so that someone could use them if Hotham and Latimer were killed in battle.

    Right now, that risk was feeling a lot less theoretical than it had even a few days before.

    A buzzing sound intruded into Hotham’s consciousness; along with Latimer, he stepped to the bridge observation deck, careless of its lighter armour, in order to observe. Yes, he was already starting to recognise the distinctive sound of a SheffTC VP.30 spirit engine that was the powerplant for the RAC’s newfangled Astra Salmon two-decker seadromes.[4] Moments later, the drome itself became visible, the fat pontoons beneath its double wings gleaming in the afternoon sunlight. The drome’s tail bore a red diamond symbol with a circle filled with the Union Jack, designed to imitate the similar diamond and fleur-de-lys symbol that the French had adopted. Hotham wasn’t too happy about that; they said it was necessary to avoid friendly fire given the high speeds at which air combat would take place, but didn’t the Belgians use diamonds too?

    The Salmon drome was flying low, buzzing alarmingly close to the Scottish dentist HSMS Wallace. Though Hotham had little time for the Scots, he frowned at that likely intentional bit of hazing by the pilot. These young drome flyers were all too reckless and egoistic for his tastes.

    Latimer was by his side. “There,” he murmured. “See the Optel flaps going?”

    They were just about visible to Hotham; he did not try to interpret them, knowing there would be a midshipman with a spyglass doing so with far more expertise. He didn’t know much about aerodrome design, but thought it must have been a challenge to incorporate semaphore flaps into the design without disrupting the air currents around it and sending it off course. But the Salmon held steadily as the flaps worked, shifting from black to white, from white to red.

    “I wish they could just send Photel messages to us,” he grumbled, not for the first time.

    “Not until some bright spark finds a way to amplify the signal so we can make it portable,” Latimer reminded him. The superstructure of the Drake, like the other command lineships, was covered with complex metal tracery acting as a transmitter and receiver apparatus, like some modern equivalent of the rigging in the days of Admiral Parker’s wooden fleet.[5]

    Mere moments later, that midshipman pushed a hastily-scribbled note into Hotham’s hand. He scanned it and passed it to Latimer, who nodded. “It’s time. The ironsharks are out.”

    As seen, not by the reckless flyboys in the Salmon, but by the more sober crew of an older spotter steerable that was watching the ironshark pens at Terneuzen, who had sent the message on via the drome. Hotham touched his forehead in subconscious salute to those brave men; the iron-grey sea was a bad enough foe from the vantage point of the Drake’s death, but he did not fancy their chances if their slow, fragile steerable was shot down in the coming minutes and hours.

    As now seemed all but certain.

    “Let me see that document again,” he murmured to Latimer. Latimer glanced around him, then spun the locks on his despatch case in a disconcertingly practiced manner. He passed a folder to Hotham, who swiftly found what he was looking for. All neatly typographed, by a secretary who must have passed a dozen background checks. At the top were painstakingly-copied Cyrillic letters, disturbingly half-familiar and half-alien, with an English transliteration below: OPERATSIYA SYURIKEN. Hotham knew what a syuriken was from reading bloodies and sequents in a misspent youth—those razor-sharp, star-shaped metal blades that nindzhya from Yapon hurled as a deadly distraction in a fight. While the enemy was taken aback, confused, perhaps bleeding from a cut across his cheek, the shadow warrior would be moving in for the killing blow.[6]

    “Stupid name,” Latimer commented, watching the horizon. “Gives away what the whole trick is. They should pick them at random.”

    “But that wouldn’t be any fun,” Hotham grunted without much conscious thought. His mind was focused on modelling the upcoming battle—for so it now was. As the documents O-13 had intercepted showed, Admiral Gavrilov and his superiors had drawn up a battle plan based on a number of assumptions. China, and now Germany, had showed that France’s allies proactively honouring their commitments was not a given, which meant that the Three Kingdoms[7]coming to blows with the Belgians was not inevitable. However, if the Russo-Belgian fleet was trapped in the Scheldt by even a passive English blockade and minefield, then it would badly stack the naval war against the Russian side elsewhere.

    That meant that at some point soon Gavrilov had to break out, even if it ran the risk of tipping the Kingdoms over the edge. Therefore, the Russians and Belgians had to hit first, and the first blow had to be powerful enough to break the back of Hotham’s fleet. That would be the only thing that would allow a break-out before reinforcements could be sent by the French and Italians from the Med.

    Gavrilov’s plan therefore focused on using what the documents translated as a ‘skirmish line’ of ironsharks as underwater syuriken, using accurate clocks and pre-timed orders to target the English lineships simultaneously. In the ensuing chaos, the main body of his fleet would break out of the Scheldt, either joining the attack or fleeing and sacrificing the ironsharks, depending on how things went.

    Given the circumstances, it wasn’t a terrible plan, but there were two things wrong with it, as he’d previously discussed with Latimer. Both were related to the fact that the Russians’ presence in Belgium were not exactly with the full consent of its people. Firstly, Russian ironsharks and other craft had an unaccountable tendency to end up sabotaged or lacking key parts when operating from Belgian bases, leading to Gavrilov’s force taking over the Terneuzen base wholesale and building concrete pens there a year earlier. That meant that all the ironsharks, save one or two out on patrol, were in one place and their status could be checked on by the RAC’s spotters; though Belgian and Russian dromes tried to ward them off in turn, just as England’s dromes did the same to the enemy spotters over English bases, there was only so much that could be done before open war had broken out.

    The second, and more fundamental, problem for Gavrilov was that his plan’s details had been leaked to O-13. It turned out that, while there were relatively few Belgians who would willingly pass military secrets on to the hated French, who might use them to set Flanders alight, a friendly Englishman with deep pockets was quite another matter. While the Russians had tried to keep the plan internal to their own forces, inevitably there had been a need to coordinate with the Belgians under Gavrilov’s command, and it had fallen into the hands of someone who had passed it on to Latimer’s superiors.

    Hotham didn’t need to know who, or when. He wished he could be as confident as Latimer that this information was genuine, and not an elaborate deception. But it did make sense given the constraints Gavrilov was operating under.

    Now to counter the plan before it could be enacted…


    [3] This is not strictly correct, as his ancestor John Hotham and his son fought for Parliament, but they were accused of treason and executed while the war was still ongoing, before Cromwell took power.

    [4] This is the author flexing his background research. ‘SheffTC’ is a commonplace armed forces’ abbreviation of ‘Sheffield Tramways Company’, which (as happened with Bristol in OTL) has gone into manufacturing aircraft as well as tram engines. The abbreviation is SheffTC rather than STC out of rhyming imitation of FTC, America’s better-known and higher-profile Fredericksburg Transit Corporation which has also gone into wider engine manufacturing. Two-decker is the TTL term for biplane (as was also sometimes used in OTL) and spirit in this context means petrol/gasoline.

    [5] A rather clumsily written reminder to the reader that this technology doesn’t exist yet (it requires the invention of what in OTL is called the thermionic valve in the UK or the vacuum tube in the US).

    [6] Hotham (or the author) actually has a better idea of the historic role of shuriken than how fiction often portrays them in OTL; they were rarely intended to be a deadly weapon in and of themselves.

    [7] I.e. England, Scotland and Ireland.



    (This is a two-part segment and will be continued next week. Thanks for the comments everyone, I will read and respond to them when I get a chance)
     
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    278.3
  • Thande

    Donor
    The sun had almost sunk beneath the horizon, the spotters rendered all but useless, before it began. “He’s running,” Latimer concluded loftily, as though Hotham hadn’t worked that out hours before. “These aren’t the actions of a man who thinks he can join a fight with us and win.”

    Hotham humoured him. “No, indeed. Cover of darkness; he’s run the arithmetic and knows he can’t beat us and expect to preserve his fleet. Probably going to try to combine with the force up at Den Helder before the Scandis get there.”

    “That, and the aero-power disparity, maybe,” Latimer offered. “Current sources reckon they’ve only got a fraction of our steeltooth bomber force in action yet. Night makes them all but useless.”

    Hotham grumbled under his breath; he still wasn’t used to seriously taking aero-power into account as a means of actively attacking enemy ships, rather than merely as spotters. But Latimer was right, and a commander couldn’t afford to fight battles according to the rules that his youth led him to feel were more aesthetically pleasing. Too many wooden ships were on the sea floor, put there in battles fought when Hotham had been a boy, the consequence of admirals who had felt these newfangled steam armourclads were far too gauche and ungentlemanly.[8] “Quite,” was all he said in response, then quickly changed the subject. “Lieutenant, status of the Follies?”

    Lieutenant Henderson glanced up from the large strategy table that sat in the conference room at the aft of the extended bridge; it was hung on chains from pivot points so it should remain level despite the motion of the deck. Theory and practice were two different things, Hotham knew. “The last Photel signal was at eight fifty-eight post, sir,” he reported. Twenty minutes ago, though it still took Hotham a moment to adjust to the newfangled time system rather than using bells. “Follies Yan, Tan and Tethera all reported their positions as following…”

    Henderson reeled off the numbers, but also pointed at the map on the table, which was of more immediate use. It was an accurate, if worn, map of the immediate Channel vicinity with sounded depths indicated through shades of blue; by contrast, the land area of southern England, northern France and western Belgium was mostly blank and white, of little interest except through its ports and coastal batteries. The map was covered with a thin layer of transparent lacquer, and Hotham knew that beneath it was an array of small magnets. These, along with the chain suspension system, helped keep the small model ships atop the map affixed in one place. As Hotham watched, one of Henderson’s subordinates pushed a model of a French dentist into a newly reported position, using a repurposed shuffleboard stick.

    Whereas the allied fleet’s positions should be accurate—if no-one had made any mistakes, which was always a dangerous assumption—the box of ship models coloured red for enemy still sat atop the outline of the Scheldt. In the darkling dusk, it was unlikely that any of the spotters would be able to find the Russians and Belgians sailing. But perhaps Gavrilov’s very strategy might give a clue…

    Hotham briefly went out onto the deck. He looked up and back, squinting in the twiligh to make out the shapes of three lookouts, awkwardly positioned in and around the metallic rigging of the Photel apparatus. Lunatics handing out pamphlets in the street still claimed the invisible pulses given off by the invention caused the phthsis, or some nonsense like that. The only negative thing exposure Photel caused, in Hotham’s experience, was to turn its operators into dreadful bores who would attempt to talk about the complex mathematics of pulse-traces at the dinner table.

    As his vision adjusted, he could see the lookouts. One of the young men had a pair of binoculars as normal, but the other two seemed to have adopted strange and nonsensical methods. One crewman wore dark smoked glasses over his eyes as he peered through his binoculars, even as Hotham struggled to see at all. The sight, and the crewman’s slightly swarthy skin tone, reminded him of nothing more than one of the strange blind Maroon musicians that were all the craze of smoky clubs in London; all the fellow needed was a trumpet in place of his binoculars. Still, at least Hotham preferred Maroon improvisation to the dreadful syncopation of Rattlebang that his nephew seemed so enamoured of.

    The third lookout had more discreetly, but seemingly no less nonsensically, screwed a dark filter over the lens of his spyglass. Both of those two could surely see nothing in this near-darkness. And yet, Hotham knew, that was the point…

    Latimer’s spies might have acquired the basics of Gavrilov’s plan, but Hotham knew that the specifics would have been decided nearer to the date. He was still looking up at the lookouts when it happened, and thus his own eyes were saved.

    There was a distant series of small explosions, then a second, so similar it might have been an echo, but it was not. Then more, and more. The explosions blurred into one, resonating across the allied fleet and the dark, slightly phosphorescent waters of the Channel. Hotham resisted the urge to look, knowing his untrained eyes would be of no help in locating any small traces of visible fire as enemy steelteeth slammed into the hulls of English capital ships. He was impressed by how close together the Russian attacks had been; the ironsharks must be working to clockwork timers and managed to get into position to stalk their targets in good time. On the face of it, it was a very well-executed attack. Tear the heart out of the allied fleet by sinking or badly damaging multiple lineships, leaving the Russo-Belgian fleet free to escape in the confusion.

    However…

    Hotham was glad he had held his nerve. Mere seconds after the first explosions, he heard the distant shriek of rockets firing. Not at the enemy, but up into the sky. Moments later, the rocket exploded into a magnium flare, painting the scene in harsh white light.[9] Even though Hotham was looking away, he was still struck by how the chemical light threw the shape of his ship’s superstructure into stark relief, like the asimconic flash of a camera taken to the next level. The jagged black and white lines of the dazzle camouflage, breaking up the lines of the Drake’s hull, made it all the more bizarre and unearthly. It almost made him think of those peculiar bletnoir sequents from France.[10]

    But he had no time for such trivial thoughts. “Got them!” he cried, and raced back to the bridge even as the two lookouts with their dark filters, having preserved their vision, began calling out numbers into their speaking tubes. By the time Hotham reached Latimer and the strategy table, Henderson’s men were already placing model Russian ships on it, triangulating from the numbers they were hearing.

    Latimer looked simultaneously excited and frustrated, pacing back and forth. “The Photel gear on the Speaker has failed again,” he complained. “They’re having to do it by Bicker code to one of the light lineships and then—”

    “What do we have?” Hotham interrupted.

    Henderson threw off a harried salute. “The Russians hit the Follies, sir, all except one which took on the Rouvroy, but she reports damage only to one of her outrigger hulls. Dentists have spotted at least three of the periscopes so far and are engaging with dive bombs.”

    “They probably expended most of their steelteeth already,” Hotham observed, “judging by how many explosions I heard. Tell the dentists not to forget to pick up the Folly lifeboats!”

    “Of course not, sir,” Henderson said.

    Hotham couldn’t quite believe the plan had worked so well. The Follies had been designed and built at the naval base in Lowestoft, the brainchild of a mad marine engineer named Leonard Grubworth. They were built on old freighter hulls with upgraded engines, with hollow outer hulls and wooden fake superstructure designed to resemble a modern lineship. Though the dazzle camouflage helped make ships less recognisable, they wouldn’t fool anyone at close quarters, and had been built as an aniseed rag to fool passing spotter dromes. The idea of using them to fool ironsharks instead had been a hasty one. The Follies had been equipped with magnium rockets to illuminate a dark sea battlefield, then brought down from Lowestoft to join the fleet—with a stopover at Aldeburgh beach in Suffolk to weigh them down with gravel so that they better resembled their heavy prototypes.

    It probably wouldn’t have worked if the ironsharks hadn’t been operating in low visibility conditions; Gavrilov’s plan had sunk himself. Literally, in the case of those Russian ironsharks now being sent to Davy Jones’ locker by the dive bombs of English and Scottish dentists.

    Yet all of that was secondary in Hotham’s eyes. He keenly watched as the data from the Speaker finally came in and was fed into the giant solution engines on either side of the strategy table. The machines’ discreet clicking felt insufficient to his ears, being more used to the rattling and clacking sounds of the ypologists of a generation earlier, but the boys with the pencils assured him that these new models were far more capable and faster.

    Indeed, more of Henderson’s crew slapped model ships on the strategy table even now as they glanced at the engines’ printed tape readouts. Hotham stared at the table with such intensity that he might have made the lacquer burst into flames. There. There. A lineship—possibly? It was hard for models to represent ambiguity, so he had to use his brain to try to create a sense of uncertainty. That might be a dentist close by or a lionheart far away—no, now it was triangulated as the French finally sent in their numbers, hopefully using the right damn measuring system this time, the trials had not been a great success. Definitely a lionheart, maybe even Gavrilov’s flagship Pyotr Veliky?

    Like how the patterns of one of those damnfool kinoscope tricks could suddenly click into place and become a recognisable image, Hotham made a logical leap. If those ships represented one corner of Gavrilov’s formation, then…

    “All hands at attention, word to be passed!” he suddenly bellowed. “Red Squadron, to the van—set course north by north-east and accelerate to full combat speed! Cut off their escape! Blue Squadron, flank to engage, set course east by east-north-east and accelerate to half speed ahead. White Squadron, to the rear…” The orders went on, including ones for the auxiliary squadron with the Irish support ships and more politely couched ones for Myard’s French force. As he issued the orders and they were fed on to the appropriate flagships of the squadrons, Henderson’s men quickly split up the force of green ships on the map by the colour of the pins that had been added to the top of the models. Hotham’s plan began to take shape on the map, with the parts of the fleet moving to surround where he had estimated Gavrilov’s fleet to be.

    Latimer was close to him again. “You’re sure he’s hugging the coast?” he murmured. “It’s potentially risky with low visibility.”

    “You stick to your field and I’ll stick to mind,” Hotham said, trying not to be too rude about it; he knew moods were running high everywhere. “Gavrilov’s thrown everything on one roll of the dice. And he’s lost…”

    Even as he spoke, the lead light lineships and dentists in Blue Squadron, the Holmes’ force under his subordinate Vice-Admiral Beresford, began to open fire on Gavrilov’s outer frigate force…





    [8] This is a bit of an exaggeration—the author is probably thinking of the Siamese defeat at the hands of the French at the Battle of Penang in 1880, but that was simply because the Siamese had not yet had the opportunity to upgrade their wooden fleet, rather than having a prejudice against doing so.

    [9] Magnesium is known as magnium in TTL (the first suggestion of a name by Humphry Davy in OTL when he isolated it). Both names come from its historical association with a Greek region called Magnesia (as in ‘Milk of Magnesia’).

    [10] Bletnoir (a contraction of blanc-et-noir) is a style of drawing sequents (comics) and other arc popular in the Paris art scene of the 1920s, though it actually began with Meridian Refugiado artists there. Focusing on the harsh and angular contrast between black and white, with large areas of black rather than just outlining, it is somewhat comparable (though not exactly the same) as some of the styles used in OTL Japanese manga. Bringing this and the music styles up is this author slightly clumsily trying to definitively set this sequence in the 1920s, though in reality bletnoir was probably not well known enough in 1922 for a man like Hotham to know about it; it became more prominent in hindsight due to its association with the Morne art movement of the later 1920s.
     
    278.4
  • Thande

    Donor
    (Sgt. Ellis’ note)

    This next section is taken from another book we found in a second-hand bookstore in Charleston, in a bargain bin with its cover stripped away and some pages missing. It’s a book of children’s or young adult’s stories with a kind of educational or inspirational bent—role models, that sort of thing. Bob reckons, based on some half-decipherable pencil on the inside and traces we’ve seen on others, that it was issued under the Societist period here (it’s in parallel English and Novalatina) and then officially withdrawn and banned later for political reasons; maybe someone liked it and deliberately removed the cover to conceal it from inspectors who would have taken it away. That’s just supposition on his part, but I guess it makes sense given the slant of this story and the fact that we think the Combine later broke with the Societists in Danubia. Anyway, it mentions the events covered in the previous excerpt near the start, so chronologically it should fit into the gap, if the author did their research.

    From: (Probably—title page missing) “Heroes and Villains of Our Century, Book 3”, edited by Julius Brunnus (1940? Unclear if this is the first edition or not)—

    Franciscus Ferrarius was a very good man who was born into what the nationalistically blinded would call humble circumstances, but changed the world, showing that all classes are equally important. When he was young his name was rendered as ‘Franz Schmidt’ because it was before the Zone in which he was born had adopted right thinking. But even before he heard the truth of Sanchez that some in that Zone were speaking of, Franciscus always tried to do the right thing and to put humanity first.

    Franciscus’ father was a miner. He lived in the mountains of an area then called Bohemia by some and Czechosilesia by others, illustrating the meaninglessness of labels. He and his wife moved to the area called Danubia when the illegitimate criminal enterprise called Germany lost control of the mountains to the one called Russia. Though both groups were equally illegitimate, the takeover caused chaos and bloodshed, the War which the Liberated Zones know not and will never know, and Franciscus’ parents sought to escape. Although the area called Danubia was then still also under an illegitimate regime, at least its rulers—though lacking a true meritocratic mandate for their position—were better than most and did try to keep their subjects out of war. However, they lacked the prosperity and plenty of a truly peaceful Liberated Zone, meaning that Franciscus’ parents suffered poverty and lacked equality of necessity. But they worked hard and raised their son to be a good man.

    He performed well in school, but in a non-meritocratic Third Society, he was limited by the class he was born into and could not change to a different position by ability alone. He entered the service of the governing regime of Danubia, and by the year 1922 he had risen to become a customs officer and border guard. ‘Borders’ are the arbitrary lines of control drawn on maps between the criminal regimes called ‘nations’ by those who have not yet heard the truth of Sanchez, and the men there kill and die for the sake of those lines. It is an evil and anti-human task to hold borders against those who wish to cross them, and yet Franciscus showed that even in the darkest of shadows, men may show the light of human decency.

    Franciscus had friends and colleagues in his customs post, which was in a town then called Great Meseritsch.[11] They included his friend Mardinus and another colleague named Stephanus.[12] Mardinus had a cousin in the large local town then called Brünn [Brno] whom he often visited, and Franciscus admired his friend’s greater knowledge of culture and the world. One day, while going to the theatre, Mardinus ran into a faithful worker who was giving out pamphlets about the truth of Sanchez, even though the regime ruling Danubia was trying to discourage knowledge of humanity from the classes. Mardinus had gained wisdom about the world and about the foolishness of war—his father had been wounded in the last one. He decided to learn more about the Societist truth, and bought books which he shared with Franciscus. He supported the growing Societist movement in the part of Zone 7 ruled by the Danubian regime.

    Though he did not have as much knowledge of the world as Mardinus, Franciscus’ good heart meant that he instantly recognised the truth in the writings he showed him. The two men often discussed the philosophy of Sanchez. Their colleague Stephanus, being a man of low mind and superstition, could not perceive the truth they sought, and often mocked them for their ideals. It was a lonely and often dull job manning the customs post, which rarely had to be used for its stated purpose of blocking humans from passing from one identical piece of land to another for the sake of the whims of illegitimate rulers drawing imaginary lines on maps. Most traders, who faced the indignity of paying bribes to pass these ‘borders’, went by other routes, and few passed by Great Meseritsch.[13] The three men often spent hours by candlelight doing nothing but conversing with one another and playing card games.

    (Note from Sgt Ellis: This is accompanied by an illustration of the three uniformed men sitting around a table playing cards. They are smoking cigarettes. Interestingly, there is a small disclaimer at the bottom saying this was before the habit was connected with cancer, and warning young readers not to smoke. Evidently Societist historical revisionism does not extend to actually airbrushing the smoking out of the image and history, however; perhaps some followers of Sanchez might be alarmed at how far such censorship goes in our timeline!

    It was a dark and sultry night in June. The crime called War was breaking out around the world once more, though the rulers of the Danubian regime, imperfect but better than most outside the Liberated Zones, tried to prevent war from touching the area they ruled. Stephanus wanted to discuss what the newspapers said about the war. As Danubia was not involved, the newspapers were more trustworthy than usual, though still biased by the inequality of classes under the regime. “Did you see how the English Admiral Hotham beat the Russians and Belgians at the Scheldt?” he asked. “And the Scandinavians hit them further north. That is a blow to the Tsar’s ambitions.”

    Stephanus was like that—he only thought about the leaders, like Hotham and the Tsar of Russia, and not about the thousands of ordinary men who had died, even though they were much closer to him in class.

    Mardinus tried to be polite. “I wonder what that will do to the Bundeskaiser’s position,” he suggested. “All his folk clamouring for war will try to force his hand now the Russians and Belgians look weaker.”

    “He should fight,” Stephanus declared, “and our rulers should join him! We should win back the lands we lost in the last war!”

    Mardinus shook his head. “That is foolishness. There is no point spending blood for no reason. What should it matter to you what flag flies over the people of Prague or Bucharest?”

    Stephanus snorted in contempt. “You and your silly ideas, you and your Pablo Sanchez. What about justice? What about our people living under oppression?”

    “We are all living under oppression,” Mardinus argued. “Everyone except the fortunate ones living in the Liberated Zones.”

    “I am surprised they trust you and Franciscus to man our borders,” Stephanus said, “if you would put Societists above your own brothers.”

    “All men are brothers,” Mardinus spoke the truth. “And I do not put them above. I can be trusted. I must obey the rules and orders of those above me in this society, even if I disagree with how it is organised. To do otherwise would be chaos and revolution, no better than war.”

    “Don’t you people like revolutions?” Stephanus claimed. “Don’t you want to overthrow the ruling class, like in Portugal?”

    Stephanus was ignorant enough to have somehow conflated Societism with the false teaching sometimes called radical Mentianism, which seeks to spend blood to invert a Third Society into an equally oppressive and divided version of itself with Labour rather than Capital on top. Mardinus explained how he was wrong. “There must always be a ruling class,” he concluded. “In places like Portugal, a generation after the peasants overthrew it, their leaders became the new ruling class, just the same as before. They have no more right to rule than the aristocrats before them. We need a society where men who have the ability to rule can take that position.”

    Stephanus snorted again. “Men like yourself, of course.”

    Franciscus had always looked up to Mardinus, and indeed had envisaged him as a leader when this area eventually and inevitably became a Liberated Zone, if it happened in their lifetime. But to his surprise, Mardinus shook his head. “No. I understand what Sanchez meant about classes. The biggest crime of our society, what motivates revolutionary idiots like the Portuguese or those ignorant peasants in Germany urging their ruler to war, is the idea that the ruling class is somehow better than the workers. That they deserve more wealth and respect. Things are different in the Liberated Zones. To be a ruler is merely to have a different kind of job, no different from a man working a machine in a factory.”

    “Except that he decides who lives and who dies,” Stephanus pointed out, with surprising insight.

    Mardinus hesitated, and nodded. “Yes. That responsibility. That is why I would not choose to be a ruler, unless the tests said I had the ability for it—then I suppose it would be wrong for me to reject it. But I am quite happy to defer the difficult decisions to my rulers.”

    Stephanus opened his mouth to argue further, but the three men heard a rapping on the door. Franciscus opened it; there was a town constable, having caught a terrified-looking middle-aged man in a suit that had become worn. “He didn’t have papers,” the constable explained. “Was trying to sneak through.”

    “I know who you are!” Mardinus exclaimed. “That’s Rodrigus Crucus! The Sudeten German politician from Czechosilesia, the opposition leader!”[14]

    “Trying to escape!” Stephanus noted. “Were they trying to imprison you because of the war, my friend?”

    “Then you don’t know?” Crucus asked. “They must have embargoed the news for now, but sooner or later someone with an illegal Photel set will get it out.”

    “What news?” Mardinus asked, suddenly interested.

    Crucus gulped. “King John’s cavalcade was touring Prague. As his mobile crossed the Charles Bridge, someone fired one of those Firefist rockets at it. I don’t know if the king is dead or just wounded, but they were already shutting everything down. I didn’t see it, I heard it from one of my allies via Lectel when I was in Jihlava, just before they cut off the link. They’ll be looking for scapegoats. I don’t know who really did it, but if they find me they’ll say it was terrorists linked to me and have me hanged.”

    “Poor devil,” Stephanus said sympathetically. Though he was a man of low mind, and was partly motivated by some imaginary closer relationship between himself and this man who just happened to speak a similar language, compassion is never a sin. “D’you think he’ll be granted asylum?”

    Mardinus shook his head. “The Archking wants neutrality, he wants to keep us out of war. He won’t want to antagonise the Russians.” Crucus’ face fell.

    Franciscus frowned. “But if we deport him, what he said will happen. We’ll have sent him to his death.”

    “It’s not our decision to make, fortunately,” Mardinus said. “We need to send him to the higher-ups in Brünn who will make a decision.”

    “Coward,” Stephanus accused. “Like you said, you don’t want the responsibility.”

    “I have to obey my superiors!” Mardinus protested. “We all do! We live in a society—”

    “No.”

    Franciscus had spoken. Normally the passive one in the dialogues between Mardinus and Stephanus, he was suddenly firm, as sure and solid as the ground beneath his feet. “You misunderstand Sanchez, Mardinus. Just because a man of a different class may not have the responsibility of a ruler, that does not exclude him from questions of morality. We know what will happen if we give this man up; we also know that he will live if we look the other way and allow him to pass further.”

    Hope showed in Crucus’ eyes. Mardinus looked appalled, Stephanus uncertain. “We do not have the power to make that decision,” he said.

    “We have the moral responsibility to take it,” Franciscus said. “Or I do. You two can say you were asleep,” he then nodded to the constable, “and you can say you left him in my custody. I’ll take full responsibility if anyone asks.”

    “What if this drags Danubia into war?” Mardinus cried. “Will you risk millions of lives to save one?”

    “If it is the one I can save here and now,” Franciscus replied, “yes, I will.”

    Franciscus got his way. All the philosophising of Mardinus had failed to persuade Stephanus, but Franciscus’ simple goodness of heart made a different. Stephanus became a good Societist in the future as well. Franciscus was briefly imprisoned for his ‘crime’, but in time he rose to prominence in the movement as it became more important in the future of the region that would not always be called Danubia. It is an important lesson. Sometimes the tests may not seem to produce the results we would expect. To be fitted for the role of ruler is not merely to be intelligent or well-informed, as Mardinus was. It is to have a heart that puts humanity first.



    [11] A partial translation of Groß Meseritsch. In OTL this town is known by the Czech version of its name, Velké Meziříčí, and is part of the Czech Republic.

    [12] While the story does concede at the start that Franciscus was called Franz at the time, this evidently does not extend to using the names the men would have actually used (i.e. Martin and Steffen).

    [13] This is a dysphemism for tariffs and customs duties, although actual bribes may also have been involved!

    [14] Or, rather, Roderich Kreuz, but I doubt ‘Mardinus’ described him in quite those words, either.
     
    279.1
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #279: Rumours of War

    “In summary, Panchala is a land of contrasts, and is clear the Sharma case will run and run. But in happier sports news, a reminder that this Saturday, C-WSC will be going live with the final of the California Rules Football Women’s League Championship. Can Carolina’s own Maubela Manhunters, after a run of victories that has shocked a continent, become only the second team from outside California to win the Volkova Cup?

    “Maria Xiong, Captain of the Las Estrellas Stargazers, today wished luck to her historic opponents in a corinthian manner—but what she diplomatically doesn’t say is that the Stargazers are still the firm favourite with the bookies.[1] The Manhunters will face her team on their home turf, in the Stardome, but thousands of Carolinian fans will be lining the stands as well.

    “Stay tuned for an exclusive interview with Manhunter captain Paulette Forsythe, who stoked controversy earlier this season by saying she hoped both the black and white communities of Maubela would support the team—but can her detractors argue with her results? Or is the question now whether any man, woman or child in Carolina will do anything but cheer on our girls to pull off a giant-slaying win and make history?”

    – Transcription of a C-WNB News Motoscope broadcast,
    recorded in Waccamaw Strand, Kingdom of Carolina, 19/03/2020​

    *

    (Lt. Tindale’s note)

    Oh hello! Is this thingummy-whatsit turned on? Yes, little green light, that’s right, isn’t it? Well—while those two sergeants are at the local pub—again—I might as well feed in this finding I came across a few months ago when we were in Charleston. A suburb, I should say—lovely little local library, with a local history display by…locals. This nice big pinboard covered with felt! All old black and white photos, er, thingy, asimcons, cuttings from newspapers, and quotes from people at the time nicely written out again in proper calligraphy by schoolchildren with pens and inkwells. Made me quite nostalgic for my own schooldays!

    Of course, the effect was spoiled a bit when I did notice the display was cut in half with two different colours of felt background, and one half was titled ‘White Version of History’ and the other ‘Black’—still, I suppose at least they gave ’em equal billing, eh? And some of the content was a wee bit dark, but that’s history, I s’pose. I should say when you see what some of ’em on both sides (hashtag?) say about the Imperials, y’should bear in mind that they did it in full view of Imperials here, who seem to actually approve of promoting a version of history that makes ’em out to be the bad guys. Diversitarianism’s a hell of a drug!

    Stupid muggins here put that bally fool Charlie in charge of taking the photos—no, asim—no, they are photos if we’re taking them with our cameras, aren’t they? Very confusing—any road, he went side to side instead of up and down, so I think all the tasty quotes alternate between the black and white side, but never mind. And I got Bob of the Mumbies to find some accompanying text from a book we got elsewhere to lead into it, so hopefully it will all tie together nicely as a succinct narrative whatsit. Now, where’s my 5,000-piece jigsaw…?

    *

    From: “History of the Twentieth Century” edited by K. D. Saunders (2001)—

    Few periods in our country’s history have been so re-examined in hindsight as the First Interbellum, something which would probably seem remarkable to those living through those events at the time, who regarded is a dull, grinding age of malaise and decline, in which persistent low-level enervating misery was never enlivened into the drama of full outbreaks of violence. In a sense, all the peoples of Carolina of all colours had held their breath when the country was conquered during the Pandoric War, and had kept holding it ever since, waiting for the other shoe to drop. It would be one thing if a definitive answer for what postwar Carolina would look like had come out of the Imperials in Fredericksburg, but it never did. Rather than rage at any particular settlement, therefore, the primary emotional response was one of frustration at the uncertainty. This was compounded by malaise as new challenges arose and there was no effective response to deal with them; indeed, no-one was quite sure whose job it was supposed to be to do so. Some controversy-seeking modern historians even date the start of the National Coma to this First Interbellum malaise rather than its end, but there is little need for us to even consider such an outrageous stance.[2]

    The tragedy of errors enacted by successive Imperial governments over a quarter-century can almost be characterised as sheer surprise that the conquest had been accomplished so definitively, and then a reluctance to confront the question of ‘what next?’ In truth, of course, this seeming indecision on Fredericksburg’s part is more a consequence of the Imperials electing divided governments where no clear majority could decide on a path forward. From the self-interested indifference of Faulkner to the excessive ambition of Tayloe, no Imperial president could come up with a way to answer what they patronisingly referred to as the ‘Cotton Question’.

    There were multiple schools of opinion in the ENA of what to do with Carolina. Only a minority, mostly in the Liberal Party, had the correct view that Carolina should be restored as an independent country in personal union with the ENA, the status it now finally has after so many more years of brutality and suffering. Some Supremacists wanted the same independence but under the alleged John William, Prince of Jamaica, who was kept under house arrest in Corte for literally decades as the Imperials argued whether to restore his throne. In many ways the circumstances were the worst of both worlds for both the Imperials and we Carolinians; if the old royal family had all been wiped out then there could be no loyalty to them; if John William had escaped into exile then at least he could have become a definitive rallying cry; but having a possible heir of questionable veracity in a place no-one saw him? This was emblematic of the sense of uncertainty and malaise of the First Interbellum here, with few able to feel enthusiastic about the cause of restoring John William to the throne, yet no-one able to entirely discount the possibility from their calculations. It just added yet another faction of opinion to the mix and made it more difficult to come up with a majority for a lasting settlement.

    The leadership of the ENA was often even far more removed from reality in possibilities they considered. The double-crossing Faulkner, before becoming President, had attempted to play both sides. From the Old Carolinian western province of Gualpa, many of his fellow Imperials viewed him with suspicion, but he saw himself as a westerner and cared nothing for true Carolina. Many modern Imperial politicians are often accused of ‘foreign policy by xyloid’[3] and getting their knowledge of the world from sensationalist films; the same was true of Faulkner and many contemporaries judging Carolina by bloody literature and sequents. Since the Ultima Coup of 1864 and the intensification of the Meridian Occupation, many Imperials had had a vested interest in presenting Long Peace Carolina in a gloatingly ironic manner, as though to punish those whom they still regarded as ‘traitors’. It is certainly true that the Meridian occupiers frequently turned to the Negroes as a source of recruitment for inspectors and overseers, men whose loyalty would be motivated by a chance to revenge themselves on white men for years of slavery. But this described only a small minority of Negroes, and those inspectors could still find themselves quietly disappeared if they ventured outside the cities or too far away from a Meridian patrol; one wit described the main contribution of white Carolinian society to world literature in this period as ‘coming up with increasingly inventive denials’. Joking aside, this hostile environment did inspire the small ‘Scarlet Ring’ circle of black Carolinian writers (writing years later in the 1910s) to create the ‘Cotton Gothic’ subgenre of horror fiction. The fact that antebellum Carolina remained an oppressive place for most Negroes is illustrated in the fact that black emigration to the ‘Africa Nova’ province of the ENA—formerly Raleigh—did not slow after the Ultima Coup, but accelerated as the ‘Seventies Thaw’ made border crossings easier.

    But this subtlety was lost on the fiction that incurious men like Faulkner lapped up, seeing Carolina as now a topsy-turvy place in which the white man was lorded over by the black, all under the bootheel of the UPSA. (In practice, by this point even the latter was debatable, with Meridian corporate interests ruling the roost rather than the increasingly ineffective government in Córdoba). Faulkner was willing to pursue any strategy that shortened the war, and so worked with the One Carolina Movement, a naïve and backward-looking Patriot group whom still seriously thought that Carolina could be recombined with her old lost provinces and the clock turned back to her merely being another Confederation of the ENA. (Faulkner himself, at least more honest in his ruthless cruelty, instead imagined Carolina being a newly minted Confederation with her post-independence borders!) Faulkner’s farcical promises to Carolina’s white population that they would be put ‘back on top’ were dismissed with outraged indifference, while the Negroes, some of whom might otherwise have welcomed ENA rule, were alienated and their relatives in Africa Nova began actively sabotaging Imperial plans.

    Emperor George in Fredericksburg wisely dismissed Faulkner for the damage he had caused, but sadly the president, Jamison, made the error of seeing a position of ‘Minister for Carolina’ as merely a poisoned chalice to dispatch the manipulative conniver to. Even he clearly viewed the idea of actually coming up with a solution for Carolina after the conquest to be a lost hope and not worth seriously devoting resources to.[4] Ironically, precisely because of the same misapprehensions of realities in Carolina that Faulkner had been sorely guilty of, the conquest proceeded more rapidly than the Imperials had expected; few Carolinians were willing to fight to defend the miserable status quo they lived under, with our kingdom reduced to a mere foreign corporate interest. Sadly, things were about to get worse, and worse. Faulkner’s apparent ‘success’ in his role catapulted him into Fourteen Culpeper Road; his alliances with the One Carolina Movement in the Patriots, together with his shaky so-called Social American Coalition, ensured that there would never be a majority for any solution, valid or not, for the ‘Cotton Question’. Our American neighbours, in their infinite wisdom, saw fit to maintain Faulkner’s government for eight years until his death, time in which the idea of Carolina’s unsettled status being left to fester became normalised.

    Of the political leaders of the ENA in this era, perhaps the only one who made a serious attempt to resolve Carolina’s situation was Thomas Gedney, but his time in government was brief before he retired due to ill health.[5] Jack Tayloe, the crass Cygnian bushranger who replaced him, found the worst possible compromise between the already idiotic views of Faulkner and the One Carolina Movement: to create a new Confederation of Carolina consisting of our post-independence borders and Africa Nova and Hispaniola, but nothing else! Clearly, as he fairly openly admitted, his primary goal was to remove some black voters from the Old Virginia where his ancestors had been born. This kind of view was not uncommon among the white people of that Confederation, nervous about how their House of Delegates was now more than one-quarter black, and illustrates—as if another lesson was needed after the 1830s—that there is no more common ground between the Carolinian and the Virginian than with any other kind of American. Though one can argue that any kind of settlement would have been better than the nothing Carolina got, it is difficult to see how Tayloe’s outrageous idea would have led to anything other than strife. In any event, Tayloe’s attempts to use the interior territories of the ENA as a prototype for his plans ran into trouble, and his government was ejected over their failures with the Great Canal Race and the Panic of 1917.

    David Fouracre III’s Liberal government was elected off the back of that Panic, which had devastated Carolina more than any of the Confederations of the ENA—because it was compounded by a new threat as well. The boll weevil, a pest formerly not found north of Mexico, had infiltrated cotton plantations across Carolina and began to destroy the crop that remained the economic basis for many rural regions.[6] This was widely attributed to new economic links with Mexico created by the ENA’s ‘Philadelphia System’, though more recently scientists have argued that the first boll weevils had already appeared on Carolinian soil before the outbreak of the Pandoric War. Regardless, at the time the perception was more important, with the ENA blamed for the economic catastrophe and Fouracre’s ruthlessly numbers-focused approach to government essentially writing off Carolina as somebody else’s problem.

    Throughout these years, various Imperial governments had appointed various Governors and bodies to run Carolina, often multiple ones at once with overlapping and poorly-defined responsibilities. Cyrus Wragg had been appointed as puppet Governor as early as 1897 and was never strictly removed, but the fact that successive military administrators and Development Councils and Carolina Boards were appointed as well just ensured that no-one quite knew who was meant to be in charge. No elections, even to symbolic puppet bodies as the General Assembly had often been under the Meridians, took place, because no-one had agreed on what the status of Carolina’s government should be. While Meridian occupation had been oppressive, at least it had been well-organised by comparison. At the end of the day, as Phil Fontaine wrote, the Meridians had cared about Carolina if only because she was a way for them to militarily threaten their rivals, the ENA. But the Americans had only cared about Carolina in a negative way, seeking to remove that Meridian threat. With the Meridians ejected, Carolina might as well not exist in their minds. Certainly she was at the bottom of their priority list with other questions, like the loss of the old mother country and economic empire, what to do with their underrepresented interior, Faulkner’s social programmes, the canal rivalry with the Combine and so on. It is striking to contrast this with Nouvelle-Orléans, which was fairly swiftly annexed into the Empire and legally treated as a disconnected part of the Confederation of Westernesse, because that was a place that the Imperials had decided was strategically and economically important to them. Though this was hardly a perfect solution for the city state’s people, it was at least a solution.

    While all this was going on, Carolina had fallen into almost a state of anarchy, in which local informal governments—some of them little more than bandit groups demanding money for menaces and calling them taxes—ruled the roost. The Imperial occupiers were often rather reluctant to confront them, providing they did not interfere with their own business (and the Empire, like the Meridians before them, increasingly relied on imperfect ‘auxiliary’ troops recruited from elsewhere whom often turned into bandits themselves). The government controlling the city of Talugisi [Birmingham, AL] is remarkable because it was led and controlled by black Carolinians; the Cherokee Empire did not try to contest this, but maintained a quiet remnant independence around the city of Nevadoheyadev.[7] Many of the other local governments were less remarkable, usually led by local white magnates, but not dissimilar in character. There was much racial migration across the occupied Kingdom at this time, with many Negroes going to Africa Nova or Talugisi, Indians going to the remaining Cherokee land, and whites going from cities to the countryside to escape Imperial control. This migration was partially captured by Faulkner’s census, although Carolina was—typically—treated as a tacked-on addendum and the work was not fully completed.

    However, in some places there was increased cooperation and mutual respect between black and white Carolinians, seeing Imperial misrule and bandit neighbours as a common threat. These Neighbourly Communities, as they were named in hindsight, form the basis of our modern society which emerged from the terrors of the Fever Dream, and much else of them is said elsewhere.The most famous and noteworthy of them is the Lebanon Community [Athens, GA] which effectively controlled all the counties in the region except the centre of the titular city where the Imperial occupiers dwelt. It is a sad irony that if the Neighbourlies’ ideas had been widely embraced at the time, so much evil could have been avoided.

    In the First Interbellum, Alfarus and the Combine were operating agents in many nations to either promote the ideals of Societism or, often, in a more pragmatiste manner, to sow disruption that would let the Combine take advantage. They found success in a number of countries, but in order to confront our country’s history we must be prepared to admit that Societist agents could not have succeeded in Carolina without the buy-in of our own people, be they white, black or red. It is one thing for Alfarus to sow sparks, but they would have fizzled out without dry tinder. The Imperials’ mistakes had done much to prime our kingdom for its embrace of an outside ‘help’ that turned into a nightmare, repeating a mistake already committed on a small scale during the War for Independence.[8] But ultimately, the decision to commit national suicide was that our own, and we can only be thankful that the bullet could be removed in time, though it took heroic surgery…

    *

    From: Quotes and newspaper clippings from local history display in public library in Cooperville [OTL Mount Pleasant, South Carolina]—

    Charleston Herald: THE BALLOON GOES UP! French openly attack Russian troops violating Persian sphere of influence—Ultimatum Expected

    Wando Freeman: Chinese-owned businesses burned in Paris—Siamese students drowned in Toulon by mob who thought they looked Chinese—Experts Predict Further Violence

    Charles Town Mail-Gazette: Continental Parliament passes Fouracre’s mobilisation bill—Bankers Warn of Spending Impact—All Eyes on Germany[9]

    The Maple Leaf: True Information: FIGHT FOR FREEDOM! THE RUSSIANS ARE COMING! Watch for news of recruiters coming through your town! Join up today to fight for the Emperor and protect your families![10]

    “It was strange. Not like the last one. It felt unreal. We knew it wouldn’t come to our houses this time, so everything the Yankees said sounded absurd. But we were wrong, weren’t we?” – B. Wragg Hill, Local Cooperville Resident

    “After they failed to protect our mothers and fathers from the bandits and the mob, now they wanted us to sign up? And the rumours said that after the war, they’d just send us on to Guinea or someplace and leave us there. No thank you, we said!” – Sebelle Brown, Local Cooperville Resident

    (A hand-printed broadsheet) YANKEE SOLDIERS GO HOME, AND LEAVE OUR BOYS HERE!

    (A hand-printed pamphlet) Racial Purging by the Back Door? Resist the Siren Call of the Greencoat!

    (A barely legible, blurred page headed by Cooperville Weekly, with a transcription of part of it next to it) “OUTRAGE ON MAIN STREET: Military police open fire with wooden bullets on crowd of protestors laying siege to recruitment station. Six whites and three blacks hurt, two of each seriously. Local governor refuses to comm-” (Note) “This is a proof of an unpublished page of the Weekly that survived the paper’s press being seized by the occupying forces”.

    (An advertisement) TREMURIATIX! The new wonder bug-killer from the Classes’ Chemical Factories in South America! Watch your cotton crops recover like that continent after her Revolution! Come for our free talk at Farmers’ Hall, night of Tuesday 13th May, and get your first bottle for half price! Learn both about the amazing power of this chemical to save your livelihood, and the new thinking that led to its discovery![11]



    [1] ‘Corinthian’ here signifies gentlemanly or sportsmanlike, but in a more usefully gender neutral manner.

    [2] This section should be contrasted with Parts #258 and #266 in Volume VII, which covers some of the same events from a more American/Imperial perspective (filtered in turn through English school history) as opposed to the (mostly white) Carolinian perspective here.

    [3] A figure of speech to describe popular films, though they are not literally made of xyloid (celluloid) by this point in history.

    [4] Note the careful ‘evil advisors’ narrative here to absolve the Emperor of any blame.

    [5] The fact that, in spite of this, Gedney survived to write about politics for decades more may perhaps indicate that he got a chance to establish his version of events that of course he would have sorted out Carolina if he’d been in power longer…

    [6] This is slightly ahead of schedule compared to OTL due to different economic links. Note that although it’s hard to tell from the phrasing here, and cotton is still often regarded as emblematic of Carolina (the Deep South), it is far less dependent on cotton monoculture than the OTL region, in part due to the delay in the invention of the cotton gin.

    [7] Note the careful phrasing contrast of ‘Negroes’ when othering but ‘black Carolinians’ when talking about a part of history that is regarded as part of modern Carolina’s foundation.

    [8] I.e. the Great American War.

    [9] The Gazette, one of the two papers that merged into this one, became famous for refusing to concede ‘Charles Town’ becoming ‘Charleston’ and this has become a tradition retained even after the merger.

    [10] Though it’s been arbitrarily put on the ‘black’ side, this is more of a propaganda paper produced by the Imperial occupying authorities…or one of them.

    [11] Tremuriatix is, indeed, a new wonder insecticide created by the chemical factories of the Combine; it is so called because it contains a group of three muriatine (chlorine) atoms. We know it better as DichloroDiphenylTrichloroethane, or DDT for short…
     
    Last edited:
    279.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    (Lt Black’s note)

    While Jack locates that one problematic edge piece (in more ways than one, you should see the picture on the box), thought I’d try you on something I’ve found. Not sure exactly what happened, but one of the charity bookshop-type places we tried near Charleston had what looked like leftover stock from a newsagent’s—a few months old. I suspect the place must have closed down and they were just hanging on to it briefly before chucking it, seeing as it was mostly topical newspapers and magazines that people wouldn’t buy months late—maybe they planned to sort it to find things like puzzle monthlies that they could still sell on. Anyway, it might have been rubbish to them but it was a bit of a treasure trove to us, and though Captain Nuttall didn’t want us to take that much for fear of arousing suspicion—suspicion of what, Nutty?—among the more recent world news stuff, I managed to pick up a copy of something that was relevant to my interests.

    The Complete Gamester Monthly is a magazine devoted to what we’d call tabletop gaming, though the way it’s framed here is a bit differently from what we’re used to. Wargames specifically are still pretty much the same though, what with them ultimately going back to the time our timeline diverged from this one. I’ll talk about that some other time, but I couldn’t resist when I found out this issue had a description of a wargame about a key battle early in the Black Twenties. It says it was published in New York City, but it appears this fold-out review column was written by the obligatory ‘token Brit’ on the writing team. Or ‘Anglo’ in this case. Having been that guy at times, I sympathise, even if some of the stereotypes they’re making him evoke are maybe not the ones we’d recognise.

    So, digitising this should pass the time till Bob and Dom get back from the pub. Bob’d better have remembered to bring my umbrella back or I’ll have his head for real this time…

    *

    From: “The Complete Gamester Monthly, Issue 213 (October 2019)”—

    MARTIN YORK-ADAMS, our Anglo Fandango, is served up a promising feast this month with Shike and Pott’s latest module for their WDS 2nd Edition system, “Ceylon 1922”. But is he happy with everything on his plate?

    ’Ello mates! It’s been chuckin’ it down in the Weald this week, but on the plus side, I’ve had lots of time to focus on this new offering from Shike and Pott, “Ceylon 1922”—even if it’s driven The Wife spare in the process! Such are the sacrifices we make for journalistic integrity, eh?

    Regular readers of my column—first, have you had your head examined by an alienist lately—will remember I’ve reviewed a number of S&P’s offerings over the last five years, and generally been favourably impressed. I’m a protgun boy first and foremost, and their “Sunrise War Great Protgun Battles” pack-in module for Iron Harvest 4th Edition, back in 2005, got me hooked. A bit simplistic and rough in hindsight, what with it being a demo preview of several battle modules, but I still have fond memories of that one. And six months ago you may remember me singing the praises of Wine Dark Sea, their naval warfare adaptation of their game system, for the module “Trafalgar 1783”. As a patriotic Anglo, nothing pleases me more than trying to avenge Admiral Keppel’s tactical defeat at the hands of the French and Spanish—though it won’t stop me arguing with people over Motext that it was still a strategic victory, with all the troopships he sunk, and (Note from Ed. – We regret Martin’s Trafalgar rant had to be cut for space reasons. Again).

    This isn’t to say that I didn’t spot some flaws in “Trafalgar 1783” which I mentioned in my review, but they seemed like minor and easily fixable issues to me. Unfortunately, for “Ceylon 1922” not only have this issues not been fixed, but they’ve grown larger and more significant. Firstly I should give the disclaimer that maybe they just seem worse to me here because I’m more familiar with twentieth-century warfare, and maybe an expert on the Second Platinean War would have said the same about “Trafalgar 1783”, I don’t know. And if you don’t care about these things that much then I have no hesitation in recommending “Ceylon 1922” as an excellent, well-balanced (tactically) and playable game, a fine addition to the S&P stable. But, I suspect, if you don’t care about these things, you’re also not likely to be the kind of person who would want to play historical wargames in the first place!

    I’ll start with the good news. Firstly, this was a really good choice of subject matter for the strategic-tactical split style that S&P have become known for. The Battle of Ceylon was the first major naval engagement of the Black Twenties outside Europe, and came weeks after the Protocol beat the Pact at the Scheldt, led by us Anglos under Admiral Hotham.[12] At this point, the Protocol had had a string of bad news following China’s refusal to enter the war, Germany’s dithering, and the French failure to effectively exploit the Russians’ internal conflicts in Tartary. The win at the Scheldt helped them recapture the popular narrative, and played a part in Germany finally entering the war soon afterwards.[13] Together with mixed news from Tartary and the isolated Russian forces in India, things were looking bleak for the Pact and they needed good news.

    Ceylon, a Belgian colony, had been built up to be a major Pact naval base over the previous few years, but the powerful Indian Ocean fleet there, with four Belgian and two Russian lineships, would still be easily outgunned if the Protocol were able to combine their forces. These, almost all of which you have access to in the game, consist of Persian and some French forces operating out of Persian and Kalati ports with one lineship; Scandinavian ships operating from Yemen with another; the main French fleet at Cochin in Bisnaga[14] with its five; and the Bengali Navy with its one each at Dacca and Juggernaut, both older vessels purchased from the Americans.[15] I should praise the game for including a mechanic to reflect the Bengalis’ reluctance to become directly involved in the war, with the Protocol player needing to allocate resources to ‘persuade’ them to combine their forces rather than stand on the defensive. However, I do think a similar mechanic intended to represent the early part of the Bisnagi Mutiny is rather crude and dismissive of the real history of Bisnagi workers striking for better pay and conditions; the game basically represents the potential stoppage of supply in French Bisnagi ports as being solely a political play by King Chamaraja Wodeyar XII of Mysore who can be bought off by reallocating resources. This badly misrepresents how the Mutiny actually played out and how it was inspired by the Home Rule movement in Pérousie. While I can understand that the designers did not simply want to ignore this part of history, I think a half-hearted nod that misrepresents it is almost worse. I suspect this game will end up being banned in Bisnaga—though, of course, many countries in the region tend to ban such games for trivial reasons regardless.

    As gameplay goes, “Ceylon 1922” is very detailed and granular, with relatively few of the simplifications that us purists like to complain about! S&P are a professional, successful mass-market company and don’t face the bottlenecks that smaller independent operators do, which we must remember. It’s relatively easy for them to ensure that all ships down to tenders and toothboats have their own distinct pseulac models, for example, but it’s still worthy of praise. The game board uses the classic hex grid format common to almost all S&P games, and it continues to work well and better than the more traditional square grid layout, which always created an unrealistic distinction between units clashing on lines rather than corners. Like “Trafalgar 1783” the game has both a tactical and a strategic aspect; players begin with the board one way up showing a large-scale map of the Arabian Sea and India, from Yemen over to Burma. They must manage logistics and supply, and choose where to send their fleet units and when; correct to history, this is more of a challenge to the isolated Pact player in Ceylon. The game can end relatively quickly if the Pact player makes a mistake or dithers, allowing the Protocol player to combine his or her forces for an overwhelming advantage. But I would tend to prefer historical accuracy like this over artificial balancing, at least in a strategic sense; the manual booklet also comes with suggestions for applying handicaps to even things out for players who prefer that, or to make things fairer if there is a difference in experience between the players.

    When units of the two players enter the same cell on the strategic map, the board is then flipped for the tactical map: a small-scale ocean landscape, with players using provided hex cells of green to create the coastline of Asia if it is nearby, and adding units for local forts. While this system works well in theory, I do feel it was insufficiently play-tested; it requires players to keep notes of their other units’ locations on the strategic map so they can be replaced when the battle is over, and one can imagine bitter arguments breaking out if anyone’s memory differs when it comes to reassemble the former state of play. The time it takes to assemble the local coastline is also tedious and slows down the action considerably. I feel as though this system was designed for modules like “Trafalgar 1783” where there is only a single decisive battle, and does not work so well for a campaign like this in which multiple smaller skirmishes are possible. This also counteracts the classic game solution for a historical source battle or war being unbalanced: to just play two games, with the players switching sides. In this case, that would make for a prohibitively long play session for all but the most dedicated gamesters.

    To their credit, the game designers did include a “Beta-Type Game Mode” in which the players set up the tactical board to resemble the real, historical Battle of Ceylon, and just play that as a single, shorter play session. I do like that this option exists, but to my mind it loses some of the point; the reason why the Ceylon campaign is interesting is because so much of it was about the opposing admirals’ wider strategic planning to try to hit their opponents with as much of an advantage as possible, as the Protocol struggled to combine their forces. The real-life battle is only one of thousands of possibilities, though admittedly a tactically interesting one in itself. Nonetheless, just because of how tedious the repeated switchovers are in a full campaign, I suspect I’d usually end up showing the Beta mode to friends if I was trying to sell them on this game.

    And, indeed, I did have my mate over to play through it with me (you may know him as the writer of the “Statesman” political trivia column in Election Gambling Fortnightly) and we tended to focus on the Beta mode, knowing how long-winded the Alpha strategic game would be. Unfortunately, there are other problems with the tactical phase of the game, and these become more apparent in the Beta mode if you’re at all familiar with the real-life battle. This is celebrated as a triumph in Russia; while it was only a temporary tactical victory that delayed the inevitable fall of Ceylon, it was certainly a remarkable success by Admiral Cornelis van de Velde. But as his name should tell you, the fleet was under Belgian command, and unlike the one at the Scheldt (where Belgian forces were unmotivated due to the Russians acting as an occupying force in their homeland) far away in the East, Belgian forces were unaware of this and worked together well with the Russians. The Russians certainly fought well, but the battle was won through strategic—and controversial—decisions made by van de Velde and implemented by the majority Belgian naval force.

    Van de Velde knew he had to force a decisive battle before his enemies could collect their forces. To that end, rather than standing on the defensive as Governor Maximiliaan van der Noot counselled from Colombo, he launched a number of audacious (and outrageous) terror raids on French Bisnagi coastal cities, including Nagapatnam, the capital of Pondichéry and Tranquebar. Van de Velde had correctly calculated that the French defences here, though they included supposedly dice-loading weapons like toothboats and ironsharks, would be complacent and unable to counter the small forces he recklessly split up his fleet into, each around one or two lineships. The largest force attacked Pondichéry, which was defended by a dentist force and an old sub-lionheart now no longer considered a lineship. This Pact splinter force, commanded by Russian Vice-Admiral Sergei Menshikov, successfully sent most of Pondichéry’s defences to the seabed.

    The terror raids did not inflict much military damage (and are regarded as crimes de guerre by many) but had the desired effect of Lectel lines to Cochin going berserk as French local governors demanded protection; many of the few vessels they had were now wrecks, leaving them naked to further Pact attacks. This also had the effect of rousing local pro-Home Rule sentiment in the Carnatic lands, whereas previously this had mostly been on the west coast region of Travancore, modern Queralie.[16] If France could not protect their people, then what was the point of them paying taxes to Charles XI without representation? Some have speculated that van de Velde’s acts were intentionally meant to cause this disruption, but this gives him too much credit—besides, as van der Noot had warned, the attacks on mainland Tamil peoples also caused revolts among their cousins on the island itself, hampering his attempts to build new defences.

    But van de Velde’s ruthless acts succeeded in forcing the hand of his Protocol counterpart, French Admiral François Louis de la Rochefoucald. Rochefoucald is often dismissed as an overpromoted aristocratic dilettante (he was a duke) who only held his position because of social ladder climbing at home. This is unfair and indeed ridiculous, given the preceding years had had the anti-aristocratic Diamantine Party in power in Paris, the time when Rochefoucald was assigned. Rochefoucald was a competent commander suddenly forced into having to play politics, to make decisions based on the clamouring by Governor-General Rondeau in Pondichéry and the Cazeneuve ministry in Paris. He decided he could not wait for the Franco-Persian force from Persia or the Scandinavians from Yemen to turn up, assembled his fleet and steamed for Cape Comorin, hoping to catch van de Velde which is own forces were still divided.

    In real life, van de Velde was able to assemble his forces quicker, which the game accurately represents as a difficult task. His six lineships faced Rochefoucald’s forces at a point actually closer to the mainland than Ceylon (and, indeed, some Belgians call it the Battle of Murugna [Thiruchendur] instead). Like the Battle of the Scheldt, it was a fight in which aero power still provided only a secondary role, mostly as spotters, though there were frequent exchanges of bombers between Ceylon and the mainland (still mostly steerables rather than aerodromes). Some have called the Battle of Ceylon the last great lineship battle, before the advent of aerodrome warfare on the American-Pacific front would become apparent. It was a great, dramatic and decisive battle, in which van de Velde managed to sink three of the French’s lineships and damage the two that escaped, for the loss of only one of his own plus heavy damage to a second. It was one of the greatest French military defeats of any kind in history. It was a shocking result that had a big impact on the war beyond this front; people started muttering that the threat of French military intervention, that had kept France neutral but feared during the Pandoric War and allowed her to be the architect of the peace, might have been a bluff all along. Had the French become soft in the decades of peace her people had lived through? Her vaunted Conquérant trimaran lineships had failed to stand up to the more conventional designs of Russia and Belgium. If the battle had come slightly earlier, the result might even have kept Germany out of the war, and it probably played a role in other countries staying neutral; the ball was back in the Pact’s court.

    Such an important battle certainly deserves a wargame; unfortunately, to come back to my problems with “Ceylon 1922”, there are issues I can’t ignore. One of the most dramatic and decisive moments of the battle was when a shell from van de Velde’s flagship Karel de Stoute scored a lucky hit on Rochefoucald’s flagship André Malraux and touched off her magazine.[17] It’s hard to design a wargame around such an unlikely event, the fortune of war, because that more than anything—the French fleet being decapitated of command at a crucial moment—is what did more than anything to win the battle for the Pact. However, I don’t like the way S&P’s designers have approached it here. There’s an entire minigame about you getting the shell through the armour, with dice rolls and everything—and, annoyingly, it specifically requires it to be the Karel firing on the Malraux. It’s not as if there was some specific flaw, that could have happened with any of the lineships firing on any of the others, and it feels like an uncomfortable piece of railwaying the events towards the real-life outcome.

    Except it’s not, because this minigame is also (realistically!) incredibly hard and frustrating to pull off, which makes it all the more aggravating that the game’s design seems to urge the Pact player toward doing it. I admit I got so angry after my third failed attempt that, well, you know what happens to things that annoy me around here: THE TUBECOOKER BECKONS!

    (Note by Lt Black: here we see an image of the angry-looking author holding a small, slightly melted and scorched looking plastic model of a trimaran battleship, while standing in front of a smoking microwave oven)

    So would this game be fine without this minigame mechanic? Unfortunately I have one other major issue with it, which I find a nonsensical decision. All the gun calibres are given in inches. No, I’m not just being a hardcore Divvy, I know they need to translate local units so they make sense for beginner players—but I mean they’re not rounding up, they’re literally using the same data sources as for the closest American ship cannon and shells at the time. That’s appallingly lazy and misleading, and it baffles me considering the level of detail put into the rest—what, was this the intern’s job? It looks as though they’ve just recycled data from an earlier game involving one of the American-Combine naval battles from later in the war, and it’s just inexcusable. Not only is it bad history, it also means the tactical battle doesn’t play like the real one should. My mate and I tried deliberately setting up events as close to the real life battle as we could, including me letting him win at that blasted minigame so he could blow up the Malraux—and the outcome was still a Protocol victory, because guns on ships that could penetrate other ships’ armour in the real battle couldn’t do so here because they were using the wrong numbers.

    So, in summary, this is an ambitious game that does a lot of things right, but is really let down by laziness and poor decisions in a couple of aspects. I don’t know who the target market here was; casual players won’t care about what I said, but they’re also unlikely to appreciate all the detail put into the strategic phase or the multiple ship models, either. It’s a shame, because there was clearly a lot of potential here. I have to give it four out of ten.

    Next issue, join me as I explore Mikkelsen’s new module about Modigliani’s invasion of my home turf, the Weald, in 1807! And if you think I got pedantic on this review, wait till I can tell them off for getting the local landscape wrong!

    Martin York-Adams is a freelance book and game reviewer from Sussex, England.





    [12] Adams is using “(Vitebsk) Pact” as the generic term for Russo-Belgian forces, which is not something that would have been commonplace in 1922 (where the new Belgian alliance was usually treated as something new and separate, even if Belgium had formally joined the Pact) but is a common hindsight appellation by historians used to talking about the later stages of the war. Similarly he generically uses ‘Protocol’ for the opposing forces, another historian’s shorthand derived from the ‘Marseilles Protocol’ of the Pandoric War, even though the current alliance structures (the Cannae Mondiale, the Bouclier, and new bilateral alliances with places like Persia) are only vaguely derived from that. It too is not a term that would have been used much at the time, except perhaps by the Russians in a derogatory way.

    [13] More on this later…

    [14] AKA Kochi; Adams is being anachronistic by referring to the French colonies in southern India as ‘Bisnaga’ which is a later, post-colonial name.

    [15] Dacca is the older spelling of Dhaka, and Juggernaut is a name used for the city called Puri, an anglicised form of its alternative name Sri Jagannatha Dharma. (Jagannath is another name of Vishnu and the city is known for its large temple and parades, the latter involving large wooden ceremonial chariots which gave English the word ‘juggernaut’ as in unstoppable force). Puri/Juggernaut was in the state of Odisha/Orissa, but this was destroyed as a separate kingdom in the Great Jihad and much of its former territory is now part of the Confederation of Bengal.

    [16] Nagapatnam, Pondichéry and Tranquebar are today called Nagapattinam, Pondicherry still or Puducherry, and Tharangambadi. Tranquebar was formerly a Danish colony, which ended up being sold to France (in OTL it was sold to the British East India Company in 1845). Queralie is a Frenchified transliteration of Kerala.

    [17] Karel de Stoute is the Dutch/Flemish form of Charles the Bold (1433-1477), a historical figure whom Belgium has painted as a sort of spiritual founding father, for his earlier attempts to unite territories roughly corresponding to the current Belgian nation state.
     
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    279.3
  • Thande

    Donor
    (Ensign Cussans’ note)

    While those two are doing impressions of Steve Coogan and Rob Brydon over that jigsaw, I’m going to add a few more excerpts from these history books to the digitiser. We haven’t got to the really distressing stuff yet. I think it was Cicero who said “In a war, people die, and that’s a bad thing”.

    *

    From: “Decade of Hell: The Black Twenties” by Michael P. T. Emmerson (1988)—

    For students of history, it can be difficult to understand popular and governmental perceptions of the opening rounds of the conflict that would later be namelessly folded into the broader period of upheaval that was the Black Twenties. It is easy for our own perceptions to become coloured by hindsight of what came later. In this respect it resembles other long-running historical wars and periods of conflict such as the Thirty Years’ War of the seventeenth century; the people fighting in 1618 did not know how ruinously long the conflict would stretch. Their perceptions, and their chosen actions based on their perceptions, can therefore be far removed from our own thoughts when we look at those opening events with the benefit of hindsight.

    One key insight, suggested by analysts before but strongly supported by the work of Susan Wetherby in 1922: The Road to War (1970) is that both the French and the Russian governments simultaneously regarded the opening weeks and months of the war as being disastrous for their own side. Wetherby’s argument is backed up by an extensive search of declassified documents in the French Royal Archives, and what survives from their Russian counterparts, as well as interviews with eyewitnesses who worked as clerks and subordinates to the major players at the time. In order to understand this perception, Wetherby points out that neither France nor Russia had truly known a major reversal in foreign policy terms for many years. It is possible to critique this assertion by drawing attention to the collapse of Russia-backed Beiqing China in the Pandoric War, and the independence of Dufresnie and the failure of France’s International Expeditionary Force in South America just afterwards, but the broad argument has some merit. While those events certainly impacted on the politics of the two powerful nations, they were usually regarded as being associated with a particular ministry (in France) or ‘evil advisor’ or Soviet councillor (in Russia), errors of judgement which would be punished by a reshuffle and/or election result to remove the offending individual, or exile to the East respectively.[18]

    Conversely, the reversals in the early part of the war were seen as an existential threat to the two nations’ status as world-striding colossi, not simply explainable away as the error of one individual. Wetherby’s argument is that, as both France and Russia were used to getting their own way at the expense of weaker nations, a clash between the two would inevitably shatter at least one side’s confidence, because someone had to win and someone had to lose. The reality was actually more complex, with ambiguity dogging the initial clashes even when they were solid victories or defeats, the two major naval battles of the Scheldt and Ceylon being the primary examples of the latter case. In the Scheldt, a ‘Protocol’ (to use a popular though anachronistic term) fleet defeated a Pact one, in what was seen as a defeat by Russia (as Admiral Gavrilov had lost) but not much of a victory by France (as it had been won by the English Admiral Hotham, and Counter-Admiral Myard of the French contingent had not covered himself with glory). The situation was effectively reversed in Ceylon a few weeks later, where the Pact had won, but under the Belgian Admiral van de Velde, and the force he defeated was largely French and under a prominent and formerly well-regarded French admiral, François Louis de la Rochefoucald. In both cases, the perception was that Russia and France had lost, respectively, yet with the paradox that they had not won the other clash; rather, one of their supposedly subordinate allies had.

    Wetherby’s argument perhaps applies more to France, with its freer press casting aspersions on the government, than in Russia, whose propaganda carefully papered over van de Velde’s inconvenient nationality and trumpeted Ceylon as a success for the Tsar. Though popular perception may have been unconvinced, of course. The naval clashes were only the most dramatic part of this narrative. France’s overseas policy was falling apart thanks to the neutrality of China and Danubia, followed by weeks of dithering from Germany (q.v.). The land war in Europe had therefore not begun in earnest by August 1922, but already there were visible problems in other theatres. From the French perspective, the Russians had successfully cut a resupply corridor through Tartary and their aero forces were outperforming those of the French and Persians themselves. This culminated in the deadly aero raid on Shiraz on August 2nd, a black day for Persian history. This shocked the world in both its brutality (partly unintended, as Russian bombers had intended to target military targets but had made errors and triggered fires), and in how much it showed that warfare had changed. Suddenly, no city was safe if the enemy could reach it from their nearest aerofields (and in the ENA and Combine in particular, theorists noted the power of a mobile aerofield in the form of a hiveship). France’s attempts to stop the bombers with interceptor aerocraft seemed to meet with imperfect success in these days before Photrack [radar] and made the supposed protector of Persia look helpless. Paris itself was potentially within the range of these flying death machines thanks to Belgium, leading to an urgent panic about pushing hard into Belgium to take it off the map (which itself led to avoidable bloodshed).

    The French therefore saw the Russians as sweeping all before them. The Russians saw it differently. Shiraz was seen as a grievous error for which officers up to the rank of general were quietly court-martialled in closed courts; terror was not a weapon Emperor Paul would hesitate to use, but unintended terror, not part of a planned policy, was disastrously unpredictable. Shiraz turned much neutral public opinion against Russia, particularly in Germany where there had been some further hesitation after the Pact victory at Ceylon. And while the Russians were defeating the French in the skies over Persia, it was a much more mixed picture on land. The Russian army was pushing slowly but steadily into Persia via the Azeri lands of the Caucasian border, but Tartary remained restive and combative; what the French saw as a successful supply corridor was regarded by the Russians as a fragile shoestring constantly under local Tartar attack. Members of Russia’s military high command, the Stavka,[19] feared the war was fundamentally unwinnable for Russian interests due to the need to focus on France and Persia while Tartary remained in revolt, and the Russian troops in Pendzhab were trapped and cut off. This was exacerbated further by a revolt of the Sikh administrators in the province (q.v.). Many feared, incorrectly as it turned out, that the Yapontsi would seize the opportunity for yet another round of rebellion themselves.

    Another example of a Russian defeat without a corresponding French victory occurred on August 22nd, when Russian strike marines operating from Enterprize[20] attacked the major American naval base of Fort Fowler on the Salish Sound in Drakesland.[21] Knowing the Americans were building up for a major assault on Russian America, to be supported by the Pacific Fleet based in Fort Fowler, the Russians acted boldly to stage a pre-emptive site and weaken that fleet. The strike marines planned to plant new kinds of adhesive bombs to the American ships below the waterline, sinking them in dock. The Mexican military historian Adolfo Chavez has pointed out that this plan was always flawed, as the Americans would probably have been able to raise and repair the ships, and it would only have bought the Russians limited time. Regardless, it is a moot question, as the daring strike marine raid—which in another world’s history would probably have birthed countless films celebrating its audacity—failed miserably when it was stopped by the dull but dutiful security arrangements of America’s boringly competent Admiral Chamberlain Miller. Once again, Russia had been defeated in such a way that made it look more like a failure on the Russian side rather than any great triumph by their foes. The incident is commemorated today in the distinctive logo of the Washington-based tea-house chain Whaler’s, which depicts a scared-looking Russian strike marine being illuminated by the beam of a (somewhat anachronistic!) electric torch in the hand of a local watchman. Perhaps it will become better known, as Whaler’s has gone from a quaint Drakesland institution to one which appears to be colonising the civilian aeroports of the nation.

    As President Fouracre launched the assault that his predecessors had long prepared for, the Russians found it difficult to protect what they had won in the Pandoric War. The hinterland of the isolated naval base of Shemeretvsk on the Californian border[22] was rapidly taken by the Imperial Fifth Army under General George Chandler Welch, and by November 1922 only the embattled base itself was fighting on, occasionally resupplied from Noochaland or farther afield. The strike marines having failed, Russia’s Admiral Korsakov avoided direct confrontation with the superior American fleet under Miller, trying for asymmetric attacks using ironsharks—but this strategy effectively conceded control of the waves to the Americans. The Russians needed naval superiority if they were to have any hope of preventing their Pandoric War gains from falling victim to American reconquest; unlike the situation a quarter-century ago, the Americans were not distracted by a major front in Carolina (...for now) and could bring their full force to bear. At least so much as the railway links permitted, but this war had been planned for years.

    We will cover more of the events of this early phase of the war elsewhere, but the important point here for Wetherby’s argument is the impact it had on how the nations of France and Russia reacted. The two countries’ different systems of government fundamentally affected the options they had available to them. In France, the failures and lukewarm successes were attached to the Cazeneuve Government, not to the constitutional King Charles IX and the entire structure of the state. They did impact on how France was seen across Europe, causing wobbles in Italy and especially Spain, formerly firm allies—but a subordinate one in the latter case. But fundamentally, Charles could always ask Cazeneuve to resign to take those failures with him. Russia was a different matter due to its autocratic form of government. Ultimately there was only so much that failures could be blamed on ‘evil advisors’ among the Imperial Soviet and exorcised by firing them; if all power devolved on the Tsar, then so too did all responsibility. In February 1923, amid reversals on most fronts, Emperor Paul would make the quixotic and radical decision to declare himself personal supreme commander of the Imperial forces. This drew a line under what had come before, but came with the obvious hazard that any future failures would be unavoidably attached directly to him.

    This decision also gave Prime Minister Cazeneuve, in Paris, an unexpected shot in the arm. He had expected to have to fall on his sword for a similar drawing-a-line approach to past failures, though he had proposed a new political strategy to King Charles as an alternative. That strategy had seemed naive, but now Paul’s move would give him an excuse to approach an individual who would become known to many as the greatest stateswoman of the twentieth century...



    [18] ‘The East’ here implying Russian America as well as Siberia, being a term influenced by later events viewed in hindsight as putting these together as an entity.

    [19] This term for military headquarters has appeared through parallel evolution, probably originating from a slurred-together abbreviation of the words for ‘staff’ and ‘tent’.

    [20] ‘Strike marines’ is a common term in TTL for what we would call commandos—a term which only entered English in OTL because of the Boer War. Enterprize is a town and fort on the northeastern coast of Noochaland [Vancouver Island], on the site of the OTL settlement of Campbell River and named after Captain North’s ship. The Russians presumably renamed it from this American name when they conquered it in the Pandoric War; the fact that the author here does not bother to give the Russian name may be a clue for how things will proceed.

    [21] The Salish Sound is the term used in TTL for Puget Sound (which in OTL terminology is only part of the Salish Sea). Fort Fowler is on the site of OTL Everett, WA.

    [22] See Part #249 in Volume VI. Shemeretvsk, formerly Two Ton Port, is the OTL town of Port Orford, OR.
     
    280.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    From: “The Black Twenties” by Errol Mitchell (1973)—

    As the fateful year of 1922 ended, it is worth briefly examining the global state of play.

    In central and eastern Europe, the fall of isolated and embattled Czechosilesia to the Germans was now inevitable, while the Russians were also forced to fall back—albeit only slightly—before Germany’s more anaemic advances in Poland, aided by Polish partisan sabotage of the Russian war machine. The uncomfortable alliance between Germany and Scandinavia also bore fruit. Though the naval clashes between the Scandinavian and Vitebsk Pact Baltic forces[5] did not yield filmish epic battles like the Scheldt and Ceylon—both sides mindful of those and seeking to avoid battle at a disadvantage—the Pact was generally held at bay. Things tilted further towards the Scandinavians when their allies were boosted; Germany’s small naval force had been in place since the beginning, but following the Scheldt and less storied defeats of Belgian naval forces in home waters, English and French ships were also able to enter the Baltic to aid their allies. Though revolts in Finland were more limited than Paris had hoped (having underestimated how much the Finns regarded their current autonomy as an improvement on memories of Swedish rule), the grim winter war in Russian Sweden continued to favour the Scandinavians. Though the Russians were, of course, masters of such warfare, ultimately all other fronts were suffering due to the focus on Persia and attempting to subdue Tartary and relieve Pendzhab.

    In hindsight, it is easy for us to see how some optimists (more often in London or Dresden than Paris) saw Russia’s slow, defensive retreat on the European fronts to hint that the Tsar’s reputation had proved unexpectedly hollow, and his rotten empire would come crashing down at a bold thrust.[6] Such conclusions undoubtedly played a role in moves such as the fall of Don Federico Borromeo’s cautious government in Rome in favour of one led by Antonio Orsini, who believed that Italy ran the risk of being sidelined at a peace treaty unless she took a more active role. Orsini had grand and slightly quixotic ambitions to demand Russian Erythrea, and its consequent influence over the Abyssinian Empire, at such a treaty—which, based on Russia’s reversals, he regarded as being only a matter of time. Russia’s early situation was probably also a factor in more byzantine (no pun intended) shifts in political influence at Constantinople, as the voices of pro-revanche factions became more prominent.

    However, the Ottoman situation was more complex than this, as the empire was also adjacent to Russia’s main area of success and many of its politicians were mindful of this. Despite missteps like the Shiraz Massacre, Russia’s modern mobilised forces were grinding through northern Persia at a slow but steady rate. The Tsar’s decision to focus on aggression here, at the cost of some forces to subdue Tartary and relieve Penzhab, has been criticised by historians, but did badly shake Paris’ confidence. At the cost of much loss of life, the fabled ‘armart legions’, ultimately led by Marshal Mikhail Kobuzev, had indeed triumphed—albeit not in the effortless sweep across nations that some military theorists had imagined. In the early months of the war, Russian forces operating from the Caucasus took the strategic city of Ardabil and then Tabriz, the latter a historical capital and the centre of Persian governance of its possessions in the region. Meanwhile, in the east Kobuzev’s armarts overran the Khanate of Khiva, easily circumventing the small expeditionary forces France had managed to rush there and taking a few high-profile French prisoners.

    Persia proper put up more of a fight, with Shah-Advocate Jafar Karim Khan Zand’s modernised and well-equipped army fighting from long-prepared defensive positions and using geography to their advantage. Nonetheless, the overwhelming numbers of the Russians and their aero superiority—despite France’s attempts to counter it—told. Mashhad, one of Persia’s most populous cities, fell in September after being encircled and pounded by Kobuzev’s armies. This opened up the north of the country for Russian supply lines, and in October Gorgan fell, taking with it the whole of the province of Golestan.[7] Gilan, in the west, fell soon afterwards to General Trubetskoy’s forces operating from Ardabil, with only the key city of Resht and its port of Anzali fighting on.

    On November 11th, the Russians launched a surprise naval descent across the Caspian Sea, even as Trubetskoy’s and Kobuzev’s forces advanced on land from both east and west. The Tsar’s strike marines redeemed themselves for their embarrassing failure at Fort Fowler in North America; they were able to sabotage the remains of Persia’s Caspian fleet in dock in embattled Anzali, while simultaneously seizing the city of Amol. Military historians now believe the Russians were overextended, and the isolated strike marines could have been ejected from the city if the Persian General Mohammed Dadvey had not ordered a withdrawal. However, it is easy to judge with hindsight, and the portrayal of Dadvey acting in a panic (used as a scapegoat by later Persian accounts) is questionable. At the time, given the limitations of Lectel and Photel, generals were operating in even more of a ‘fog of war’ than in conflicts today, and Dadvey was doubtless mindful of how Persian forces had previously been cut off and overrun by the armart legions in Mashhad. Some biographers have also pointed out that Dadvey was from a noble family with connections to Amol and its province of Mazandaran, and may have had a visceral fear of the Russians turning the ancient region into a battlefield. However, others have criticised this view, as Dadvey’s connection was vague and he had grown up at the court in Shiraz.

    Regardless of the reasons, the Russians had executed a perfect tridentine attack, with forces from the west, north and east all meeting to take Mazandaran and turn the Caspian into what was effectively now a Russian lake—as Peter the Great had always dreamed of.[8] Besides its strategic importance, Amol was also a key centre for both industry and food production, and its loss badly hampered the Persian war effort. 1922 ended with the Russians besieging large and important northern Persian cities such as Tehran and the oft-rebellious Semnan.[9] If not the guerre d’éclair that the theorists had envisaged, hampered by the mountainous terrain of Persia and the competent, well-equipped and French-aided Persian army as their opponent, the Russians had certainly pulled off a dramatic victory. The Shah-Advocate was already considering whether it might be in his country’s best interests to come to the negotiating table, but for now he was assured that victory was still possible—after all, this was a global war, and elsewhere in the world it seemed the Russians might brought down elsewhere. This impression was probably fostered by the fact that Shiraz itself was now eerily peaceful; the capital, in the south of Persia in its Farsi heartland, could not be reached by the enemy except by air—and, after the controversy of the Shiraz Massacre, the Tsar had banned the Imperial Aero Fleet from going anywhere near it.

    As mentioned above, things were less rosy for the Russians in Tartary, although France quickly withdrew several half-cocked attempts to directly send expeditionary forces there (her plans having relied on having the support of China). The rebellious Tartars nonetheless benefited from French, German and Italian weapons being supplied to them before the war, and frequently staged successful attacks on the railways that linked up the Russian bases. The Russians, led by General ‘Black Ivan’ Gantimurov, retaliated with terror attacks that, unlike the Shiraz Massacre, were little reported on around the world due to a sheer lack of witnesses. Racial purging followed, with many peoples placed into camps or limited to only former parts of their historic lands, with Russian settlers moved in afterwards (not always of their own will). The full details of the crimes de guerre were not exposed until a memoir written by a haunted veteran of the Russian forces, Alexei Zamotin, in 1937. Though they are frequently today considered one of the emblematically catastrophic events that characterise the Black Twenties, this is therefore something of a hindsight view, as are suggestions of moral equivalence between the Tsar and the Societists. Some have argued that the forced movement of peoples also exacerbated the spread of the primary emblematic catastrophe of the era through Russia...

    Gantimurov’s brutal reprisals did not do much for the embattled Russian forces in Pendzhab, facing rebellion from their subjects and Sikh administrators, of which more detail elsewhere. Using their powerful aero forces as a means of resupply, the Russians managed to supply Prince Yengalychev’s troops with just sufficient materiel to make surrender untenable, yet insufficient to actually break out of their fortified positions. Much the same was true farther west on the American front, where the fort of Shemeretvsk was still grimly battling on at the end of 1922, though all its hinterland had long since been lost to the Americans. The Americans had advanced slightly into what was then called Russian America, with aero raids on military facilities at the key cities of Baranovsk and Shevembsk[10] and the seizure of the Russian half of the former Superior Republic. However, while the Russian positions here were still clearly even more neglected than those in Europe, the Americans also needed time to mobilise their own land forces, and some of their recruitment tactics were met with a lukewarm response by the American people. Around this time, Russian propaganda (and not a few European grumbles) claimed that the Americans had been ‘softened’ by President Faulkner’s ‘petticoat government’ Social Americanism, and that young American boys were now unmanly and unfit for war.[11] The primary effect of this was to stop older Americans who’d been saying the same thing, and instead making them rally around the flag and support their troops against this foreign insult. From the start of the campaign season in 1923, the Americans would demonstrate that Social Americanism had not ‘softened’ them one bit.

    And what of elsewhere? The war in Africa is an oft-neglected field, with the Russians, Belgians and Matetwa fighting the English, Scandinavians, Italians and Cape Dutch—we will examine in this in more detail later. Further north, there was surprisingly little conflict around the Horn; after the defeat at Ceylon gave the Persians and their Omani subjects cold feet about combining their naval forces with France’s, they were kept in home waters and effectively bottled up the small Russian fleet based on Erythrea. Border conflicts between Russian-backed Abyssinia and Persian-Omani Zanguebar were relatively minor, except where local rulers saw an opportunity for advantage. The war also put the nascent, modernising African state of Kitara at the centre of a three-way conflict.[12] Already in a never-ending brush war with the increasingly Societist-dominated heart of Africa to its west, Kitara was now subject to the influence of rival Persian-Omani and Russian-Abyssinian backed factions at its court in Mengo.[13] Any spark could set the conflict alight.

    In India it felt as though both sides were simultaneously on the back foot. The Russians might be embattled in Pendhzab, but they and their Belgian allies benefited from Van de Velde’s triumph at Ceylon: the island became a strong fortress and rallying point from which the Vitebsk Pact forces continued to harry France’s rich coastal possessions. The flames of Bisgani social revolt were fanned, with the so-called Bisnagi Mutiny largely being limited to industrial strike action and protest. This was influenced by the success of the Pérousiens obtaining Home Rule and demanding the latter for the peoples of French India. Although King Chamaraja Wodeyar XII is today often seen as a leader of the Mutiny, in fact he and the Kingdom of Mysore initially regarded it with alarm, as the potential beginnings of a revolution that could sweep the Mysorean state away. It was only when the King was unimpressed with France’s flailing response to the Mutiny that he decided he knew where the future lay, and nailed his colours to the mutineers’ mast. Elsewhere in India, the Bengalis prepared to march into the once-lawless Aryan Void to support the Pendzhabi revolt against the Russians, while all sides (except the Chinese) neglected the surreptitious machinations of the Societists – not in the former Maratha lands as the French had guessed, but in the International Guntoor Region.

    Yet in all of this we have neglected the biggest and bloodiest front of the war at all. Following aero raids on Paris, and amid fears sparked by the Shiraz Massacre, the Cazeneuve Government in Paris decided that the only reasonable course of action was to attempt to knock Belgium out of the war before such barbarism could come to Europe. Thus a continent was set alight once more by an old, old war objective that would have been well familiar to Louis XIV or Marshal Boulanger; France invaded the Low Countries. All the military might, technological advancement and weight of numbers that Europe’s most powerful nation could wield was hurled against a border which had remained fixed for almost a century. The French border cities of Tournai and Mons were turned into armed camps, their Walloon inhabitants almost dazzled by the wall-to-wall reminders of the Route des Larmes and Belgium’s historical crimes. All the propaganda ability of France swung into line, including the nascent sciences of filmmaking and Photel broadcasts, promising the lost Walloon cities of Wittelsbach and Luik (formerly Charleroi and Liége) would be reclaimed for the descendants of those who had been racially purged from them.

    Of course, this rhetoric backfired horribly. At the start of the war, Belgium was a country seething with discontent, her king reduced to a cipher by his father’s deal with the devil, half the time treated as a mere colony of Petrograd. The defeat at the Scheldt could have been a trigger for a revolt, as it showed Russia’s inability to protect Belgium from external attack. Instead, Cazeneuve’s policy only served to convince the Belgian people that the French were set on their virtual extermination, leading them to fight resolutely for their homes even if they had little time for their puppet king or his master the Tsar. In particular, those from historically Walloon-populated cities could scarcely compromise with an opponent that sought, at best, to uproot them from their homes and pack them into reserves elsewhere (as they saw it). This also served to erase any remaining barrier between Flemings and Dutch of the former United Provinces, whereas there might still have been a possibility of exploiting such a division, perhaps using France’s alliance with the Cape Dutch. Instead, the propaganda offensive served to give the latter group pause, and would ultimately render them vulnerable to emissaries sent from the now-Societist corpses of the two other former exilic Dutch states...

    By the end of 1922, it was clear that Cazeneuve’s ambitions for a quick victory had been rendered hollow. While the Russians in Persia were driving through vast areas of land, in Belgium all the industrial misery of modern warfare was concentrated into a tiny area made hell on earth (in the words of one poet). The French had managed to take Ypres and were threatening Ostend (with rather lukewarm help from the English, who did not return Cazeneuve’s calls about sending troops) and were crawling up the rivers Sambre and Meuse towards Wittelsbach and Namen,[14] yet had relativelty little progress to show for the hundreds of thousands of deaths both sustained and inflicted by her armies in bitter trench warfare. Modern protguns and aero forces made some difference, but the sheer resilience of the Belgians, and generations of fortresses and defensive lines built by paranoid Wittelsbach kings, made the country a terribly hard nut to crack. And while this was ongoing, of course, the very thing Cazeneuve had feared was happening. While both sides pledged to only attack military targets following the Russian massacre at Shiraz, in practice bombing of civilians in both Paris and Brussels, as well as Lille and many other cities, proved unavoidable. France continued to appeal for help from the Germans, who continued to mutter something reassuring-sounding while remaining focused on trying to push into Poland as a fence against the inevitable day when Russia was able to commit more forces. France’s anaemic success was regarded as a point of pride for the Belgians, creating the myth of ‘plucky little Belgium stands alone’ which would continue to influence the country’s national character to the present day. At the same time, Belgium was isolated by the defeat at the Scheldt, her people were starving and her army was low on supplies. Surely they could not last much longer, Cazeneuve told himself, as he nervously watched his numbers in the Grand-Parlement and the wrinkles in King Charles XI’s forehead.

    Such was the world at the end of 1922. Yet, while all eyes were on men fighting and dying (and frequently taking women and children with them) on a dozen fronts throughout the world, nature would soon remind mankind that no matter how many inventive ways men had conceived to end their lives, they still could not hold a candle to her.

    A little after 1923 dawned, according to the western Gregorian calendar, it was time for New Year celebrations according to the different, lunar calendar used in the East. People of sufficient means in both China and Siam returned to their families, or went to capital cities for major celebrations, doubly rejoicing that their wise rulers had kept their nations out of war, ensuring they would not have to fear that their boys would lose their lives.

    Or so they thought, as they scratched their flea bites, cursed the rats nibbling at the food in their markets, and read in their newspapers about the new transport links to Yunnan province following the reconciliation and open border between their rival empires...






    [5] This author is less prone to resort to misleadingly using the alliance names, but here it is a useful shorthand to avoid having to list Russians, Lithuanians, Poles, Finns, Courlanders etc. separately.

    [6] It is worth remembering that in TTL, no external force has seriously tried to invade Russia since Sweden did in the Great Northern War, more than two centuries before this. Unlike OTL, with its example of Napoleon, claims that Russia is a paper tiger and modern technology have obviated its historical geographic advantages are taken somewhat more seriously.

    [7] The provinces of Persia are not quite the same as those of modern or historical Iran in OTL, as these formal subdivisions long postdate the POD. At this point in our history, Iran did not have a separate province of Golestan, but does today.

    [8] This is passing over details slightly. Peter the Great (in both OTL and TTL) did defeat the Persians in the war of 1722-23 and annex the coastline of the Caspian down to Resht and beyond; however, the lands were returned to the Persians barely a decade later in the Treaty of Resht, partly because of a revival of Persian power under Nader Shah. In any case, Peter had never held the eastern coast of the Caspian (as would be required to truly make it a ‘Russian lake’), as the Russians did not control that part of Central Asia at the time.

    [9] Semnan’s vaguely-alluded-to reputation here reflects both a general historical enmity for distant rulers and a more specific connection to the Qajar dynasty, which never succeeded in seizing power in TTL.

    [10] OTL Vancouver and Kelowna, BC, Canada, respectively.

    [11] ‘Petticoat government’ is a nineteenth and early twentieth century phrase used in OTL to mean either something similar to the modern ‘nanny state’ or sometimes as a disparaging phrase to describe women in government. In this case it is being used in the former sense.

    [12] ‘Kitara’ is really the state we call Buganda dominating its neighbours, having had a similar-to-OTL rise to power following the decline of its former master Bunyoro in the eighteenth century. However, in TTL, just as Bunyoro sometimes invoked the name of the old, possibly legendary empire of Kitara to claim legitimacy, Buganda continues to do so. (It should be noted that the history of these kingdoms is based on unreliable and debated sources).

    [13] Today in OTL considered only a district of the Ugandan capital of Kampala.

    [14] I.e. Namur.
     
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    281.1
  • Thande

    Donor
    Part #281: The Fourth Horseman

    “Uh, and in other news, here are the society headlines with Miss Alice Beresford.[1] Miss Beresford?”

    “Thank you, Mr Roberts. Tongues are a-wagging among the elite of New York City tonight after Miss Patricia Delancey was snapped walking out with the mysterious and dashing Australian explorer, Thierry (slight pause) Yssingelais, of Béron in Pérousie.[2] Who better, we ask ourselves, to navigate his way through what many have described as the icy wastes of the pretty heiress’ heart? Will he triumphantly go where no man has dared tread, or will he find himself abandoned amid the blizzard that her frigid tongue has unleashed? And closer to home, here in Ultima’s warmer society, we have a friendly exile to talk to now. One of the men to survive an encounter with the ice queen herself, Jago Macavity...”

    *

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)

    The following excerpt is taken from a faded newspaper pull-out section that Ensign Mumby found pressed between two cookbooks in another second-hand bookshop and bought for a pittance. Stripped from its original newspaper, fortunately it does still bear its name and date, being a part of the young but well-regarded newspaper of record, the Ultima Star. Unfortunately, it is the second part of a two-part series and there was naturally no trace of the first issue. Because of this, it does lack some of the context we would prefer. Nonetheless, I agree with Ensign Mumby that it is of relevance both to understanding the period of the Black Twenties, and resonates with what is going on back in the home timeline right now...

    From: “The Nations Against Disease, Part 2 Pull-out and Keep Section” from the “Ultima Star”, Issue 903, Tuesday, November 13th 2012:

    As what some are calling a ‘hyper-flu’ wreaks havoc across the world and many, less responsible, news sources fan the flames of panic, we at the Star think differently. This is a challenge which our ancestors will face before, and our descendants will face again—but, God willing, not forever. In the first part of our pull-out special, last week, we looked at past outbreaks of the deadly influenza virus and how the nations responded.[3] Yet, though we have controlled such outbreaks as we have learned more about the virus, we have yet to eliminate them. Though we have influenza vaccines (and are administering them at present), the virus comes in many strains and undergoes metallaxis so rapidly that it cannot be simply eradicated.[4]Rather than despair at this, let us take heart at the other diseases, once even more deadly than the ’flu, which the nations have obliterated from the world, to trouble us never again. Though the ’flu may be a greater challenge, like some Global Games champion we can look back on our past triumphs and know that one day we shall win the race with our most enigmatic foe from the world of pathogens.

    In this second section, therefore, we will look at other diseases that have caused pandemics across our planet, and why children can grow up today in the twenty-first century fearing them not at all.

    Let us begin with one of the deadliest diseases in the history of the nations, yet one which has now been firmly consigned to the history books: smallpox. So called in contrast to ‘greatpox’ (syphilis), in the eighteenth century smallpox is recorded as being responsible for the deaths of somewhere between one in ten and one in five of all Europeans. Once infected, roughly one in three people died, with the remainder left with permanent scarring (the term ‘pock-marked’, common in past descriptions of people, refers to this). The scars stemmed from the small but omnipresent pustules that rose, horrifically damaging the skin and often causing blindness. Smallpox was also known as ‘variola’, which gave rise to the term ‘variolation’ to describe an early technique that sought to protect people from its effects. Probably independently developed in many nations from Guinea to the Indian states to China, variolation sought (through various means) to weaken the smallpox pathogen and then administer it to the uninfected (usually through rubbing into a cut) to give them a milder form of the disease and thence immunity from reinfection.

    Of course, the mechanism of how this worked was not widely understood at the time, and often the details of the different techniques were jealously guarded as the secrets of individual doctors.[5] The fact that ‘variolation’ referred to so many variations on a theme did not help it gain wide support—the success or failure of different methods was highly variable, with some killing a significant number of those it sought to protect and others being much less hazardous. A high-profile example of variolation came during a smallpox outbreak in Boston in 1721, where Puritan minister Cotton Mather learned of the Guinean practice from his slave, Onesimus, and was able to use it to protect some people from the disease. Despite high levels of resistance and scepticism from Bostonian society (including a young Ben Franklin, who later admitted he had been wrong) the variolation campaign was relatively successful, and spread across what would become the Empire of North America.[6]

    It is ironic that medical textbooks today have to carefully distinguish this ‘variolation’ from the later smallpox ‘vaccination’, when in fact the variolation—using a weakened form of the same disease—has more in common with what we usually call vaccination! However, vaccination in its original form instead refers to using cowpox, a related but far milder disease derived from cows (hence the term ‘vaccine’ from the Latin word for cow) to train the immune system against smallpox. The fact that milkmaids who had been infected with cowpox were resistant to smallpox had been anecdotally noted many times, but the first formal experiments were performed by French doctor Jacques Antoine Rabaut in the late eighteenth century.[7] Though these experiments began well before the French Revolution, there was controversy during the Watchful Peace period that Lisieux’s other doctors had performed what we would now call a ‘challenge trial’ on unwilling volunteers, infecting political prisoners with cowpox and then exposing them to smallpox. Ruthless though the action had been, it was highly effective in demonstrating how much more reliable and safe cowpox vaccination was compared to most past examples of variolation. In the Watchful Peace, smallpox vaccination fell into similar categories as the use of steam engines and Optel technology; Francis of Austria’s regime and the Mittelbund banned it as a ‘republican idea’, while the more pragmatic Russians and Saxons condemned Lisieux while appropriating his regime’s useful breakthroughs. The ideological divide did not emerge in the English-speaking world, where local physicians had been enthusiastically adopting the vaccination method even before the controversial experiment by the Lisieux regime.

    As a result of this and fervent work by the nations and the ASN—supported in the campaign even by their enemies—the smallpox vaccine led to the global eradication of the disease, formally declared in 1975.[8] This is the greatest triumph of the nations over disease in history; a vile complaint that killed millions and disfigured millions more will never trouble the lives of our children, and should give us heart. Polio may soon join smallpox as an eradicated disease, as the ASN now believes that it has been eradicated from every part of the world except India.[9]

    Other diseases remain major killers in some parts of the world, yet we have still taken great strides against them through the development of vaccines and culicides [antibiotics]. The first cholera pandemic began in 1828, though epidemiologists believe there were outbreaks in India long before this. Beginning in Calcutta, it spread through trade routes across Asia, then Africa, Europe and North America as a recurring illness that killed millions.[10] Cholera is caused by a toxin produced by an animalcule that interferes with megalins in the surface of the small intestine, leading fluid to flow from the body into the intestine. This in turn causes symptoms of vomiting and diarrhea along with extreme dehydration, the latter leading to death in a majority of untreated cases. The skin turns bluish in the process, leading to some nicknaming cholera the ‘blue death’. Though culicides and vaccines have now been developed, the biggest weapon in the fight against cholera is sanitation. The fact that cholera was spread by dirty water was first recognised by the New York physician Alfred Farrell in 1845, and this triggered or accelerated the nineteenth-century push to rationalise city sanitation and prevent disease.[11] Sanitation has limited and defeated many other diseases besides cholera as well, though cholera sadly persists in some parts of the world.

    (Dr Wostyn’s note: At this point there are some smaller monogrammes and diagrams about yellow fever, ‘phthsis’ (tuberculosis), malaria, typhoid and a few other diseases, which I won’t reproduce here as the remaining text is more relevant)

    But first and foremost among the epidemic diseases that have ravaged the nations is one whose very name has become a generic term for such harrowing outbreaks: the plague.

    This deadly enemy of the nations is caused by an animalcule named Garcia pestis after the Meridian Refugiado scientist who first isolated it, Miguel García—though there is evidence that secret research in the Combine may have preceded this.[12] Teuchic analysis suggests that strains of the animalcule were already circulating thousands of years ago and may have even caused localised disease outbreaks, but metallaxis to the deadly form we recognise today did not take place until after the birth of Christ. As every child still learns in school, the animalcule infects fleas which bite rats and other rodent hosts (marmots considered to be a species in which it often circulates in between outbreaks) and, as rodents follow humans everywhere, infected fleas can easily bite humans as well. It is remarkable that, like malaria, the plague is transmitted through the blood (with little of the aerosol transmission of influenza that requires our current social distancing measures), yet has spread so widely and killed so many. The plague can manifest in a number of symptoms (all caused by the same animalcule): the infamous ‘bubonic plague’ as lymph nodes swell into ‘buboes’; this can then turn into ‘septicaemic plague’ as it spread into the bloodstream and clotting leads to tissue necrosis; and finally and most deadly of all, ‘pneumonic plague’ as it spreads to the lungs. In pneumonic patients an infectious cough emerges as in other respiratory illnesses. The risk of death without treatment is as high as 70%.

    Three world-shattering plague pandemics have afflicted the nations, with many smaller outbreaks in between. Even the latter have changed history in ways we little realise. For example, many people in the English-speaking world are aware of the plague outbreak in 1665 that ravaged London (before being burned out in part by the Great Fire the year later) but few know that a plague outbreak in 1603, which led to theatres being closed, ultimately led to William Shakespeare writing Othello while stuck indoors (and said plague is referenced a number of times in the script). This is only one of many such examples throughout history.

    All three plague pandemics are believed to have begun in China or neighbouring Tartary. The first plague pandemic is known in the western world as the Plague of Justinian, and entered Europe through Egypt, ravaging the Eastern Roman Empire in 541-549 AD at the time of the titular emperor’s reign. Due to the gulf of time and the lack of communication of the so-called ‘Dark Ages’, the death toll remains a matter for fierce debate, but may have been as high as half the population of Europe. The plague undoubtedly weakened the fragile and overstretched Empire, accelerating its decline and likely easing the Muslim conquest of North Africa a century later. The plague reoccurred many times in smaller outbreaks after this, well into the eighth century AD.

    The second plague pandemic was known as the Black Death in Europe, and is likely the most deadly of all pandemics in human history. It was caused by a different strain of G. pestis, not descended from the Justinian strain. It killed as much as half of the population of Europe and Asia, and recurring echoes lasted for five hundred years. The plague probably began in China, likely its Mongol provinces, and inflicted many deaths there in the 1330s before spreading to Europe. Unusually, we (probably) know the exact circumstances of how this happened: Genoese traders in Crimea were besieged by the Golden Horde Mongol army of Jani Beg, and plague-infected corpses were flung into their camp as a biological weapon. The Genoese inadvertently spread the plague back to Constantinople, Genoa and Venice, where it exploded across Europe in the 1340s and 50s. The Black Death rocked European society to its foundations, effectively ending the feudalism of the Middle Ages and leading to upheavals such as the Peasants’ Revolt in England. This, together with the circumnavigation of Africa and discovery of the Novamund a century later, in many ways divides a world that was from the one we know today.

    We know more about the third plague pandemic than any other. Some scientists believe that the conditions in China’s Yunnan Province led to plague circulating at a low level there for centuries. As early as 1880 there is evidence for localised outbreaks of plague there. But it was in the 1920s that that plague finally escaped its local area and began to spread, initially across China and Siam (quickened by those travelling for Lunar New Year celebrations) and then beyond.[13] Past outbreaks of plague had never made it beyond the Old World due to the incubation period of the disease, but in a world of steamships, things were now different. Not only did plague ravage India and eventually Europe and Africa, but for the first time it could spread to the Novamund. In October 1923, what was later recognised as the first plague case was recorded in Cometa.[14] The Third Plague of the Black Twenties would kill millions worldwide, but it would also lead to a renaissance in medical breakthroughs as the minds of the greatest among the nations—and those who rejected them—focused on dealing with this new foe. Most important of these was, of course-

    (Dr Wostyn’s note)
    Unfortunately the last page of this flimsy pull-out was torn off. We will, however, come back to this aspect of the Black Twenties later...)



    [1] One might assume that the term ‘society’ (as in high society, here having partially transitioned to something more like today’s ‘celebrity culture’) would have died out through negative association with Societism. However, English language usage isn’t necessarily so logical – witness how a global virus pandemic in 2020 has entirely failed to stop news sources using the term ‘gone viral’ about crazes.

    [2] The Delancey (or de Lancey) family were an important family of New York City, who in OTL fell from grace due to supporting the Crown in the American Revolution, with their assets seized and even traces of their name stripped from city streets. In TTL, of course, with no Revolution, they have remained one of the wealthy and powerful families of the city (though the term ‘Upper Ten Thousand’ has not been coined in TTL). Recall that ‘Australian’ in this context means ‘Antarctic’.

    [3] The term virus dates from 1728, just after this timeline’s POD, though originally vaguely applied to any hypothetical disease-causing pathogen (it is the Latin word for ‘poison’). Linguistically, the term’s application has followed a similar course to OTL—it became a useful term to refer specifically to pathogens that were not bacteria (animalcules) when the latter were identified. Also notice this document is a classic case of avoiding terms like ‘humanity’ or ‘mankind’ due to fear of paranoid censors associating them with Societism, preferring ‘the nations’ in the same all-encompassing context.

    [4] Recall that metallaxis is the TTL term for mutation.

    [5] For example, the ‘Suttonian Method’ used by the Sutton family of doctors and surgeons in Suffolk in the mid-eighteenth century in OTL.

    [6] This happened exactly like OTL, with the only major difference being that in OTL the campaign later got a shot in the arm from George Washington’s approval – he used variolation to inoculate the Continental Army against smallpox in the American Revolutionary War, which obviously didn’t happen in TTL.

    [7] In OTL he is better known as Rabaut-Pommier, and his contributions are often largely forgotten – there are claims that Edward Jenner did not acknowledge information on cowpox and smallpox he passed along, though the history of smallpox vaccination is an example of a case where many people were making similar breakthroughs at the same time. In TTL he has a better luck of the draw.

    [8] 1980 in OTL, following a similar global campaign.

    [9] In contrast to OTL where it has been eliminated from India but still exists in parts of Africa—this reflects the lack of a centralised Indian state in TTL, and the fact that some of the states that do exist have often been run by less than effective regimes.

    [10] This is largely the same as OTL except it happened about a decade earlier in OTL. Though it doesn’t mention it here, like OTL the association of India (or specifically Bengal) with cholera changed stereotypes of the country. Unlike OTL it also had a direct impact on art and architecture, as it helped trigger the decline of the Orientalist school that had aped Indian and other architectural styles in new European buildings.

    [11] Similar events proceeded in OTL thanks to the work of John Snow in London, during a cholera outbreak in 1854.

    [12] In OTL the plague bacterium is named Yersinia pestis after Swiss-French bacteriologist Alexandre Yersin.

    [13] In OTL the Third Plague Pandemic emerged similarly, but earlier – being recorded in Yunnan in the 1850s, but taking years to spread following the influx of Han Chinese miners there. It impacted on the Taiping Rebellion and the Opium Wars, but did not break out of China until it reached Hong Kong in 1894 and then spread to India and ultimately California, eventually making it all around the world. This pandemic is officially not considered to have fully ended until 1960, though the last major outbreak occurred in the 1920s and there have been smaller outbreaks since then. The reason why the plague has taken longer to break out in TTL is that Yunnan was initially under warlord control after the Three Emperors’ War, then isolated on the front line between China and Siam for years. It was only with the French-negotiated peace settlement between China and Siam that Yunnan has become more economically integrated into China – with unintentionally deadly results.

    [14] In OTL the Third Plague reached San Francisco in 1900.
     
    281.2
  • Thande

    Donor
    (Additional brief explanatory notes about the following artefacts, recorded by Sgt Bob Mumby (BM) and Sgt Dominic Ellis (DE):

    DE: So you’ll recall I mentioned I found a store of educational-related documents in that thrift shop?

    BM: Of course I do, I was there with-

    DE: Not you, you fool, the people at the Institute. (Coughs) Well, among them was this revision guide, which is a bit broad-strokes for what we want, but-

    BM: Oh, is this to go before the bit from the one I found? That battered old ‘Mme. Mercier’s Diaries’ book?

    DE: I was about to get to that, you-

    BM: Seems to have been quite popular in the Eighties here – a bit expurgated for security reasons, I imagine, but still gives a fascinating insight into the internal workings of France during the-

    DE: You’re just reading off the back now!

    (Recording dissolves into static)

    From: “It’s Easy To... Pass 20th Century History at Town College Level” published 2013 by CNJ Press—

    A common mistake students make when studying the Black Twenties is getting the order of events wrong. For instance, because the Plague feels such a big part of the period to us in hindsight, we tend to subconsciously act like it was always there in the background. But for the first, crucial years of the period, for most of the world it just seemed like another big war, and no-one suspected a global pandemic was on the way – or how the two would interact!

    Or, even if we know the Plague wasn’t there from the beginning, we might think that changes such as the Tsar assuming direct command in February 1923, or the formation of the French Dictatorship shortly afterwards, were driven by the chaos unleashed by its outbreak. But this gets the timescale wrong too! It wouldn’t be for months that the Plague even reached cities such as Fyodorsk, Calcutta and Zon7Urb1, where it would reap its first, deadly harvest outside its initial focus in China and Siam. If not the Plague, sometimes students write that these political upheavals were due to the Scientific Frontier being crossed in the Belgian front, which again gets the order of events wrong – that came shortly after Paul’s direct command and the Dictatorship, not before.

    So why did the Tsar and the French leadership take action when they did? The reason why this confuses so many students is that the impetus for their moves seems so minor in hindsight. But at the time, no-one knew what the later Black Twenties would hold, or even that they were in such a period of global crisis at all. From the point of view of both French and Russian public opinion, paradoxically it felt as though both nations had stumbled in the early months of the war. The naval battles of the Scheldt and Ceylon felt like triumphs for allies and client nations like England and Belgium. Russia was slowly grinding back the Persians and their French allies on the road to Shiraz, but in a bloody and punishing manner to her own forces, with missteps like the controversial aerobombing of Shiraz in August 1922, which temporarily dissuaded all nations from city bombing and made it taboo. A similar scenario was taking place on a smaller scale as French forces slowly drove back the Belgians in bitter trench warfare. It was a fight the Belgians could not win, yet French rhetoric encouraged them to fight to the last man, and to consider even forbidden weapons and tactics...

    Another common confusion of events is that Tsar Paul was motivated by American victories in the Pacific Northwest; it is right that American kids be proud of our nation’s triumphs! However, at the time Paul assumed direct command, our wins in that theatre were still modest, and Paul (notoriously) regarded what would later be Vostok Russia as a a distant distraction rather than a core part of his strategy. In early 1923 the ENA was still mobilising for all-out war, taking advantage of the extensive additions to our national railway network that had been favoured under both Presidents Faulkner and Tayloe, albeit for different reasons. Probably confused by imagery from film, a lot of students portray our brave boys in their uniforms boarding the trains at the great Neo-Baroque palaces that were the stations of the Arc of Power cities, waved goodbye by tearful girlfriends, then travelling through Chichago, Saint-Lewis, even the rising western cities of Fontaine and Halopolis, all the time spreading the Plague as they went.[15] But, like we said, the great movement of Imperial troops happened before the first infected flea ever bit a Californian, never mind an American. Staggering though it is to think, the pandemic would have been even worse if this imagined order of events had happened!

    Nor was the decision driven by Russia’s failures and qualified successes to subdue revolts in Tartary and Pendzhab. No; Paul’s decision to assume command was driven by the success of Case Charlemagne, the German reconquest of Czechosilesia, and Russia’s failure to drive into Germany or even hold back cautious German advances into Poland. From the German perspective, these triumphs felt fragile, with men from the Bundeskaiser on down dreading what would come when the full force of the Russian bear turned from taking Shiraz to taking Dresden.[16] In Petrograd things were seen rather differently, with Russian failures in Poland resulting in the resignation and exile or court-martial of more than one senior officer. From our perspective, it seems obvious that Paul shot his bolt too early by assuming power – and therefore responsibility for failure – at this point, but no-one at the time knew that far worse times were coming. Then and there, all the Imperial Soviet councillors could think of was that Europe had spent years in fear of ‘the Tsar’s Armart Legions’ sweeping across the continent, and the reality seemed to be a damp squib.

    Weakness was not something a Russian Emperor could afford to become associated with. It was that same sense of weakness that began to tilt the balance of judgement in Constantinople. At that point, a disease that changed European and world history would not be the Plague, but scarlet fever, as Said Izzet Pasha, a leader of the peace party at the Sublime Porte, succumbed at a fatal time. The Ottomans had continued to fear Russia based on her qualified successes against Persia, but the lessons of early 1923 seemed to be that Russia had been overestimated, and could only defeat one foe at a time at best. With Said Izzet’s death, the war party of the Valide Sultan, Egyptian-born Mehveş Sultan, came to power and she pressured her son Murad X to appoint Ferid Ibrahim Pasha, a Bosniak noted for his brutal but effective suppression of the Serbs, as Grand Vizier.[17] Many at the Sublime Porte saw the only purpose of a war as being to regain Trebizond, lost in the Pandoric War, and were dubious about territorial gains, considering how troublesome Serbia had been since the Danubians had returned it as a bribe for the Empire to enter the war. They also assumed that if the Empire did enter the war, it would be as part of a formal alliance with France, the Turks’ historical European ally. Ferid Ibrahim thought differently; Paris had not helped Constantinople when she had brokered an end to the Pandoric War, and could not be relied upon. Therefore, this brutish yet cunning vizier proposed an audacious way in which the Ottomans could take advantage of Russian weakness without formally confronting Petrograd – or caring what western Europe thought...

    Hopefully, this has made it clear just how important perceived Russian weakness was to the world, and how desperate Paul was to avoid this. So it was this weakness in Poland, on what to us Americans often seems like not that important a front of the war, that the European-focused Paul took the risky gamble to draw a line under his generals’ failures and seize command. By doing so, his radical move may have inadvertently distracted from the pressure the Cazeneuve government was in France, allowing the Prime Minister to avoid resignation and try a different tack...

    *

    From: “Mme. Mercier’s Diaries, Volume III: Exile’s Return” (1978, authorised English translation 1981)—

    March 15th 1923.

    In but one month, it will be five years since the good God saw fit to steal Robert from me. Oh, my love, are you truly out there somewhere? What do you think, looking down on us now, at the mistakes we make? Do you weep for the children of Shiraz, do your tears join the blood that flows into the Meuse every day?

    Mayhaps I am truly a weak and feeble woman, as so many of our enemies always said. Would Horatie Bonaparte have wept for her husband if she had not died before him? Or did she, as I always thought as a child, have a heart of steel from which the arrows of her detractors glanced away from like those shields the Matetwa use?

    Yet now I hear your voice in my head, and I know you are not truly gone so long as someone remembers you. You shake your head sadly with that annoyingly superior smile of yours, and you quote your favourite philosopher, Salles-Dutreil. “La compassion n’est pas la faiblesse; et la cruaté n’est pas la force.” Only fools confuse the two, and one day they pay for it.[18] I know you are right, my love. Monsters like the Tsar will one day face the wages of their sin, and like the lowliest peasant they once thoughtlessly evicted, they will stare at a ledger they can never balance, issued by an authority too high for them to appeal to. But as we now face a race to the bottom in the new barbarism, I fear that day will be a long time coming.

    March 16th 1923.

    I lit a candle for my Robert today. The cathedral was filled with too many wives and mothers whose losses are more recent than mine; too many of our young men have lost their lives in the bitter fighting up north. Even the dim flames of the candles are concealed from the outside; the beautiful stained glass windows have been removed, boarded up and covered with blackout curtains. Supposedly the Belgians have pledged to restrict themselves to attacking military targets, as we have; but I am told by pilots that finding targets from above is a treacherous exercise even those with the best intentions.

    I returned home and took Valéry from Anne-Marie, the new governess, and played with him for a while; ever since I saw La Femme Enchaînée at the odeon, I feel a guilty conscience telling me to give my time to my children who live, not my husband who does not. Valéry is a proud, strapping boy now but, of course, he does not remember his father, unlike Renée. I worry I am building up his father in his head to be an impossible example to live up to. Maybe Valéry needs a real father figure in his life, someone he can touch with his own hands, a good but not infallible man to teach him what it is to be one. Yet that is another way of saying I should remarry, and I still find the thought too painful. Am I selfish, then, putting my own needs before those of my children?

    March 17th 1923.

    I was shocked today to find a yellow envelope on my breakfast table. A lectelegram (Renée calls me an old woman for not just saying ’gram) from the Montmartre![19] A summons no less, if worded more politely than that. What the devil does that bungler Cazeneuve want with me?

    Maybe a part of me was still thinking on the same lines as yesterday – some imp of the perverse suggested that perhaps he is going to propose! Valéry, Renée and Anne-Marie all gave me a strange look when I burst out laughing for no apparent reason.

    Another reason for Renée to tell me to move with the times; I still wear a rubberised veil out of habit in the taxi, though the vehicle uses a Mitchell engine that runs on sun-oil and I could scarcely be left damp by steam fumes that are not there! Part of me still feels sad or even uneasy to find myself conveyed by an engine driven by a series of small explosions rather than good old steam – though any engineer will tell you how dangerous that can be, too.

    Deathtrap or not, the taxi was fast, and the streets are less busy as so many vehicles have been requisitioned to help with army logistics. Unlike the early Mitchell-cars I remember, this one was even capable of climbing the Montmartre without emitting alarming sounds from its gears. Perhaps the days of steam are truly numbered, sad to say. Not La Vapeur est Républicaine or La Vapeur est Royaliste; merely La Vapeur est Obsolète !

    I gave the cabman a generous tip, and found M. Cazeneuve seated at the same dinner table I remember from mine and Robert’s own years here, though he has changed the paintings. He sits before a fine, but untouched, bouillabaise in the process of coagulation – doubtless a relic of his youth in Marseillesd – and some peasant has dug a fine set of furrows in his forehead. The less metaphorical cause is the stack of lectelgrams – all right, Renée, ’grams – and other documents he is perusing. Finally he sighs, pushes them aside, and then genuinely starts when he looks up and sees me. I suppose I do not stand out, in my black and purple mourning dress.

    “Héloïse!” he calls jovially to me, recovering himself, trying to hide his obvious worry. I find it more of an insult than anything; I am not some naive young slip of a girl who is not to be bothered with matters of national crisis, and nor am I a friend to be addressed by my Christian name. Bertrand Cazeneuve was not the worst among my former political party to imply I was some silly slut who cared more for the bed of ‘the enemy’ than matters of state; but nor was he entirely absent from those bitter years.

    “M. Cazeneuve,” I reply, correctly but coolly. “Was there something you wished to discuss with me?”

    He bids me to seat, and I do, the scent of that damn bouillabaise assaulting me as we talk. Perhaps that is his intention, to distract me. It seems such a waste when there are rumours our people are about to go on rations. Yet, as he talks, I realise the rumours may not have the worst of it. The financial situation is as parlous, in a different way, as the way it became in the Panic of the last decade. Questions are being asked in the Grand-Parlement over whether we can afford to finance our partners abroad. And so long as Belgium remains in the war under that idiot boy Charles Theodore, we run the risk of a savage attack on the very heart of l’Hexagone. Our failure thus far to achieve a knockout blow has led to fingers being pointed at Cazeneuve himself.

    It took him a long time to come around to his point; even I felt the minutes slipping away, and I am not Prime Minister of a country at war. He dallied for quite some time on Tsar Paul’s strange decision to declare himself personal supreme commander of Russia’s armies, in response to the Germans’ surprising successes out east. Anything that puts more distance between us and the Armarts is a good thing in my book. But I didn’t follow where Cazeneuve was going, he took such a circuitous route, and my response when he finally got to the point was almost to burst out laughing again. I think I would have been less surprised if he had proposed to me!

    He didn’t say so, but reading between the lines – and reading the newspapers, for that matter – it’s clear he’s faced pressure to resign, to take responsibility for the failures in Belgium. But, no surprises here, he doesn’t want to. And, to be fair, it’s not just a desire to spare his own skin. If he goes, His Christian Majesty will most probably have to appoint Philippe Changarnier in his place. I know a thing or two about foreign policy, and Changarnier has not impressed at the Tuilleries. What successes have been attributed to him, I know, are more those whose processes began under Camille [Rouillard] or Vincent [Pichereau]. Self-interest and Cazeneuve’s obvious dislike and rivalry aside, it is a reasonable argument that it is not in the interests of France for Changarnier to occupy the Maison. Of course, it may also make it rather easier for the Diamantines to win the next election, but we cannot afford such petty concerns right now.

    Indeed, it slowly became clear that this may be why Cazeneuve came to me, not Camille or Vincent—there was clearly some sounding out behind the scenes. I am a wild card; do I stand for myself, or am I some kind of cipher for the memory of poor Robert? Consciously, I am aware that my past in crossing parties would make it very easy for Camille or his successor to disclaim connection with me if things went wrong. That is politics.

    Let me get to the point myself. Cazeneuve wants to do what Leclerc would not do, what no-one has done since the last time we were in a bloody war with Belgium, when Horatie Bonaparte herself was just a girl finding her father dead at his desk. Not just a national alliance; he wants to form a triumvirate and Dictatorship.

    Yet he clearly can’t get everyone on board with it, even in his own party. Maybe that’s the point; he’ll replace Changarnier’s faction with a tame Diamantine Party, or part of one. I rebel at the idea, yet Cazeneuve has a strange way of proving he is sincere; he has also managed to get Thierry Vachaud on board. Vachaud’s leadership of the Noirs is fragile, yet he has passed some reforms that made the party more respectable. I recall Robert being concerned at their successes in the parlements-provincial elections during the Panic, and those successes were not only driven by a simple appeal to beat up the so-called lesser races and take their lunch money. The Noirs have reinvented themselves as an anti-corruption force rooting out secret societies, though I’m sure there are plenty of unreconstructed Neo-Jacobins in there that want to turn us into Portugal. It is a gamble to bring Vachaud into government, yet I understand Cazeneuve’s fear that leaving him outside could be even worse in the long term, leaving him potentially untouched by any failures.

    To counterbalance Vachaud and head off criticism he is bowing to the forces that made Europe fear French power for so long, Cazeneuve proposes to appoint me as Foreign Minister. Me! I know at times I found myself practically running the government when Robert was ill, but this? It will be a slap in the face to Camille and Vincent, and I fear it will burn too many bridges I had hoped to leave intact. And yet, and yet...consider the other side of the coin. I always wanted to hold a ministry in my own right, as Horatie Bonaparte only dreamed of. To prove to scum like dead King Max and the Tsar that the corridors of power should not be the province of the first sex alone.

    Am I a moth blundering into a candle flame? Perhaps. But at least I will be a bright light in the night as I burn...




    [15] Fontaine is roughly OTL Pueblo, Colorado, whereas Halopolis (Greek for Salt City) equates to Ogden, Utah.

    [16] The imagery of Russia as a bear long postdates the POD, but is a fairly obvious one to go for; similarly, the idea of Russia bestriding the globe with military, diplomatic and economic interventions from one end of Eurasia to the other (and into even Africa, North America and the Pacific) has also created in parallel the OTL imagery of Russia as an octopus with tentacles stretching across the world.

    [17] The Valide Sultan is a title given (usually) to the biological mother of the reigning Ottoman Sultan, who oversees the imperial harem and has considerable political power. While the nature of the Ottoman court has shifted over time in TTL with modernisations, the Valide Sultan usually remains a powerful figure.

    [18] “Compassion is not weakness, and cruelty is not strength”. The fact that even a Diversitarian-translated work leaves this in the original French indicates how iconic and recognisable a quote it is.

    [19] Used here, imprecisely, to refer specifically to the Maison de Montmartre as a metonym for the Prime Minister of France.
     
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