(OTL Politics comment) You have that to *some* degree iOTL, with African Americans who might otherwise agree with most of the moral issues of the Republican Party voting Democratic rather than Republican. Yes, you have some that do cross over (Michael Steele for example), but not in large quantities.
Into the Cincoverse - The Cinco de Mayo EU Thread and Wikibox Repository
- Thread starter KingSweden24
- Start date
That’s not the only inspiration but, yes, that’s a good example of what I’m referring to
Somewhat (numbering conventions at least). There’s a reason Pershing, whose 1920s era “Pershing Plan” was something of a roadmap (heh) of both the US Route and Interstate system, has gotten so much focus ITTL; and it was in WW1 after all that Ike was inspired to improve the national transport system.
That said, and this is something my fellow Cascadians will get, there’s a reason I-5 goes through Bellevue, east of the lake, and not Seattle proper
Could somebody explain the Pershing Plan for those of us who are still remedial Pershingologists?
Here you go!
Pershing Map - Wikipedia
Basically it was a very, very early version of the interstate system that OTL John Pershing proposed in a report to Congress about how to improve a national road network for military readiness.
Leap Day Policy
The Leap Day Policy, also known as the Leap Day Ultimatum or the Adelaide Policy due to the city in which the speech was delivered, was a major policy address delivered by Australian Prime Minister Paul Hogan in Adelaide on February 29, 1996, in which he announced Australia's pending intervention in the Banjarese Civil War and, above and beyond that, "a comprehensive, sophisticated, and permanent policy of counter-jihadism" against various jihadist insurgencies throughout the Indonesian Archipelago. The speech was seen as a major turning point in Australian foreign policy history and, to a lesser extent, domestic politics, and preceded the beginning of Operation Monsoon Wind - the air campaign aspect of the Bornean Intervention - on March 10.
The Leap Day Policy was articulated in response to increasing Australian public anger at atrocities in the various post-colonial states in the Malay Archipelago, specifically the region commonly referred to as Indonesia or Nusantara by pan-Malay nationalists. Following the collapse of the Sultanate of Banjar in late 1992, the Darul Islam organization in Kalimantan - the Malay name for Borneo - had declared the theocratic Islamic republic Negara Islam Kalimantan, or NIK, creating a third state of that variety in Nusantara alongside Java and Sulawesi, areas which were already deeply embroiled in long-running sectarian and ethnic conflicts. Banjar's collapse was particularly violent, however, and saw Darul Islam forces in mid-1993 beginning a "social cleanse" of enemies of the state, beginning with academics and anti-government activists but soon expanding to moderate Banjarese and, in particular, tribal Dayaks in the hinterlands who were more than two-thirds Christian. By late 1994, the persecution campaign against the Dayaks had evolved into a full-blown genocide; while about ten thousand Dayaks were killed in 1993, close to seventy thousand died in the last six months of 1994 alone and several hundred thousand were slaughtered across southern Kalimantan in 1995. International condemnation of the civil war and support for anti-NIK insurgents ballooned in 1995, culminating in Australia imposing an international embargo on Banjar and Sulawesi in December of 1995 and the Kaching Agreement between Australia, Sarawak, Brunei and Malaya to coordinate an anti-Darul Islam policy. The next month, a Red Cross humanitarian aid flight was shot down near Banjarmasin on January 2 and on January 15, two Australian journalists - ABC war correspondent Melissa Howard and freelance war photographer Madeline Harris - were kidnapped, brutally tortured and murdered with their bodies dumped in a river along with their driver and two translators by NIK police, largely viewed as the final straw for the Australian government. Refusals by the NIK to suspend its genocide of the Dayaks and anti-government Banjarese resulted in Hogan's unilateral decision to announce an intervention in Banjar to put an end to the violence.
The Leap Day Policy marked a paradigm shift in Australian foreign policy, which had since the final independence of most of the Dutch East Indies in 1973 and 1977 pursued a strict policy of soft power influence rather than military intervention despite postcolonial conflicts emerging more or less immediately across Nusantara. Hogan, though a moderate within his governing National Party who had successfully won reelection in 1993 by shifting his party to the center, was perceived as taking a more hawkish stance internally and externally and as the ultimatum occurred close to the midpoint of his government (September 1991 - October 2001) it is viewed as an epochal point in the Hogan ministry, where it shifted firmly to a government of the right. Interventions in Nusantara throughout the late 1990s into the early 2000s are largely seen as having polarized Australian society on military affairs, immigration, and culture, with Islamophobia and anti-Malay sentiments rising sharply, particularly after terrorist attacks on Australian soil after Darul Islam declared a jihad and fatwa against Australia. Commentators have noted that Australian opinion was stirred not by the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Dayaks but rather "the death of two blonde, blue-eyed Australian women; the martyrdom of two journalists by a fearsome 'other' in what Australians see as the savage peripheral jungles that separate their home from Asia came to be viewed as a civilizational struggle between European Australia and the barbaric Oriental enemy on the Australian Right."
The Leap Day Policy was articulated in response to increasing Australian public anger at atrocities in the various post-colonial states in the Malay Archipelago, specifically the region commonly referred to as Indonesia or Nusantara by pan-Malay nationalists. Following the collapse of the Sultanate of Banjar in late 1992, the Darul Islam organization in Kalimantan - the Malay name for Borneo - had declared the theocratic Islamic republic Negara Islam Kalimantan, or NIK, creating a third state of that variety in Nusantara alongside Java and Sulawesi, areas which were already deeply embroiled in long-running sectarian and ethnic conflicts. Banjar's collapse was particularly violent, however, and saw Darul Islam forces in mid-1993 beginning a "social cleanse" of enemies of the state, beginning with academics and anti-government activists but soon expanding to moderate Banjarese and, in particular, tribal Dayaks in the hinterlands who were more than two-thirds Christian. By late 1994, the persecution campaign against the Dayaks had evolved into a full-blown genocide; while about ten thousand Dayaks were killed in 1993, close to seventy thousand died in the last six months of 1994 alone and several hundred thousand were slaughtered across southern Kalimantan in 1995. International condemnation of the civil war and support for anti-NIK insurgents ballooned in 1995, culminating in Australia imposing an international embargo on Banjar and Sulawesi in December of 1995 and the Kaching Agreement between Australia, Sarawak, Brunei and Malaya to coordinate an anti-Darul Islam policy. The next month, a Red Cross humanitarian aid flight was shot down near Banjarmasin on January 2 and on January 15, two Australian journalists - ABC war correspondent Melissa Howard and freelance war photographer Madeline Harris - were kidnapped, brutally tortured and murdered with their bodies dumped in a river along with their driver and two translators by NIK police, largely viewed as the final straw for the Australian government. Refusals by the NIK to suspend its genocide of the Dayaks and anti-government Banjarese resulted in Hogan's unilateral decision to announce an intervention in Banjar to put an end to the violence.
The Leap Day Policy marked a paradigm shift in Australian foreign policy, which had since the final independence of most of the Dutch East Indies in 1973 and 1977 pursued a strict policy of soft power influence rather than military intervention despite postcolonial conflicts emerging more or less immediately across Nusantara. Hogan, though a moderate within his governing National Party who had successfully won reelection in 1993 by shifting his party to the center, was perceived as taking a more hawkish stance internally and externally and as the ultimatum occurred close to the midpoint of his government (September 1991 - October 2001) it is viewed as an epochal point in the Hogan ministry, where it shifted firmly to a government of the right. Interventions in Nusantara throughout the late 1990s into the early 2000s are largely seen as having polarized Australian society on military affairs, immigration, and culture, with Islamophobia and anti-Malay sentiments rising sharply, particularly after terrorist attacks on Australian soil after Darul Islam declared a jihad and fatwa against Australia. Commentators have noted that Australian opinion was stirred not by the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Dayaks but rather "the death of two blonde, blue-eyed Australian women; the martyrdom of two journalists by a fearsome 'other' in what Australians see as the savage peripheral jungles that separate their home from Asia came to be viewed as a civilizational struggle between European Australia and the barbaric Oriental enemy on the Australian Right."
Is'nt this Spoiler?
Also how is the Human rights situation in Malay Archipelago?
In some way the mere existence of the EU thread is a spoiler…
But, I would say, it is not great
Thank you
Post-9/11 hysteria was definitely something of an influence in my thinking around Aussie-Nusantara relations, bleak as that is to think about
My inspiration here, if that’s even the right word, is Portugal managing to cling to her African holdings up until 1974, so that’s the rough timetable I’m using
(But yes much of Africa probably wouldn’t fully detach from colonial overlords until the mid-1980s)
Wasn't Liberia already an independent state at the time of the POD?
Honestly wondering what the CSA's attitude towards them would've been and if they ever tried to recolonize them (since if anyone was gonna try that it was the CSA). And speaking of which, would Europe have left Liberia alone in a world where the US was considerably less powerful and respectable? (The Monroe Doctrine was pretty much a dead letter very early ITTL, after all).
Yes
A fair q. Britain never really had an issue Liberia IOTL so they may have just considered it in their sphere of influence; London was always fine with indirect dominance where possible, after all.
Post-1872 (the year of Nathan Forrest’s Groovy Yellow Fever Camping Adventure) the CSA had minimal power projection abilities in west Africa so re-colonization was a total dead letter, and the UK and US would never have stood for it