Gotta keep my WW2 timelines straight. Here they probably haven’t figured out which are ineffective yet.
It's A Long Way To Nagasaki: The Anglo-Japanese War
- Thread starter SealTheRealDeal
- Start date
IIRC, even 25mm autocannons were fine against Japanese tanks until the end of the war. China had no problem with the lighter weapons.
Am I correct in thinking that the Boys AT rifle was effective against Japanese armour?
In 1944 boys ATR was good for 22mm at 100 yards and 9mm at 500 yards (assuming right angle impact)
So against something like a Type 95 Ha-Gō - which was the most common Japanese tank it would be very effective - with the Japanese tank having armour between 12mm and 6mm
The other later and slightly less common medium tank the type 97 has slightly thicker armour between 25mm - 8mm - so is probably safe across the frontal arc verse the Boys but would still be vulnerable to flank and rear shots
So against something like a Type 95 Ha-Gō - which was the most common Japanese tank it would be very effective - with the Japanese tank having armour between 12mm and 6mm
The other later and slightly less common medium tank the type 97 has slightly thicker armour between 25mm - 8mm - so is probably safe across the frontal arc verse the Boys but would still be vulnerable to flank and rear shots
If Italy is still going through a reorganization of their military ittl maybe Chiang can buy outgoing Italian arms for cheap? Did the Italians have any arms or anti tank guns that could be useful for the Chinese?
In general there were plenty of arms that Chiang may find useful, though these wouldn't be cutting edge or anything. Mostly WWI surplus that Italy may well part with.
In terms of anti-tank weapons specifically, the 47mm would be ideal for China but:
a) I think the Italian army's needs would take priority
b) it's licensed from an Austrian (now German) firm, I doubt the licence gave export rights
Side Note: The Fate of the British Forces in China[1]
Grasping for Gallantry: The “Fight” For Liugong Island
By 1938 the British presence in northern China was already much reduced. The British had returned most of Weihaiwei to China in 1930, and the naval station on Liugong Island began to slowly shrink afterward. The Japanese entry to Weihaiwei earlier in 1938 had resulted in the withdrawal of all but the barest of skeleton crews to show the flag. When news of the attack on Hong Kong arrived it was immediately understood that the island had no chance of holding out against the Japanese.
However, the British had an awfully long time to contemplate that. The Japanese forces in Weihaiwei seemed more confused than anything else. London was cabled and the reply indicated that an ultimatum had been issued. A request for an update was attempted a few hours later, and after nearly a day passed with no reply it was assumed that the Japanese had cut their cables. The assumption from that point on was that they were indeed at war, even if the Japanese were still not taking action.
What options did that leave them? There was nowhere to go on land, and friendly harbors were too distant the only option it seemed was surrender or sacrifice. On the morning of the 12th of November, a Japanese motor launch flying the flag of truce approached from the mainland. With the destroyer Mutsuki looming nearby and field guns visibly set up on shore, it was suicidal to not surrender. Yet the offered surrender was refused.
The Japanese officer didn’t seem overly disappointed. The motor launch had barely shoved off before the flag of truce was struck and the island was saturated with fire from the shore and Mutsuki. As other motor launches departed the shore sporadic rifle fire could be heard from the island. Before landing another round of bombardment was ordered, after which there was no further rifle fire to be heard. The Japanese infantry rushed ashore and faced no further resistance as they clambered over the shattered remains of the British naval station.
The exact details of what they found is lost to history. One of the participants reported that there were no survivors to be found. Another said that there were some wounded who were bayoneted where they lay. In his book Dead Man Walking, David Fletcher claimed that there was a survivor of Liugong Island amongst the prisoners in Zhongma Fortress. The IJA archival records of the event are unavailable to clarify the matter.
Getting Creative: British Internment in Shanghai
The situation in Shanghai was more complicated. Which oddly lent itself to a more simple solution. In fact, there was a clear precedent for what was to be done.
Almost exactly one year prior, the Battle of Shanghai had seen the Imperial Japanese Army slog through the Chinese portion of the city. Despite Japan’s overwhelming air power and naval gunfire it still took months of room to room fighting to dislodge the last of the Chinese defenders. Those fire support advantages could not be brought to bear against pockets of resistance that were too close to the International Settlement. One such pocket was the Sihang Warehouse, right across the river from the International Settlement. There, in full view of Euro-American onlookers, a single battalion of the German-trained 88th Division held up a Japanese division for seven days. Eventually, the defenders of the warehouse were allowed to cross over into the International Settlement on the condition that they were disarmed and interned so as to not void the neutrality of the settlement.
This provided a pretty clear model of what to do. Once the state of War between the UK and Japan was confirmed the British garrison promptly surrendered to the French and American forces in the settlement. While a bit controversial in Britain,[2] the action protected British business interests in Shanghai while also keeping America and France out of the war. An amicable solution for all involved.
A/N:
Dad came home with the milk.
Part 22 is done just needs to be edited, hopefully I can make up Part 23 before the break ends.
[1] British Tianjin was seized without notable drama as per OTL, there by not warranting a side note.
[2] Though, some Chinese and even some IJA personnel did object to the fact that the British soldiers were “interned” in actual apartments, which they were free to come and go from so long as they were chaperoned by an officer of the Shanghai Municipal Police. This stood in stark contrast to the conditions for the Chinese soldiers who were still penned up in a public park.
By 1938 the British presence in northern China was already much reduced. The British had returned most of Weihaiwei to China in 1930, and the naval station on Liugong Island began to slowly shrink afterward. The Japanese entry to Weihaiwei earlier in 1938 had resulted in the withdrawal of all but the barest of skeleton crews to show the flag. When news of the attack on Hong Kong arrived it was immediately understood that the island had no chance of holding out against the Japanese.
However, the British had an awfully long time to contemplate that. The Japanese forces in Weihaiwei seemed more confused than anything else. London was cabled and the reply indicated that an ultimatum had been issued. A request for an update was attempted a few hours later, and after nearly a day passed with no reply it was assumed that the Japanese had cut their cables. The assumption from that point on was that they were indeed at war, even if the Japanese were still not taking action.
What options did that leave them? There was nowhere to go on land, and friendly harbors were too distant the only option it seemed was surrender or sacrifice. On the morning of the 12th of November, a Japanese motor launch flying the flag of truce approached from the mainland. With the destroyer Mutsuki looming nearby and field guns visibly set up on shore, it was suicidal to not surrender. Yet the offered surrender was refused.
The Japanese officer didn’t seem overly disappointed. The motor launch had barely shoved off before the flag of truce was struck and the island was saturated with fire from the shore and Mutsuki. As other motor launches departed the shore sporadic rifle fire could be heard from the island. Before landing another round of bombardment was ordered, after which there was no further rifle fire to be heard. The Japanese infantry rushed ashore and faced no further resistance as they clambered over the shattered remains of the British naval station.
The exact details of what they found is lost to history. One of the participants reported that there were no survivors to be found. Another said that there were some wounded who were bayoneted where they lay. In his book Dead Man Walking, David Fletcher claimed that there was a survivor of Liugong Island amongst the prisoners in Zhongma Fortress. The IJA archival records of the event are unavailable to clarify the matter.
Getting Creative: British Internment in Shanghai
The situation in Shanghai was more complicated. Which oddly lent itself to a more simple solution. In fact, there was a clear precedent for what was to be done.
Almost exactly one year prior, the Battle of Shanghai had seen the Imperial Japanese Army slog through the Chinese portion of the city. Despite Japan’s overwhelming air power and naval gunfire it still took months of room to room fighting to dislodge the last of the Chinese defenders. Those fire support advantages could not be brought to bear against pockets of resistance that were too close to the International Settlement. One such pocket was the Sihang Warehouse, right across the river from the International Settlement. There, in full view of Euro-American onlookers, a single battalion of the German-trained 88th Division held up a Japanese division for seven days. Eventually, the defenders of the warehouse were allowed to cross over into the International Settlement on the condition that they were disarmed and interned so as to not void the neutrality of the settlement.
This provided a pretty clear model of what to do. Once the state of War between the UK and Japan was confirmed the British garrison promptly surrendered to the French and American forces in the settlement. While a bit controversial in Britain,[2] the action protected British business interests in Shanghai while also keeping America and France out of the war. An amicable solution for all involved.
A/N:
Dad came home with the milk.
Part 22 is done just needs to be edited, hopefully I can make up Part 23 before the break ends.
[1] British Tianjin was seized without notable drama as per OTL, there by not warranting a side note.
[2] Though, some Chinese and even some IJA personnel did object to the fact that the British soldiers were “interned” in actual apartments, which they were free to come and go from so long as they were chaperoned by an officer of the Shanghai Municipal Police. This stood in stark contrast to the conditions for the Chinese soldiers who were still penned up in a public park.
This is genuinely very clever. "Yes we will surrender, but we're under no obligation to surrender to YOU." I think the Americans might be obligated to have the British "detainees" shipped Stateside for holding and from there might have a negotiated release back to Britain.
The joys of having a neutral country right there.
22. Consequence and Collateral
Canada’s Stand on New Britain: Consequences of a Disaster in High Command
Anyone expecting a quick turn around following McNaughton’s removal would be quite disappointed. The initial removal mostly just created more distraction and disorganization than anything else. Even after the confusion died down Guy Simonds found himself facing the precarious challenge of trying to reestablish contact with his divisions’ third brigade, with whom he had only intermittent contact due to the mountainous jungle in addition to the enemy division between the two Canadian forces.
The matter was not helped by the arrival of Worthington. The eccentric tanker rubbed Simonds the wrong way, and the feeling was mutual. This created an additional hurdle to coordinating efforts. On the upside, there was little hope of coordinating efforts anyways, so having two independently minded commanders might have expedited the conclusion that the two were best off making their own plans and acting according to their own capabilities.
For Simond’s force in Uvol that meant expanding the security perimeter to regain some breathing room. This process involved a number of frantic night raids on the enemy’s picket line, and days of slow maneuvering through the mountainous jungle to secure strategic heights overlooking the Canadian positions. This methodical breakout, in combination with an absurdly responsive artillery arm that flattened efforts to turn back their gains, proved successful to the point where they would likely be able to link up with the Mataburu force ahead of the expected arrival of the Royal Marines. As intel indicated that the Japanese were being reinforced via heavily escorted convoys, the pressure was on to link up with the remaining Canadians to the north while the enemy was still at rough parity with the Canadians.
With his small force and his back to the sea many would expect Worthington to turtle up and wait for rescue. The Scottish-Canadian mercenary turned tanker however saw the chance for bold action and seized upon it. On his orders the ridiculous pontoons and outboard motors were mounted back on the remaining light tanks, which set to sea along with sections of soldiers clinging to makeshift rafts. These made their way two kilometres east and landed well behind enemy lines.
The tanks and sopping wet infantry weren’t exactly quiet as they made their way through the forrest, but the Japanese supply depot wasn’t able to make good on what forewarning they received. Quite the opposite, when the Canadians emerged from the forest they found that the Kenpeis and other rear-echelon personnel were busy trying to prevent the flight of their press-ganged porters. As the light tanks opened up with their .50 calibre machine guns the Japanese were forced to give the Canadians their undivided attention, but found themselves out of position to offer effective resistance.
Natives of the island, in varying degrees of willingness, made up the logistical back bone of both sides of the New Britain Campaign.
Once the Japanese guarding the depot were put to route the Canadians acted quick to grab all they could, destroy what they couldn’t, and exfiltrate before the IJA could put together a serious counter attack. On their way back to Mataburu they rolled over a sparsely manned Japanese picket. The Japanese on New Britain had proven too slow to react, and too sparse to offer effective resistance. Over the following days the Japanese position in the highlands became increasingly untenable, and the pace of the Canadian advance picked up.
On the 28th of August, a forward contingent of the Uvol force heard a familiar engine noise and broke cover to greet the forward element of the Mataburu force. Unfortunately, the crew of the CMP truck conducting reconnaissance assumed the movement ahead of it to be the enemy and opened up with the pom-pom that had been bolted to the bed of the truck. One Canadian would lose their life to friendly fire before they managed to clarify that they were both Canadian. This unfortunate event cast a cloud over what should have been a joyous reunion, and makes an apt metaphor for the botched campaign.
As the Royal Marines made landfall they found the once cheery Canadians to be no more. Well over half of those who had left Jamaica on St. Patrick’s Day had become a casualty of some sort. The survivors were exhausted, malnourished, cynical, and vengeful. When asked if there were any prisoners to be transported off the island one Canadian NCO was recorded to have replied, “We have an understanding with the Japs. No prisoners.” It was then acknowledged that the Canadians should be rotated off the front ASAP for recuperation and resocialization.
Collateral Damage of British Procurement: Burning Liners and South America’s Balance of Power
For the British war cabinet the war in the East was proceeding well, if not necessarily smoothly. On land the campaigns on Borneo, New Guinea, and the Bismarck Archipelago were going favourably, though definitely not smoothly. At sea the size of the Pacific meant that no decision could be trusted to go smoothly.
Take for instance the heavily escorted convoys the Japanese were sending to New Britain. The obvious solution would be to deploy a fleet unit and shut it down. However, the Admiralty was not keen on dividing the fleet after that had proven so costly to the Japanese the previous year. Further, with Hood and Repulse back in the UK for repairs, the British lacked the fast capital ships that would have been ideal for the task.[1] As a stopgap solution, the smattering of British and Commonwealth aircraft providing air support to the Canadians from the other islands of the archipelago were joined by the Hampdens of No. 44 Squadron RAF. These twin engine planes had good endurance, and could drop torpedoes into the densely packed convoys to great effect.
However, Churchill was already looking ahead and keenly noting that these shore based aircraft were only of tactical use, lacking range to support offensive actions against Truk or IJN assets in the South China Sea. As Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill penned two new requests, which were eventually translated into two new operational requirements for the Admiralty’s naval architects. One, was for a pair of mini-Lions using the four turrets earmarked for Vanguard, as well as the two 15” turrets on Marshal Ney class ships. This design would rapidly progress into the Resistance class battlecruisers laid down the following year.[2] The second requirement, for the conversion of the training ship HMS Caledonia[3] into a “bomber carrier”, produced less enthusiasm. Only a simple line drawing was produced before a massive electrical fire aboard the Caledonia effectively euthanized the project.
The recently modernized HMS Renown and the latest designs for the Lion class would serve as the basis for the Resistance class.
At the same time HMS Canada had arrived in Britain for… -whatever the foreign ministry wanted to do with their super dreadnought. Halifax for his part was content to keep his stick around as it was until King George V entered service, at which point it could be refitted or returned to Chile as the situation dictated. Given that it would be in the UK anyways, he encouraged the Chilean ambassador to open discussions between the Chilean Navy and the naval architects of Vickers-Armstrong for an eventual refit. In the meantime, he had another big stick to wave around when negotiating with the continental powers.
Mere days earlier an abortive military coup began and immediately fizzled out in Santiago. Shaken by the close call, President Pedro Aguirre Cerda seized on the opportunity to extend an olive branch to the military. To this end, information that the Chilean government was hoping to turn Almirante Latorre into a modern fast battleship on the cheap was intentionally leaked to the press.
The weak and scandal-prone president of Argentina sought to dissuade the Chileans from upsetting the established balance of power. While doing so he reminded them that Argentine’s coffers were much larger and not burdened with earthquake recovery, and that it could easily match and surpass any Chilean procurement. It’s likely that line of dialogue could have produced a settlement, had there not been a B between A and C.
The regime of Getúlio Vargas had long held deep seated anxieties about Argentina, and saw a renewed arms race as a wedge issue to rally popular support for the Brazilian Estado Novo. The Brazilian government officially announced its intention to acquire a pair of modern battleships to replace the aging and outmoded Minas Geraes class ships, and issued a tender to the international shipbuilders of the world to that end. The South American Fast Battleship Race had begun.
---
[1] Renown had only just been recommissioned and the King George V was still many months away from being commissioned.
[2] The idea of building “Renown and Repulse for the 1940s” was popular, in that it would produce more fast BBs than the earlier Vanguard proposal, and it finally gave the Admiralty an excuse to use the name HMS Resistance, the planned name of the canceled Revenge Class battleship.
[3] the former RMS Majestic, and before that the SS Bismarck, a ship in the weight class of the ill fated Titanic.
A/N:
Having mentioned battleships I will surely have to rewrite all of this
Anyone expecting a quick turn around following McNaughton’s removal would be quite disappointed. The initial removal mostly just created more distraction and disorganization than anything else. Even after the confusion died down Guy Simonds found himself facing the precarious challenge of trying to reestablish contact with his divisions’ third brigade, with whom he had only intermittent contact due to the mountainous jungle in addition to the enemy division between the two Canadian forces.
The matter was not helped by the arrival of Worthington. The eccentric tanker rubbed Simonds the wrong way, and the feeling was mutual. This created an additional hurdle to coordinating efforts. On the upside, there was little hope of coordinating efforts anyways, so having two independently minded commanders might have expedited the conclusion that the two were best off making their own plans and acting according to their own capabilities.
For Simond’s force in Uvol that meant expanding the security perimeter to regain some breathing room. This process involved a number of frantic night raids on the enemy’s picket line, and days of slow maneuvering through the mountainous jungle to secure strategic heights overlooking the Canadian positions. This methodical breakout, in combination with an absurdly responsive artillery arm that flattened efforts to turn back their gains, proved successful to the point where they would likely be able to link up with the Mataburu force ahead of the expected arrival of the Royal Marines. As intel indicated that the Japanese were being reinforced via heavily escorted convoys, the pressure was on to link up with the remaining Canadians to the north while the enemy was still at rough parity with the Canadians.
With his small force and his back to the sea many would expect Worthington to turtle up and wait for rescue. The Scottish-Canadian mercenary turned tanker however saw the chance for bold action and seized upon it. On his orders the ridiculous pontoons and outboard motors were mounted back on the remaining light tanks, which set to sea along with sections of soldiers clinging to makeshift rafts. These made their way two kilometres east and landed well behind enemy lines.
The tanks and sopping wet infantry weren’t exactly quiet as they made their way through the forrest, but the Japanese supply depot wasn’t able to make good on what forewarning they received. Quite the opposite, when the Canadians emerged from the forest they found that the Kenpeis and other rear-echelon personnel were busy trying to prevent the flight of their press-ganged porters. As the light tanks opened up with their .50 calibre machine guns the Japanese were forced to give the Canadians their undivided attention, but found themselves out of position to offer effective resistance.
Natives of the island, in varying degrees of willingness, made up the logistical back bone of both sides of the New Britain Campaign.
Once the Japanese guarding the depot were put to route the Canadians acted quick to grab all they could, destroy what they couldn’t, and exfiltrate before the IJA could put together a serious counter attack. On their way back to Mataburu they rolled over a sparsely manned Japanese picket. The Japanese on New Britain had proven too slow to react, and too sparse to offer effective resistance. Over the following days the Japanese position in the highlands became increasingly untenable, and the pace of the Canadian advance picked up.
On the 28th of August, a forward contingent of the Uvol force heard a familiar engine noise and broke cover to greet the forward element of the Mataburu force. Unfortunately, the crew of the CMP truck conducting reconnaissance assumed the movement ahead of it to be the enemy and opened up with the pom-pom that had been bolted to the bed of the truck. One Canadian would lose their life to friendly fire before they managed to clarify that they were both Canadian. This unfortunate event cast a cloud over what should have been a joyous reunion, and makes an apt metaphor for the botched campaign.
As the Royal Marines made landfall they found the once cheery Canadians to be no more. Well over half of those who had left Jamaica on St. Patrick’s Day had become a casualty of some sort. The survivors were exhausted, malnourished, cynical, and vengeful. When asked if there were any prisoners to be transported off the island one Canadian NCO was recorded to have replied, “We have an understanding with the Japs. No prisoners.” It was then acknowledged that the Canadians should be rotated off the front ASAP for recuperation and resocialization.
Collateral Damage of British Procurement: Burning Liners and South America’s Balance of Power
For the British war cabinet the war in the East was proceeding well, if not necessarily smoothly. On land the campaigns on Borneo, New Guinea, and the Bismarck Archipelago were going favourably, though definitely not smoothly. At sea the size of the Pacific meant that no decision could be trusted to go smoothly.
Take for instance the heavily escorted convoys the Japanese were sending to New Britain. The obvious solution would be to deploy a fleet unit and shut it down. However, the Admiralty was not keen on dividing the fleet after that had proven so costly to the Japanese the previous year. Further, with Hood and Repulse back in the UK for repairs, the British lacked the fast capital ships that would have been ideal for the task.[1] As a stopgap solution, the smattering of British and Commonwealth aircraft providing air support to the Canadians from the other islands of the archipelago were joined by the Hampdens of No. 44 Squadron RAF. These twin engine planes had good endurance, and could drop torpedoes into the densely packed convoys to great effect.
However, Churchill was already looking ahead and keenly noting that these shore based aircraft were only of tactical use, lacking range to support offensive actions against Truk or IJN assets in the South China Sea. As Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill penned two new requests, which were eventually translated into two new operational requirements for the Admiralty’s naval architects. One, was for a pair of mini-Lions using the four turrets earmarked for Vanguard, as well as the two 15” turrets on Marshal Ney class ships. This design would rapidly progress into the Resistance class battlecruisers laid down the following year.[2] The second requirement, for the conversion of the training ship HMS Caledonia[3] into a “bomber carrier”, produced less enthusiasm. Only a simple line drawing was produced before a massive electrical fire aboard the Caledonia effectively euthanized the project.
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The recently modernized HMS Renown and the latest designs for the Lion class would serve as the basis for the Resistance class.
At the same time HMS Canada had arrived in Britain for… -whatever the foreign ministry wanted to do with their super dreadnought. Halifax for his part was content to keep his stick around as it was until King George V entered service, at which point it could be refitted or returned to Chile as the situation dictated. Given that it would be in the UK anyways, he encouraged the Chilean ambassador to open discussions between the Chilean Navy and the naval architects of Vickers-Armstrong for an eventual refit. In the meantime, he had another big stick to wave around when negotiating with the continental powers.
Mere days earlier an abortive military coup began and immediately fizzled out in Santiago. Shaken by the close call, President Pedro Aguirre Cerda seized on the opportunity to extend an olive branch to the military. To this end, information that the Chilean government was hoping to turn Almirante Latorre into a modern fast battleship on the cheap was intentionally leaked to the press.
The weak and scandal-prone president of Argentina sought to dissuade the Chileans from upsetting the established balance of power. While doing so he reminded them that Argentine’s coffers were much larger and not burdened with earthquake recovery, and that it could easily match and surpass any Chilean procurement. It’s likely that line of dialogue could have produced a settlement, had there not been a B between A and C.
The regime of Getúlio Vargas had long held deep seated anxieties about Argentina, and saw a renewed arms race as a wedge issue to rally popular support for the Brazilian Estado Novo. The Brazilian government officially announced its intention to acquire a pair of modern battleships to replace the aging and outmoded Minas Geraes class ships, and issued a tender to the international shipbuilders of the world to that end. The South American Fast Battleship Race had begun.
---
[1] Renown had only just been recommissioned and the King George V was still many months away from being commissioned.
[2] The idea of building “Renown and Repulse for the 1940s” was popular, in that it would produce more fast BBs than the earlier Vanguard proposal, and it finally gave the Admiralty an excuse to use the name HMS Resistance, the planned name of the canceled Revenge Class battleship.
[3] the former RMS Majestic, and before that the SS Bismarck, a ship in the weight class of the ill fated Titanic.
A/N:
Having mentioned battleships I will surely have to rewrite all of this
Great to see this right before my lunch break!Canada’s Stand on New Britain: Consequences of a Disaster in High Command
Anyone expecting a quick turn around following McNaughton’s removal would be quite disappointed. The initial removal mostly just created more distraction and disorganization than anything else. Even after the confusion died down Guy Simonds found himself facing the precarious challenge of trying to reestablish contact with his divisions’ third brigade, with whom he had only intermittent contact due to the mountainous jungle in addition to the enemy division between the two Canadian forces.
The matter was not helped by the arrival of Worthington. The eccentric tanker rubbed Simonds the wrong way, and the feeling was mutual. This created an additional hurdle to coordinating efforts. On the upside, there was little hope of coordinating efforts anyways, so having two independently minded commanders might have expedited the conclusion that the two were best off making their own plans and acting according to their own capabilities.
For Simond’s force in Uvol that meant expanding the security perimeter to regain some breathing room. This process involved a number of frantic night raids on the enemy’s picket line, and days of slow maneuvering through the mountainous jungle to secure strategic heights overlooking the Canadian positions. This methodical breakout, in combination with an absurdly responsive artillery arm that flattened efforts to turn back their gains, proved successful to the point where they would likely be able to link up with the Mataburu force ahead of the expected arrival of the Royal Marines. As intel indicated that the Japanese were being reinforced via heavily escorted convoys, the pressure was on to link up with the remaining Canadians to the north while the enemy was still at rough parity with the Canadians.
With his small force and his back to the sea many would expect Worthington to turtle up and wait for rescue. The Scottish-Canadian mercenary turned tanker however saw the chance for bold action and seized upon it. On his orders the ridiculous pontoons and outboard motors were mounted back on the remaining light tanks, which set to sea along with sections of soldiers clinging to makeshift rafts. These made their way two kilometres east and landed well behind enemy lines.
The tanks and sopping wet infantry weren’t exactly quiet as they made their way through the forrest, but the Japanese supply depot wasn’t able to make good on what forewarning they received. Quite the opposite, when the Canadians emerged from the forest they found that the Kenpeis and other rear-echelon personnel were busy trying to prevent the flight of their press-ganged porters. As the light tanks opened up with their .50 calibre machine guns the Japanese were forced to give the Canadians their undivided attention, but found themselves out of position to offer effective resistance.
Natives of the island, in varying degrees of willingness, made up the logistical back bone of both sides of the New Britain Campaign.
Once the Japanese guarding the depot were put to route the Canadians acted quick to grab all they could, destroy what they couldn’t, and exfiltrate before the IJA could put together a serious counter attack. On their way back to Mataburu they rolled over a sparsely manned Japanese picket. The Japanese on New Britain had proven too slow to react, and too sparse to offer effective resistance. Over the following days the Japanese position in the highlands became increasingly untenable, and the pace of the Canadian advance picked up.
On the 28th of August, a forward contingent of the Uvol force heard a familiar engine noise and broke cover to greet the forward element of the Mataburu force. Unfortunately, the crew of the CMP truck conducting reconnaissance assumed the movement ahead of it to be the enemy and opened up with the pom-pom that had been bolted to the bed of the truck. One Canadian would lose their life to friendly fire before they managed to clarify that they were both Canadian. This unfortunate event cast a cloud over what should have been a joyous reunion, and makes an apt metaphor for the botched campaign.
As the Royal Marines made landfall they found the once cheery Canadians to be no more. Well over half of those who had left Jamaica on St. Patrick’s Day had become a casualty of some sort. The survivors were exhausted, malnourished, cynical, and vengeful. When asked if there were any prisoners to be transported off the island one Canadian NCO was recorded to have replied, “We have an understanding with the Japs. No prisoners.” It was then acknowledged that the Canadians should be rotated off the front ASAP for recuperation and resocialization.
Collateral Damage of British Procurement: Burning Liners and South America’s Balance of Power
For the British war cabinet the war in the East was proceeding well, if not necessarily smoothly. On land the campaigns on Borneo, New Guinea, and the Bismarck Archipelago were going favourably, though definitely not smoothly. At sea the size of the Pacific meant that no decision could be trusted to go smoothly.
Take for instance the heavily escorted convoys the Japanese were sending to New Britain. The obvious solution would be to deploy a fleet unit and shut it down. However, the Admiralty was not keen on dividing the fleet after that had proven so costly to the Japanese the previous year. Further, with Hood and Repulse back in the UK for repairs, the British lacked the fast capital ships that would have been ideal for the task.[1] As a stopgap solution, the smattering of British and Commonwealth aircraft providing air support to the Canadians from the other islands of the archipelago were joined by the Hampdens of No. 44 Squadron RAF. These twin engine planes had good endurance, and could drop torpedoes into the densely packed convoys to great effect.
However, Churchill was already looking ahead and keenly noting that these shore based aircraft were only of tactical use, lacking range to support offensive actions against Truk or IJN assets in the South China Sea. As Lord of the Admiralty, Churchill penned two new requests, which were eventually translated into two new operational requirements for the Admiralty’s naval architects. One, was for a pair of mini-Lions using the four turrets earmarked for Vanguard, as well as the two 15” turrets on Marshal Ney class ships. This design would rapidly progress into the Resistance class battlecruisers laid down the following year.[2] The second requirement, for the conversion of the training ship HMS Caledonia[3] into a “bomber carrier”, produced less enthusiasm. Only a simple line drawing was produced before a massive electrical fire aboard the Caledonia effectively euthanized the project.
The recently modernized HMS Renown and the latest designs for the Lion class would serve as the basis for the Resistance class.
At the same time HMS Canada had arrived in Britain for… -whatever the foreign ministry wanted to do with their super dreadnought. Halifax for his part was content to keep his stick around as it was until King George V entered service, at which point it could be refitted or returned to Chile as the situation dictated. Given that it would be in the UK anyways, he encouraged the Chilean ambassador to open discussions between the Chilean Navy and the naval architects of Vickers-Armstrong for an eventual refit. In the meantime, he had another big stick to wave around when negotiating with the continental powers.
Mere days earlier an abortive military coup began and immediately fizzled out in Santiago. Shaken by the close call, President Pedro Aguirre Cerda seized on the opportunity to extend an olive branch to the military. To this end, information that the Chilean government was hoping to turn Almirante Latorre into a modern fast battleship on the cheap was intentionally leaked to the press.
The weak and scandal-prone president of Argentina sought to dissuade the Chileans from upsetting the established balance of power. While doing so he reminded them that Argentine’s coffers were much larger and not burdened with earthquake recovery, and that it could easily match and surpass any Chilean procurement. It’s likely that line of dialogue could have produced a settlement, had there not been a B between A and C.
The regime of Getúlio Vargas had long held deep seated anxieties about Argentina, and saw a renewed arms race as a wedge issue to rally popular support for the Brazilian Estado Novo. The Brazilian government officially announced its intention to acquire a pair of modern battleships to replace the aging and outmoded Minas Geraes class ships, and issued a tender to the international shipbuilders of the world to that end. The South American Fast Battleship Race had begun.
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[1] Renown had only just been recommissioned and the King George V was still many months away from being commissioned.
[2] The idea of building “Renown and Repulse for the 1940s” was popular, in that it would produce more fast BBs than the earlier Vanguard proposal, and it finally gave the Admiralty an excuse to use the name HMS Resistance, the planned name of the canceled Revenge Class battleship.
[3] the former RMS Majestic, and before that the SS Bismarck, a ship in the weight class of the ill fated Titanic.
A/N:
Having mentioned battleships I will surely have to rewrite all of this
The Resistance class sounds like an interesting development, a sort of 'cheap and cheerful' 3x2 15" battlecruiser incorporating lessons from building the King George V, as the Revenge class was to the Queen Elizabeths. Never beloved but always reliable, and most importantly of all, available for service.
I can honestly see the Lions remaining paper designs TTL as wartime needs emphasizes something slightly smaller, a 3x2 16" (or depending on what's available, a 3x3 14") fast-battleship that might end up sharing hull lines with a carrier 'cousin'.
I can honestly see the Lions remaining paper designs TTL as wartime needs emphasizes something slightly smaller, a 3x2 16" (or depending on what's available, a 3x3 14") fast-battleship that might end up sharing hull lines with a carrier 'cousin'.
Glad to see some consequences on Latin America, a place often ignored, wonder how this will affect other events.
it's like an aircraft carrier, but scaled up for the big multi-engine medium and heavy bombers of the RAF.
Intra-service feuding, bomber carriers, South American arms races... this TL is about as messy as reality.
Well the HMS Caledonia proposal wouldn't have been quite that big. However in terms of size she'd have been larger than any of the CVs that actually served during WWII, and would have approximately equaled the Midways that were launched after the war ended. Though as a conversion of a much slower civilian ship she'd have been much less capable than a Midway, or even something like Ark Royal, thus the lack of enthusiasm.
Now in terms of Habakkuk, I have thought about it
