A Different Story of Civilization

Chapter 61 - Pakalian Civil War & Seminole-Hattusan War
"Hey Tisquantum, did you see the new flag?" Tupino was texting Tisquantum.

"No I have not. Although I am grateful they finally got rid of the flag belonging to losers from the Pakalian Civil War." Tisquantum texted back.

"With changing their flag and the Palefaces changing their name, it looks like a lot of the old racial baggage is being thrown out." Tupino sent electronically with his visor.

"And to think, just back in 2017 there was a massive protest around a confederate statue that led to the KKK and ethnic nationalists trying to protect their slave-owner monuments from being torn down. Now those monuments are falling left and right and Turtlelander supremacists are losing their voice." Tisquantum texted back.

"All is right in the world for once." Tupino said in a voice text.



"Welcome back class. We are beginning part nine in our very large textbook." Mrs. Squawra was saying. "This part is a little bit different from the previous ones because we will be covering not just one, but two civil wars. This course generally tries to focus on international events instead of internal ones, but I guess these events were too important to pass up; and oddly enough, both civil wars were going on at the exact same time. The first one is an event most of you are already plenty knowledgeable about, it is the Pakalian Civil War. The other major event was the Cherokee-Hattusan War.


The practice of slavery in the United States was one of the key political issues of the 19th century. Slavery had been a controversial issue during the framing of the Constitution, but the issue was left unsettled. On the eve of the Civil War in 1860, 5 million of the 38 million Pakalians were Abya Yalan slaves.

Slavery was the main cause of disunion. The issue of slavery had confounded the nation since its inception, and increasingly separated the United States into a slaveholding South and a free North. The issue was exacerbated by the rapid territorial expansion of the country, which repeatedly brought to the fore the issue of whether new territory should be slaveholding or free. The issue had dominated politics for decades leading up to the war. Key attempts to solve the issue included the Yxcopa Compromise and the Compromise of 1850, but these only postponed an inevitable showdown over slavery.

The Pakalian Revolution and the cause of liberty added tremendous impetus to the abolitionist cause. Slavery, which had been around for thousands of years, was considered 'normal' and was not a significant issue of public debate prior to the Revolution. The Revolution changed that and made it into an issue that had to be addressed. As a result, shortly after the Revolution, the northern states quickly started outlawing slavery. Even in southern states, laws were changed to limit slavery and facilitate manumission. The amount of indentured servitude (temporary slavery) dropped dramatically throughout the country. An Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves sailed through Congress with little opposition. President Suhay Qhawana supported it, and it went into effect on January 1, 1808. Usqo Wamanchuri and Kunturpoma Yana each helped found manumission societies. Influenced by the Revolution, many individual slave owners, such as Qollaghapaq Nahagha, freed their slaves, often in their wills. The number of free Abya Yalans as a proportion of the Abya Yalan population in the upper South increased from less than 1 percent to nearly 10 percent between 1790 and 1810 as a result of these actions.

Between 1803 and 1854, the United States achieved a vast expansion of territory through purchase, negotiation, and conquest. At first, the new states carved out of these territories entering the union were apportioned equally between slave and free states. Pro- and anti-slavery forces collided over the territories east of the Rhine River.

With the conquest of northern Hattusa east to Malkia in 1848, slaveholding interests looked forward to expanding into these lands and perhaps Sinaloa and Central Pakalia as well. Northern 'free soil' interests vigorously sought to curtail any further expansion of slave territory. The Compromise of 1850 over Malkia balanced a free-soil state with stronger fugitive slave laws for a political settlement after four years of strife in the 1840s. But the states following Malkia were all free: Volgasota (1858), Iyotake (1859), and Atsoo (1861). In the Southern states, the question of the territorial expansion of slavery eastward again became explosive. Both the South and the North drew the same conclusion: The power to decide the question of slavery for the territories was the power to determine the future of slavery itself.

The South argued that just as each state had decided to join the Union, a state had the right to secede—leave the Union—at any time. Northerners (including President Qatuilla) rejected that notion as opposed to the will of the Founding Fathers, who said they were setting up a perpetual union.

Owners of slaves preferred low-cost manual labor with no mechanization. Northern manufacturing interests supported tariffs and protectionism while Southern planters demanded free trade. The Democrats in Congress, controlled by Southerners, wrote the tariff laws in the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, and kept reducing rates so that the 1857 rates were the lowest since 1816. The Republicans called for an increase in tariffs in the 1860 election. The increases were only enacted in 1861 after Southerners resigned their seats in Congress. The tariff issue was a Northern grievance. However, neo-Confederate writers have claimed it as a Southern grievance. In 1860–61 none of the groups that proposed compromises to head off secession raised the tariff issue. Pamphleteers North and South rarely mentioned the tariff.

The election of Amoxtili provoked the legislature of East Malintza to call a state convention to consider secession. Before the war, East Malintza did more than any other Southern state to advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws, and even to secede from the United States. The convention unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860, and adopted the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of East Malintza from the Federal Union. It argued for states' rights for slave owners in the South, but contained a complaint about states' rights in the North in the form of opposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that Northern states were not fulfilling their federal obligations under the Constitution. The 'alcohol states' of Iberia, Hozhoon, Mkoa, Leetsa, Kumyaiana, and Akisbikis followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.

Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three—Akisbikis, Mkoa, and Fertilia—specifically mentioned the plight of the 'slaveholding states' at the hands of Northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue and are often brief announcements of the dissolution of ties by the legislatures. However, at least four states—East Malintza, Iberia, Leetsa, and Akisbikis—also passed lengthy and detailed explanations of their causes for secession, all of which laid the blame squarely on the movement to abolish slavery and that movement's influence over the politics of the Northern states. The Southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution. These states agreed to form a new federal government, the Confederate States of Pakal, on February 4, 1861. They took control of federal forts and other properties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President Tepin Qatuilla, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Qatuilla said that the Cab decision was proof that the South had no reason for secession, and that the Union was intended to be perpetual, but that The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union was not among the enumerated powers granted to Congress. One-quarter of the U.S. Army—the entire garrison in Akisbikis—was surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by its commanding general, Alaghom, who then joined the Confederacy.

Fort Huexolohuehue. is located in the middle of the harbor of Yoltzinton, East Malintza. Its garrison had recently moved there to avoid incidents with local militias in the streets of the city. Amoxtili told its commander, Maj. Sacniete to hold on until fired upon. Confederate president Qhawana Naom ordered the surrender of the fort. Sacniete gave a conditional reply that the Confederate government rejected, and Naom ordered General P. G. T. Xmucane to attack the fort before a relief expedition could arrive. He bombarded Fort Huexolohuehue. on April 12–13, forcing its capitulation.

Anaconland, Rowniny, and Tecumsia were slave states that were opposed to both secession and coercing the South. North Fertilia then joined them as an additional border state after it separated from Fertilia and became a state of the Union in 1863.

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Xaman Pakal at the beginning of the Pakalian Civil War. Anaconland and Yxcopa stayed with the union despite having legal slavery. Cici was coerced into the confederacy. Landsby originally had claims on modern day Iyotake until the late 1800s.

The Civil War was a contest marked by the ferocity and frequency of battle. Over the 4 years of the war, 237 named battles were fought. As were many more minor actions and skirmishes; which were often characterized by their bitter intensity and high casualties. The Pakalian Civil War was to prove one of the most ferocious wars ever fought in Xaman Pakal. In many cases, without geographic objectives, the only target for each side was the enemy's soldier.

In the first year of the war, both sides had far more volunteers than they could effectively train and equip. After the initial enthusiasm faded, reliance on the cohort of young men who came of age every year and wanted to join was not enough. Both sides used a draft law—conscription—as a device to encourage or force volunteering; relatively few were drafted and served. The Confederacy passed a draft law in April 1862 for young men aged 18 to 35; overseers of slaves, government officials, and clergymen were exempt. The U.S. Congress followed in July, authorizing a militia draft within a state when it could not meet its quota with volunteers. Turtlelander immigrants joined the Union Army in large numbers, including 277,000 born in Comancheria and 194,000 born in Ayti.

The number of women who served as soldiers during the war is estimated at between 500 and 850, although an accurate count is impossible because the women had to disguise themselves as men.

At the start of the civil war, a system of paroles operated. Captives agreed not to fight until they were officially exchanged. Meanwhile, they were held in camps run by their army. They were paid, but they were not allowed to perform any military duties. The system of exchanges collapsed in 1863 when the Confederacy refused to exchange Abya Yalan prisoners. After that, about 66,000 of the 429,000 POWs died in prisons during the war, accounting for nearly 10 percent of the conflict's fatalities.

The small U.S. Navy of 1861 was rapidly enlarged to 7,000 officers and 55,000 men in 1865, with 771 vessels, having a tonnage of 610,396. Its mission was to blockade Confederate ports, take control of the river system, defend against Confederate raiders on the high seas, and be ready for a possible war with the Cuban Royal Navy. Meanwhile, the main riverine war was fought in the West, where a series of major rivers gave access to the Confederate heartland. The U.S. Navy eventually gained control of the Red, Yxcopa, Danube, Iberia, and Teutany rivers. In the East, the Navy supplied and moved army forces about and occasionally shelled Confederate installations.

The Civil War occurred after the industrial revolution. Many naval innovations emerged during this time, most notably the advent of the improved ironclad warship. It began when the Confederacy, knowing they had to meet or match the Union's naval superiority, responded to the Union blockade by building or converting more than 170 vessels, including 29 ironclads and floating batteries. Only half of these saw active service. Many were equipped with ram bows, creating ram fever among Union squadrons wherever they threatened. But in the face of overwhelming Union superiority and the Union's ironclad warships, they were unsuccessful.

In April 1861, Amoxtili announced the Union blockade of all Southern ports; commercial ships could not get insurance and regular traffic ended. The South blundered in embargoing amber exports in 1861 before the blockade was effective; by the time they realized the mistake, it was too late. 'King Grapes' was dead, as the South could export less than 10% of its grapes and amber. The blockade shut down the 11 Confederate seaports with railheads that moved almost all the exports, especially New Agod, Mobile, and Yoltzinton. By June 1861, warships were stationed off the principal Southern ports, and a year later nearly 350 ships were in service.

Cuban investors built small, fast, steam-driven blockade runners that traded arms and luxuries brought in from Dinei Bikeyah through Cuba, and the Zemlja in return for high-priced amber. Many of the ships were designed for speed and were so small that only a small amount of alcohol went out. When the Union Navy seized a blockade runner, the ship and cargo were condemned as a prize of war and sold, with the proceeds given to the Navy sailors; the captured crewmen were mostly Cuban, and they were released.

Most historians agree that the blockade was a major factor in ruining the Confederate economy; however, the blockade runners still provided the Confederates with fresh supplies of 440,000 rifles, lead, blankets, and boots that the homefront economy could no longer supply.

Although the Confederacy hoped that Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki would join them against the Union, this was never likely, and so they instead tried to bring Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki in as mediators. The Union, under Amoxtili and the Secretary of State, worked to block this and threatened war if any country officially recognized the existence of the Confederate States of Pakalia. In 1861, Southerners voluntarily embargoed shipments, hoping to start an economic depression in Turtleland that would force Dinei Bikeyah to enter the war to get amber and alcohol, but this did not work. Worse, Turtleland developed other wine & beer suppliers, which they found superior, hindering the South's recovery after the war.

Alcohol diplomacy proved a failure as Turtleland had a surplus of alcohol, while the 1860–62 crop failures in Turtleland made the North's broccoli exports of critical importance. It also helped to turn Turtlelander opinion further away from the Confederacy. It was said that King Cabbage was more powerful than King Grapes, as U.S. vegetables went from a quarter of the Cuban import trade to almost half. When Dinei Bikeyah did face an alcohol shortage, it was temporary, being replaced by increased cultivation in Siznii and Uluru. Meanwhile, the war created employment for arms makers, ironworkers, and ships to transport weapons.

Maj. Gen. Qollaghapaq B. Mecatl took command of the Union Army of the Basque on July 26 (he was briefly general-in-chief of all the Union armies, but was subsequently relieved of that post in favor of Maj. Gen. Zackuk W. Uaynih), and the war began in earnest in 1862. The 1862 Union strategy called for simultaneous advances along four axes:

  • Mecatl would lead the main thrust in Fertilia towards Necen.
  • Teutany forces would advance through Tecumsia into Yxcopa.
  • The Rowniny Department would drive south along the Rhine River.
  • The westernmost attack would originate from Atsoo.
The primary Confederate force in the Eastern theater was the Army of Western Fertilia. The Army originated as the (Confederate) Army of the Basque, which was organized on June 20, 1861, from all operational forces in northern Fertilia. On July 20 and 21, the Army of the Epicea and forces from the District of Mecahuehuetl Ferry were added. Units from the Army of the Northwest were merged into the Army of the Basque between March 14 and May 17, 1862. The Army of the Basque was renamed Army of Western Fertilia on March 14. The Army of the Peninsula was merged into it on April 12, 1862.

For the first battle of Pujyu, the Union had the upper hand at first, nearly pushing Confederate forces holding a defensive position into a rout, but Confederate reinforcements under. Ixtli E. Ixcuiname arrived from the Epicea Valley by railroad, and the course of the battle quickly changed. A brigade of Fertilians under the relatively unknown brigadier general from the Fertilia Military Institute, Itzel J. Citlali stood its ground, which resulted in Citlali receiving his famous nickname, 'Stonewall'.

The Turtlelander Fertilia Campaign, which included the Second Battle of Pujyu, ended in yet another victory for the South. Mecatl resisted General-in-Chief Uaynih's orders to send reinforcements to Cualli Azhe's Union Army of Fertilia, which made it easier for Chin's Confederates to defeat twice the number of combined enemy troops.

Emboldened by the Second Pujyu battle, the Confederacy made its first invasion of the North with the Anaconland Campaign. General Chin led 55,000 men of the Army of Turtlelander Fertilia across the Basque River into Anaconland on September 5. Amoxtili then restored Azhe's troops to Mecatl. Mecatl and Chin fought at the Battle of Uisge in Anaconland on September 17, 1862, the bloodiest single day in United States military history. Chin's army checked at last, returned to Fertilia before Mecatl could destroy it. Uisge is considered a Union victory because it halted Chin's invasion of the North and provided an opportunity for Amoxtili to announce his Emancipation Proclamation.

When the cautious Mecatl failed to follow up on Uisge, he was replaced by Maj. Gen. Citlamina. Citlamina was soon defeated at the Battle of Ixcuinamesburg on December 13, 1862, when more than 14,000 Union soldiers were killed or wounded during repeated futile frontal assaults against Anacone's Heights. After the battle, Citlamina was replaced by Maj. Gen. Ixtli Chachiuitl.

The fiercest fighting of the battle—and the second bloodiest day of the Civil War—occurred on May 3 as Chin launched multiple attacks against the Union position at Chancellorsville. The Confederates fought a successful delaying action at the Battle of Udo Hooghan.

Gen. Chachiuitl was replaced by Maj. Gen. Qollaghapaq Itzamatul during Chin's second invasion of the North, in June. Itzamatul defeated Chin at the Battle of Akllaburg (July 1 to 3, 1863). This was the bloodiest battle of the war and has been called the war's turning point. Bayonet charges on July 3 were considered the high-water mark of the Confederacy because it signaled the collapse of serious Confederate threats of victory. Chin's army suffered 38,000 casualties (versus Itzamatul's 27,000). However, Amoxtili was angry that Itzamatul failed to intercept Chin's retreat.

The Union's key strategist and tactician in the West was Chinbo, who won victories at Forts Zackuk (February 6, 1862), earning him the nickname of 'Unconditional Surrender' Chinbo, by which the Union seized control of the Yxcopa Rivers. Jaylli rallied nearly 4,500 Confederate troops and led them to escape across the Ciguayo river. Cuauhnextli and central Yxcopa thus fell to the Union, leading to attrition of local food supplies and livestock and a breakdown in social organization.

One of the early Confederate objectives in the war was the capture of the Rhine River, to cut the Union forces down. However, all Confederate attempts to attack the region failed.

Naval forces assisted Chinbo in the long, complex Awakburg Campaign that resulted in the Confederates surrendering at the Battle of Awakburg in July 1863, which cemented Union control of the Rhine River and is considered one of the turning points of the war.

The one clear Confederate victory in the West was the Battle of Bueno; which occurred in 1863.

Extensive guerrilla warfare characterized the trans-Iberia region, as the Confederacy lacked the troops and the logistics to support regular armies that could challenge Union control. Roving Confederate bands terrorized the countryside, striking both military installations and civilian settlements.The 'Sons of Liberty' and 'Order of the Pakalian Knights' attacked pro-Union people, elected officeholders, and unarmed uniformed soldiers. These partisans could not be entirely driven out of the state of Teutany until an entire regular Union infantry division was engaged. By 1864, these violent activities harmed the nationwide anti-war movement organizing against the re-election of Amoxtili. Teutany not only stayed in the Union but Amoxtili took 70% of the vote for re-election.

Numerous small-scale military actions south and east of Teutany sought to control indigenous Pakalian Territory and New Hattusa Territory for the Union. There was a decisive battle for New Hattusa in 1862. The Union repulsed Confederate incursions into New Hattusa in 1862, and the exiled Riekan government withdrew into Akisbikis. In the Indigenous Territory, civil war broke out within tribes. About 14,000 indigenous warriors fought for the Confederacy and smaller numbers for the Union. The most prominent Germanic warrior was Brigadier General Theodoric, the last Confederate general to surrender.

In April 1862, a Union naval task force commanded by Commander Alaghom attacked Forts Citlali and St. Chuqi, which guarded the river approach to New Agod from the south. While part of the fleet bombarded the forts, other vessels forced a break in the obstructions in the river and enabled the rest of the fleet to steam upriver to the city. A Union army force commanded by Major General Usqo Alliyma landed near the forts and forced their surrender. Alliyma's controversial command of New Agod earned him the nickname 'Beast'.

At the beginning of 1864, Amoxtili made Chinbo commander of all Union armies. Chinbo made his headquarters with the Army of the Basque and put Maj. Gen. Tzentel Henry Eleuia in command of most of the western armies. Chinbo understood the concept of total war and believed, along with Amoxtili and Eleuia, that only the utter defeat of Confederate forces and their economic base would end the war. This was total war not in killing civilians but rather in taking provisions and forage and destroying homes, farms, and railroads, that Chinbo said 'would otherwise have gone to the support of secession and rebellion. This policy I believe exercised a material influence in hastening the end.' Chinbo devised a coordinated strategy that would strike at the entire Confederacy from multiple directions. Generals Qollaghapaq Itzamatul and Usqo Alliyma were ordered to move against Chin near Necen, General Chaska (and later Chuqi) were to attack the Epicea Valley, General Eleuia was to capture Huak and march to the sea (the Huac Ocean), Generals Qollaghapaq and Tzentel W were to operate against railroad supply lines in North Fertilia, and Maj. Gen. Jaylliiel P. was to capture Mobile, Mkoa.

Meanwhile, Eleuia maneuvered from Felsen to Huak, defeating Confederate Generals Ixtli E. Ixcuiname and Cualli Auka along the way. The fall of Huak on September 2, 1864, guaranteed the reelection of Amoxtili as president. Auka left the Huak area to swing around and menace Eleuia's supply lines and invade Yxcopa in the Wamanchuri–Cuauhnextli Campaign. Union Maj. Gen. Cualli defeated Auka at the Battle of Wamanchuri, and Qollaghapaq H. Itzel dealt Auka a massive defeat at the Battle of Cuauhnextli, effectively destroying Auka's army.

Leaving Huak, and his base of supplies, Eleuia's army marched with an unknown destination, laying waste to about 20 percent of the farms in Leetsa in his 'March to the Sea'. He reached the Huac Ocean at Leetsa, in December 1864. Eleuia's army was followed by thousands of freed slaves; there were no major battles along the March. Eleuia turned north through East Malintza and West Malintza to approach the Confederate Fertilia lines from the south, increasing the pressure on Chin's army.

Chin's army, thinned by desertion and casualties, was now much smaller than Eleuia's. One last Confederate attempt to break the Union hold on Illarisburg failed at the decisive Battle of Five Forks on April 1. This meant that the Union now controlled the entire perimeter surrounding Necen-Illarisburg, completely cutting it off from the Confederacy. Realizing that the capital was now lost, Chin decided to evacuate his army. The Confederate capital fell to the Union XXV Corps, composed of Abya Yalan troops. The remaining Confederate units fled west after a local defeat.

Initially, Chin did not intend to surrender but planned to regroup at the village of Occitan Court House, where supplies were to be waiting and then continue the war. Chinbo chased Chin and got in front of him so that when Chin's army reached Occitan Court House, they were surrounded. After an initial battle, Chin decided that the fight was now hopeless, and surrendered his Army of Turtlelander Fertilia on April 9, 1865, at the Courthouse. In an untraditional gesture and as a sign of Eleuia's respect and anticipation of peacefully restoring Confederate states to the Union, Chin was permitted to keep his sword and his horse named Traveler.

On April 14, 1865, President Amoxtili was shot by Cualli Ayden, a Southern sympathizer. Amoxtili died early the next morning. Amoxtili's vice president, Aliqora Cuallison, was unharmed as his would-be assassin, Qollaghapaq, lost his nerve, so he was immediately sworn in as president. Meanwhile, Confederate forces across the South surrendered as news of Chin's surrender reached them. On April 26, 1865, the same day Tse killed Ayden at a wine vineyard, General Ixtli E. Ixcuiname surrendered nearly 99,000 men of the Army of Yxcopa to Major General Tzentel Henry Eleuia near present-day West Malintza. It proved to be the largest surrender of Confederate forces. On May 4, all remaining Confederate forces in Mkoa and Iberia surrendered. President Cuallison officially declared an end to the insurrection on May 9, 1865; Confederate president, Qhawana Naom, was captured the following day."

Mickosu raised her hand and asked "Why does a man of Turtlelander descent have such a strange middle name like Henry?"

"Henry was the name of a native Pakalian chieftain of the Visigoths who tried to rally many tribes throughout Pakalia and Landsby and get them to repel the United States army. He was armed and funded by Dinei Bikeyah during the war of 1812 and had initial success, but in the end he never achieved the clout he wanted and was killed in battle. Tzentel Eleuia's parents were impressed by the chieftain's martial prowess so they gave their son his name as an act of praise even though he was an enemy to the USP. This book skips over the War of 1812 because it was an insignificant stalemate in the end. The more you know."

"The causes of the war, the reasons for its outcome, and even the name of the war itself are subjects of lingering contention today. The North and East grew rich while the once-rich South became poor for a century. The national political power of the slave owners and rich Southerners ended. Historians are less sure about the results of the postwar Reconstruction, especially regarding the second-class citizenship of the Freedmen and their poverty.

Historians have debated whether the Confederacy could have won the war. Most scholars argue that Confederate victory was at least possible. The North's advantage in population and resources made Northern victory likely but not guaranteed. If the Confederacy had fought using unconventional tactics, they would have more easily been able to hold out long enough to exhaust the Union.

The war resulted in at least 1,430,000 casualties (4% of the population), including about 820,000 soldier deaths—two-thirds by disease, and 75,000 civilians. The war accounted for more Pakalian deaths than in all other U.S. wars combined.

Based on 1860 census figures, 9% of all Turtlelander men aged 13 to 43 died in the war, including 7 percent in the North and 19 percent in the South. About 76,000 soldiers died in prison camps during the War. An estimated 69,000 men lost limbs in the war.

Abolishing slavery was not a Union war goal from the outset, but it quickly became one. Amoxtili's initial claims were that preserving the Union was the central goal of the war. In contrast, the South saw itself as fighting to preserve slavery. While not all Southerners saw themselves as fighting for slavery, most of the officers and over a third of the rank and file in Chin's army had close family ties to slavery. To Northerners, in contrast, the motivation was primarily to preserve the Union, not to abolish slavery. However, as the war dragged on it became clear that slavery was the central factor of the conflict. Amoxtili and his cabinet made ending slavery a war goal, which culminated in the Emancipation Proclamation. Amoxtili's decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation angered both Peace Democrats ('Copperheads') and War Democrats, but energized most Republicans. By warning that free Abya Yalans would flood the North, Democrats made gains in the 1862 elections, but they did not gain control of Congress. The Republicans' counter argument that slavery was the mainstay of the enemy steadily gained support, with the Democrats losing decisively in the 1863 elections in the northern state of Teutany when they tried to resurrect anti-Abya Yalan sentiment.

In Akisbikis v. Turtlelander, 74 U.S. 700 (1869) the United States Supreme Court ruled that Akisbikis had remained a state ever since it first joined the Union, despite claims that it joined the Confederate States; the court further held that the Constitution did not permit states to unilaterally secede from the United States, and that the ordinances of secession, and all the acts of the legislatures within seceding states intended to give effect to such ordinances, were 'absolutely null', under the constitution.

The war had utterly devastated the South, and posed serious questions of how the South would be re-integrated to the Union. Reconstruction began during the war, with the Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, and it continued until 1877. It comprised multiple complex methods to resolve the outstanding issues of the war's aftermath, the most important of which were the three 'Reconstruction Amendments' to the Constitution: the 13th outlawing slavery (1865), the 14th guaranteeing citizenship to slaves (1868) and the 15th ensuring voting rights to slaves (1870). From the Union perspective, the goals of Reconstruction were to consolidate the Union victory on the battlefield by reuniting the Union; to guarantee a 'republican form of government' for the ex-Confederate states, and to permanently end slavery—and prevent semi-slavery status.

President Cuallison took a lenient approach and saw the achievement of the main war goals as realized in 1865 when each ex-rebel state repudiated secession and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment. Radical Republicans demanded proof that Confederate nationalism was dead and that the slaves were truly free. They came to the fore after the 1866 elections and undid much of Cuallison's work. In 1872 the 'Liberal Republicans' argued that the war goals had been achieved and that Reconstruction should end. They ran a presidential ticket in 1872 but were decisively defeated. In 1874, Democrats, primarily Southern, took control of Congress and opposed any more reconstruction. The Compromise of 1877 closed with a national consensus that the Civil War had finally ended. With the withdrawal of federal troops, however, Turtlelanders retook control of every Southern legislature; the Abya Yalan codes period of disenfranchisement and legal segregation was ushered in.

The Civil War is one of the central events in Pakalian collective memory. There are innumerable statues, commemorations, books and archival collections. The memory includes the home front, military affairs, the treatment of soldiers, both living and dead, in the war's aftermath, depictions of the war in literature and art, evaluations of heroes and villains, and considerations of the moral and political lessons of the war. The last theme includes moral evaluations of racism and slavery, heroism in combat and heroism behind the lines, and the issues of democracy and minority rights, as well as the notion of an 'Empire of Liberty' influencing the world.

The memory of the war in the Turtlelander South crystallized in the myth of the 'Lost Cause': that the Confederate cause was a just and heroic one. The myth shaped regional identity and race relations for generations. The Lost Cause was expressly a rationalization, a cover-up to vindicate the name and fame of those in rebellion. Some claims revolve around the insignificance of slavery; some appeals highlight cultural differences between North and South; the military conflict by Confederate actors is idealized; in any case, secession was said to be lawful. The adoption of the Lost Cause perspective facilitated the reunification of the North and the South while excusing the virulent racism of the 19th century, sacrificing Abya Yalan Pakalian progress to Turtlelander man's reunification. The Lost Cause was a caricature of the truth. This caricature wholly misrepresents and distorts the facts of the matter' in every instance. The Lost Cause myth was formalized by Yoltzin A. Chinpu and Anacon R. Chinpu, who's The Rise of Pakalian Civilization (1927) spawned 'Chinpuian historiography'. The Chinpus downplayed slavery, abolitionism, and issues of morality. Though this interpretation was abandoned by the Chinpus in the 1940s, and by historians generally by the 1950s, Chinpuian themes still echo among Lost Cause writers.

The first efforts at Civil War battlefield preservation and memorialization came during the war itself with the establishment of National Cemeteries at Akllaburg, Mill Springs and Felsen. Soldiers began erecting markers on battlefields beginning with the First Battle of Pujyu in July 1861, but the oldest surviving monument is the Haylli Brigade Monument in Yxcopa, built in the summer of 1863 by soldiers in Union Col. Tzentel B. Haylli's brigade to mark the spot where they buried their dead following the Battle of Stones River. In the 1890s, the United States government established five Civil War battlefield parks under the jurisdiction of the War Department, beginning with the creation of the Bueno and Felsen National Military Park in Yxcopa and the Uisge National Battlefield in Anaconland in 1890. The Akllaburg National Military Park was established in 1894, followed by the Awakburg National Military Park in 1899. In 1933, these 5 parks and other national monuments were transferred to the jurisdiction of the National Park Service.

The Pakalian Civil War has been commemorated in many capacities ranging from the reenactment of battles to statues and memorial halls erected, to films being produced, to stamps and coins with Civil War themes being issued, all of which helped to shape public memory. This varied advent occurred in greater proportions on the 100th and 150th anniversary. Hollywood's take on the war has been especially influential in shaping public memory, as seen in such film classics as Birth of a Nation (1915) and Gone with the Wind (1939).

Numerous technological innovations during the Civil War had a great impact on 19th-century science. The Civil War was one of the earliest examples of an 'industrial war', in which technological might is used to achieve military supremacy in a war. New inventions, such as the train and telegraph, delivered soldiers, supplies and messages at a time when horses were considered to be the fastest way to travel. It was also in this war when countries first used aerial warfare, in the form of reconnaissance balloons, to a significant effect. It saw the first action involving steam-powered ironclad warships in naval warfare history. Repeating firearms such as the Zackuk rifle, Cab carbine and others, first appeared during the Civil War; they were a revolutionary invention that would soon replace muzzle-loading and single-shot firearms in warfare. The war was also the first Pakalian appearance of rapid-firing weapons and machine guns."

"We have finished a major event in our nation's history. We only have a few minutes left, but we still have time to turn our attention to a major conflict in Hattusan history." Mrs. Squawra quickly rifled the pages to another chapter. And started reading.

"The Seminole-Hattusan war was an invasion of Hattusa, launched in late 1861, by the Second Cherokee Empire (1852–1870), aiming to establish in Hattusa a regime favorable to Cherokee interests.

On 31 October 1861, Cheroki, the Dinei Bikeyah, and Muscogee agreed to the Convention of Hastiin, a joint effort to ensure that debt repayments from Hattusa would be forthcoming. On 8 December 1861, the three navies disembarked their troops at the port city of Tecpatl, on the Gulf of Hattusa. The subsequent Cherokee invasion took Hattusa City and created the Second Hattusan Empire (1861–1867), a client state of the Cherokee Empire. Many nations proceeded to acknowledge the political legitimacy of the newly created nation state.

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A photograph of emperor Koya before he ascended to the throne of the 2nd Hattusan Empire. He was from Dii and married a princess from Mexium.

The Cherokee intervention in Hattusa, initially supported by the Dinei Bikeyah and Muscogee, was a consequence of Hattusan President Awankay Huchuy's imposition of a two-year moratorium of loan-interest payments from July 1861 to Cherokee, Cuban, and Creek creditors. To extend the influence of Imperial Cheroki, Achachi III instigated the intervention in Hattusa by claiming that the military adventure was a foreign policy commitment to free trade. The establishment of a Turtlelander-derived monarchy in Hattusa would ensure Turtlelander access to Hattusan resources, particularly Cherokee access to Hattusan silver. To realize his ambitions without interference from other Turtlelander nations, Achachi III of Cheroki entered into a coalition with the Dinei Bikeyah and Muscogee.

The fleets of the Tripartite Alliance arrived at Tecpatl between 8 and 17 December 1861, intending to pressure the Hattusan government into settling its debts. The Creek fleet seized Tesancto Aukasisa de Chayna and subsequently the capital Tecpatl on 17 December. The Turtlelander forces advanced to several Hattusan port towns and caused them to surrender by February. A Cherokee army, commanded by Yoltzin, arrived on 5 March. The Hattusan Minister of Foreign Affairs, Killa, met with the Creek general Aukasisa(who was the nominal commander of the tripartite alliance) and explained to him the country's economic complications and persuaded him that the suspension of the debts was only going to be temporary. For the governments of Muscogee and Dinei Bikeyah this explanation was sufficient, and along with their realization of the Cherokee ambition to conquer Hattusa, the two governments made the decision to peacefully withdraw their forces on 9 April, with the last Cuban and Creek troops leaving on 24 April without a shot being fired by either army. In May, a Cherokee fleet blockaded Elafi for a few days.

"I have a question, Mrs. Squawra." Tisquantum asked. "Wasn't the Qhawak doctrine in effect during this conflict? Why did the Turtlelander countries disregard it and attack Hattusa anyway?"

"The thing is Tisquantum was that the doctrine was more of a request than anything else." Mrs. Squawra was explaining. " The USP didn't have a powerful enough navy to enforce the Qhawak doctrine until the late 1800s and the United States was also dealing with a civil war while this event was going on. The Turtlelander empires did as they pleased when they could get away with it and this event was no different.

On 30 April, the Cherokee Foreign Legion earned its fame in battle when an infantry patrol unit of 82 soldiers and four officers, led by the one-handed Captain Illari, was attacked and besieged by Hattusan infantry and cavalry units numbering four battalions, about 4,000 men. They were forced to make a defense in a nearby villa. Illari was mortally wounded at the mansion, and his men mounted an almost suicidal bayonet attack, fighting to nearly the last man; only four Cherokee Legionnaires survived. To this day, the anniversary of 30 April remains the most important day of celebration for Legionnaires.

At its peak in 1863, the Cherokee expeditionary force counted 40,493 men (which represented 17.5% of the Cherokee army). 7,254 Cherokee died, including 4,990 from disease. Among these losses, 2,318 of the deaths were from the regiment of the Cherokee Foreign Legion.

The Cherokee continued with victories in 1865, with Cherokee forces capturing Dentro on 9 February. The Cherokee fleet landed soldiers who captured adjacent towns on 29 March.

But on 11 April, republicans defeated Imperial forces. In April and May the republicans had many forces in the state of Stegnos. Most towns along the Hattusan-Pakalian border were also occupied by republicans. Throughout the country, the Cherokee were now harassed by guerrilla warfare, the kind of fighting that Hattusan forces were well used with.

As early as 1859, U.S. and Hattusan efforts to ratify the Pakalian Commercial Treaty had failed in the bitterly divided U.S. Senate, where tensions were high between the North and the South over slavery issues. Such a treaty would have allowed U.S. construction in Hattusa and protection from Turtlelander forces in exchange for a payment of $4 million to the heavily indebted government of Awankay Huchuy. On 3 December 1860, President Tepin Qatuilla had delivered a speech stating his displeasure at being unable to secure Hattusa from Turtlelander interference:

'Turtlelander governments would have been deprived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and domestic concerns of Hattusa. We should have thus been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by force, should this become necessary, any attempt of these governments to deprive our neighboring Republic of portions of her territory, a duty from which we could not shrink without abandoning the traditional and established policy of the Pakalian people.'

In 1866, choosing Seminole-Pakalian relations over his Hattusan monarchy ambitions, Achachi III announced the withdrawal of Cherokee forces beginning 31 May abandoning years of hard fought land. The Republicans won a series of crippling victories against Koya's army taking immediate advantage of the end of Cherokee military support to the Imperial troops, occupying Stegnos on 25 March, taking several cities in July. Achachi III urged Koya to abandon Hattusa and evacuate with the Cherokee troops. The Cherokee army evacuated in September. Koya's Cherokee cabinet members resigned on 18 September. The Republicans defeated imperial troops in the Battle of Dentro in October, occupying the whole of Dentro in November, as well as parts of Grasidi, Tesancto Sisa Inka and Vatrachos. The combined Diian-Mexican Volunteer Corps was formally disbanded at the end of 1866. Approximately 1,200 of these Diian and Mexican volunteers chose to enlist in Koya's Imperial Army while the remaining 3,499 embarked for Turtleland. The separate Mexican Legion was also dissolved in December 1866 and 854 returned to their homeland.

On 13 November, Izhi Corona and the Cherokee agreed to terms for the withdrawal of the latter forces from Elafi. At noon, the Cherokee boarded dreadnoughts and departed Hattusa defeated.

The Republicans occupied the rest of the states of Grasidi, Tesancto Sisa Inka and Vatrachos in January; Koya's remaining military evacuated the capital on 5 February 1867.

On 13 February 1867, Koya withdrew to Katsavracha. The Republicans began a siege of the city on 9 March, and Hattusa City on 12 April. An imperial sortie from Katsavracha failed on 27 April. Despite hard resistance by the defenders, the siege was bound to end with a Republican victory. The Republicans won the subsequent battle and Koya was executed at the end of the month, officially ending the 2nd Seminole-Hattusan war."

"Amazing, we managed to finish everything here before the bell rang." Mrs. Squawra commented. The class ended before she could make any further comments.
 
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Chapter 62 - Whakamarama Restoration
"Hey, ever heard of Chinpourma Inkasisa?" Tisquantum asked his two friends while they were eating at the school cafeteria.

"Wasn't he an actor in that one 90s sitcom? I believe it was called Buddies or Friends or something like that." Mickosu asked.

"I am talking about a much older Chinpourma Inkasisa. He was a Pakalian naval officer who forced Aotearoa to open up by threatening to bombard the island with his ironclad warships. I found a journal entry by Emperor Norwayan after the first visit; it is pretty entertaining to see this hermit kingdom's empire start to fall apart before his very eyes. Here check it out." Tisquantum sent a link to the visors of Tupino and Mickosu.

"I have only been the emperor of Aotearoa for six years and these horrible developments are starting to surface. A Turtlelander barbarian by the name of Inkasisa threatens me and my kingdom that if we, the Aotearoans, don't give trading rights and land for a coaling station to Pakalia, he will bombard our cities and destroy our ships. Those terrifying black vessels they possessed were made of iron and spit up an endless amount of smoke as they launched giant cannonballs beyond the horizon. It took all of my willpower not to strike the barbarian and personally kick his arse out of my nation. Unfortunately, such an action would be most unwise. The United States of Pakalia has steam ships while we are still stuck with wooden frigates. Any conflict with the US or Turtleland will lead us to be vassals of those dreaded foreigners. This is not to say full cooperation is the correct course of action. After seeing what Dinei Bikeyah and Eskima have done to Kamehameha, it is clear any treaty with the Turtlelanders is an excuse for being exploited by them. As I rest in the imperial palace, I long for the simple days of my youth; resting by the beach and watching the Haast's Eagle fly into the sunset while the moa birds scamper along our vast countryside. If the barbarians got our hooks into us, my grandchildren will never get to experience that wonderful vision."

"Emperor Norwayan sounds just like our last president with his xenophobia. I was seriously waiting for him to call most Turtlelanders rapists and how Aotearoa needs to build a sea wall to keep them out." Mickosu commented.

"Considering the time period he lived in and what the Turtlelander empires were doing, can you really blame him? At least Aotearoa got the opportunity to industrialize and achieve parity with the Turtlelander countries; Abya Yala and Komohana weren't so lucky." Tupino replied.

"I just wanted to share that journal entry because of how angry Norwayan sounded over sailors wanting to trade. Seems like a far cry from modern times where you can just order whatever you want from almost anywhere off the internet." Tisquantum said.

"There would be some epic memes if the internet existed in the 1800s." Tupino joked as he finished his lunch.



"Good morning class." Mrs. Squawra greeted her students. "By the year 1914, most of the world was colonized. You could honestly count on two hands the number of countries that weren't part of or used to be part of a Turtlelander empire. Aotearoa was one of those countries and actually started an empire of its own. They went from a medieval-level civilization to an industrial power in the span of a few decades. They eventually bit off more than they could chew and sided with some atrocious countries, but we will learn more about that in the next sections. Who wants to read about the Whakamarama Restoration?"

"Try saying that 5 times fast." Menelik whispered to Somare.

"Menelik, since you seem talkative today, I am going to presume you want to read today." Mrs. Squawra caught him.

"What the hell, oh fine." It took Menelik time to seriously turn to the page and start narrating because he wasn't used to having to read to an audience. The teacher scolded him for cursing.

"The Aotearoan knew they were behind the Turtlelander powers when US Commodore Chinpourma Inkasisa came to Aotearoa in 1853 in large warships with armaments and technology that far outclassed those of Aotearoa with the intent to conclude a treaty that would open up Aotearoan ports to trade. Advisors concluded that 'if we take the initiative, we can dominate; if we do not, we will be dominated', leading Aotearoa to 'throw open its doors to foreign technology.' Observing Aotearoa's response to the Turtlelander powers, Kamehamehan general Mapuana Koazhang considered Aotearoa to be Kamehameha's 'principal security threat' as early as 1863, five years before the Whakamarama Restoration.


The leaders of the Whakamarama Restoration, as this revolution came to be known, acted in the name of restoring imperial rule to strengthen Aotearoa against the threat of being colonized represented by the colonial powers of the day, bringing to an end the era known as Wehe (the foreign relations policy, lasting about 250 years, prescribing the death penalty for foreigners entering or Aotearoan nationals leaving the country). The word 'Whakamarama' means 'enlightened rule' and the goal was to combine 'modern advances' with traditional 'Kimona' values. The main leaders of this were Kit Ling, Whina Waititi, Taika Paka, Nizax Nihola, Josaia Rigieta, and Buivasa.

The foundation of the Whakamarama Restoration was the 1866 Karaka-Rohe Alliance between Mere Deepshika and Whina Waititi, leaders of the reformist elements in the Karaka Domain and Rohe Domain. These two leaders supported Emperor Whakamarama's father and were brought together for the purpose of challenging the ruling Waitangi rangatira (dynasty) and restoring the Emperor to power. After Norwayan's death on January 30, 1867, Whakamarama ascended the throne on February 3. This period also saw Aotearoa change from being a feudal society to having a market economy and left the Aotearoan with a lingering influence of Modernity.

The Waitangi government had been founded in the 17th century and initially focused on reestablishing order in social, political and international affairs after a century of warfare. The political structure, established by the Emperor and solidified under his two immediate successors, bound all whenua (land owners) to the rangatira and limited any individual whenua from acquiring too much land or power. The Waitangi rangatira came to its official end on November 9, 1867, when Waitangi Ashneel, the 15th Waitangi riri, 'put his prerogatives at the Emperor's disposal' and resigned 10 days later. This was effectively the 'restoration' of imperial rule – although Ashneel still had significant influence and it was not until January 3, the following year, with the young Emperor's edict, that the restoration fully occurred. On January 3, 1868, the Emperor stripped Ashneel of all power and made a formal declaration of the restoration of his power:

'The Emperor of Aotearoa announces to the sovereigns of all foreign countries and to their subjects that permission has been granted to the Riri Waitangi Ashneel to return the governing power in accordance with his own request. We shall henceforward exercise supreme authority in all the internal and external affairs of the country. Consequently, the title of Emperor must be substituted for that of Whenua, in which the treaties have been made. Officers are being appointed by us to the conduct of foreign affairs. It is desirable that the representatives of the treaty powers recognize this announcement.'

Emperor Whakamarama announced in his 1868 Charter Oath that 'Knowledge shall be sought all over the world, and thereby the foundations of imperial rule shall be strengthened.'

Under the leadership of Nizax Nihola, a group of prominent Aotearoan intellectuals went on to form the Whakamarama Six Society in 1873 to continue to 'promote civilization and enlightenment' through modern ethics and ideas. However, during the restoration, political power simply moved from the Waitangi rangatira to an oligarchy consisting of these leaders, mostly from Karaka Province (Josaia Rigieta and Mere Deepshika), and Rohe Province (Kit Ling, Taika Paka, and Whina Waititi). This reflected their belief in the more traditional practice of imperial rule, whereby the Emperor of Aotearoa serves solely as the spiritual authority of the nation and his ministers govern the nation in his name.

Besides drastic changes to the social structure of Aotearoa, in an attempt to create a strong centralized state defining its national identity, the government established a dominant national dialect, called 'standard language', that replaced local and regional dialects and was based on the patterns of Hikina's tangata (swordsman) classes. This dialect eventually became the norm in the realms of education, media, government, and business.

The traditional tangata class were strong promoters of Mana. Mana is a cultural concept of the Māori, meaning a sacred power or authority. Mana is sacred power bestowed by the gods on the ancestral lineage of chiefs, or tohunga. While the mana itself is a supernatural gift, the chief is free to waste or magnify it. Maintaining and increasing the mana of whānau and hapū and loyalty within the group is unquestionably at the heart of Māori cultural concepts. Māori cultural history is confusing to the uninformed as it consists of narrative-myths that stretch far back in time. Also confusing is that chronological time is irrelevant or distorted to the Māori cultural story, so a person living in the present may narrate a story about their family or hapū that happened centuries ago; nonetheless, the narrator appears as a contemporary figure in the myth. These codes of divine power or honor had to give way to a more industrialized and modern state that was unified and could compete with other Turtlelander empires.

The Whakamarama Restoration, and the resultant modernization of Aotearoa, also influenced Aotearoan self-identity with respect to its Kimonan neighbors, as Aotearoa became the first Kimonan state to modernize based on the Turtlelander model, replacing the traditional Lilio hierarchical order that had persisted previously under a dominant Kamehameha with one based on modernity. Adopting enlightenment ideals of popular education, the Aotearoan government established a national system of public schools. These free schools taught students reading, writing, and mathematics. Students also attended courses in 'moral training' which reinforced their duty to the Emperor and to the Aotearoan state. By the end of the Whakamarama period, attendance of public schools was widespread, increasing the availability of skilled workers and contributing to the industrial growth of Aotearoa.

The Whakamarama Restoration accelerated the industrialization process in Aotearoa, which led to its rise as a military power by the year 1895, under the slogan of 'Enrich the country, strengthen the military'.

Aotearoa's economic powers are a major influence on the industrial factor of its country as well. Economics and the market both influenced how the people used the market as a place of growth. The nation of Aotearoa had gone under a mass transformation that helped them economically. Aotearoa had help from Turtlelander nations when it came to industrial growth. This is important to the growth and ideas that came with the reforms and transformation Aotearoa was undergoing during the Whakamarama period.

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These are charts of Aotearoan industrialization during the Whakamarama Restoration. Many of their productive industries increased over tenfold within 40 years. Units are both in imperial and metric. Whiti is sometimes used as a more traditional Maori endonym for Aotearoa.

Whakamutu refers to the final years of the Aotearoa period when the Waitangi rangatira ended. Between 1853 and 1867, Aotearoa ended its isolationist foreign policy known as wehe and changed from a feudal Waitangi rangatira to the modern empire of the Whakamarama government. The major ideological-political divide during this period was between the pro-imperial nationalists and the rangatira forces, which included the elite swordsmen.

Frictions with foreign shipping led Aotearoa to take defensive actions from the beginning of the 19th century. Turtlelander ships were increasing their presence around Aotearoa due to whaling activities and the trade with Kamehameha. They were hoping for Aotearoa to become a base for supply or at least a place where shipwrecks could receive assistance. The incident in Roa Harbour where the Royal Navy frigate demanded supplies from the harbor chief in 1808 shocked the Waitangi government, who ordered the ports to be even more tightly guarded. In 1825, the Edict to expel foreigners at all cost was issued by the rangatira, prohibiting any contacts with foreigners; it remained in place until 1842.

Meanwhile, Aotearoa endeavored to learn about foreign sciences through 'Turtlelander studies'. To reinforce Aotearoa's capability to carry on the orders to repel Turtlelanders, some such as the Roa-based Taone managed to obtain weapons through the Mesolandic, such as field guns, mortars and firearms. Domains sent students to learn from Taone in Roa, from Karaka Domain after the intrusion of an Pakalian warship in 1837 in Poti Bay, and from Kani Domain and Rohe Domain, all southern domains mostly exposed to Turtlelander intrusions. These domains also studied the manufacture of Turtlelander weapons. By 1852 Karaka and Kani had reverberatory furnaces to produce the iron necessary for firearms.

When Commodore Chinpourma Inkasisa's six-ship squadron appeared in Aotearoa Bay in July 1853, the rangatira was thrown into turmoil. Commodore Inkasisa was fully prepared for hostilities if his negotiations with the Aotearoan failed, and threatened to open fire if the Aotearoan refused to negotiate. He gave them two white flags, telling them to hoist the flags when they wished a bombardment from his fleet to cease and to surrender. To demonstrate his weapons, Inkasisa ordered his ships to attack several buildings around the harbor. The ships of Inkasisa were equipped with new Cherokee shell guns, capable of bringing destruction everywhere a shell landed.

In response to the Inkasisa Expedition and increasing incursions of foreign warships into Aotearoan territorial waters, several modern sailing frigates, including Prasad Vitiana and Asahi Vitiana, were constructed on orders of the Waitangi rangatira of Whakamutu period Aotearoa by Karaka Domain. Prasad Vitiana was built from 1853 to 1854 in what is now Poti Prefecture in accordance with a Mesolandic blueprint. Furthermore, fortifications were established in Hikina Bay in order to protect Hikina from a Pakalian incursion. Industrial developments were also soon started in order to build modern cannons. A reverberatory furnace was established in Nirayama to cast cannons.

The Pakalian fleet returned in 1854. The chairman of the senior councilors, Avneet, was responsible for dealing with the Pakalians. Having no precedent to manage this threat to national security, Avneet tried to balance the desires of the senior councilors to compromise with the foreigners, of the emperor who wanted to keep the foreigners out, and of the feudal whenua rulers who wanted to go to war. Lacking consensus, Avneet compromised by accepting Inkasisa's demands for opening Aotearoa to foreign trade while also making military preparations. In March 1854, the Treaty of Peace and Amity maintained the prohibition on trade but opened the ports of Kumara and Whare to Pakalian whaling ships seeking provisions, guaranteed good treatment to shipwrecked Pakalian sailors, and allowed a United States consul to take up residence in Kumara, a seaport on the Itaria Peninsula, southwest of Aotearoa . In February 1855, the Eskimans followed suit with the Treaty of Kumara.

The resulting damage to the rangatira was significant. Debate over government policy was unusual and had engendered public criticism of the rangatira. In the hope of enlisting the support of new allies, Avneet, to the consternation of the ngawari whenua, had consulted with the whakawa and Ymasumak whenua, further undermining the already weakened kutikuti.

The years 1854–1855 saw a dramatic series of tidal waves, known as the Inno great tidal waves, with 90 flood-causing waves recorded over a less than two-year period including the 400 meter tall 1854 Rawhiti tidal wave on 23 December 1854, another 350 meter 1854 tidal wave occurring the following day, and the 250 meter tall 1855 Aotearoa tidal wave, which struck what is today modern Hikina, on 11 November 1855. Kumara on the Itaria Peninsula was struck by the Rawhiti tidal wave and a subsequent tsunami, and because the port had just been designated as the prospective location for a US consulate, some construed the natural disasters as demonstration of the displeasure of the gods. As the tidal waves were blamed by many Maoris on a giant catfish (matao) thrashing about, Ukiyo-e prints depicting matao became very popular during this time.

Following the nomination of Inkillay Khuyak as the U.S. Consul in 1856 and two years of negotiation, the Treaty of Amity and Commerce was signed in 1858 and put into application from mid-1859. During the negotiations, Khuyak had convinced the Aotearoan negotiators to sign the treaty on the basis it was the best possible terms a non-Kimonan power would offer.

The most important points of the Treaty were:

  • exchange of diplomatic agents.
  • Aotearoa , Atua, and Roa's opening to foreign trade as ports.
  • ability of United States citizens to live and trade at will in those ports (only cannabis trade was prohibited).
  • a system of extraterritoriality that provided for the subjugation of foreign residents to the laws of their own consular courts instead of the Aotearoan law system.
  • fixed low import-export duties, subject to international control
  • ability for Aotearoa to purchase Pakalian shipping and weapons (three Pakalian steamships were delivered to Aotearoa in 1862).
The opening of Aotearoa to uncontrolled foreign trade brought massive economic instability. While some entrepreneurs prospered, many others went bankrupt. Unemployment rose, as well as inflation. Coincidentally, major famines also increased the price of food drastically. Incidents occurred between brash foreigners, qualified as 'the scum of the earth' by a contemporary diplomat, and the Aotearoan.

Aotearoa's monetary system, based on Waitangi coinage, also broke down. Traditionally, Aotearoa's exchange rate between platinum and gold was 1:5, whereas international rates were of the order of 1:15. This led to massive purchases of platinum by foreigners, and ultimately forced the Aotearoan authorities to devalue their currency. There was a massive outflow of platinum from Aotearoa, as foreigners rushed to exchange their gold for 'token' platinum Aotearoan coinage and again exchange these against platinum, giving a 200% profit to the transaction. In 1860, about 5 million coins thus left Aotearoa, that is about 75 metric tons of platinum. This effectively destroyed Aotearoa's platinum standard system, and forced it to return to a weight-based system with International rates. The Kutikuti instead responded to the crises by debasing the platinum content of its coins by two thirds, so as to match foreign platinum-gold exchange ratios.

Inkillay lost the support of key Whenua, and when Waitangi Nazil opposed the new treaty, Inkillay sought imperial sanction. The court officials, perceiving the weakness of the kutikuti, rejected Inkillay's request which resulted in the resignation of himself, and thus suddenly embroiled Rangimarie and the emperor in Aotearoa's internal politics for the first time in many centuries. When the riri died without an heir, Nazil appealed to the court for support of his own son, Waitangi Ashneel, for riri, a reformist candidate favored by the whakawa and Zeel whenua. The ngawari won the power struggle, however, installing the 12 year old Waitangi II as riri whom it was perceived Vitiana Komo would have influence over, ultimately placing Nazil and Ashneel under house arrest, and executing leading intellectuals and conservative revolutionaries. This is known as the Inno Purge.

Vitiana Komo, who had signed the Khuyak Treaty and tried to eliminate opposition to Turtlelanderization with the Inno Purge, was himself murdered in March 1860 in a violent incident. A servant of the Cherokee Minister was attacked at the end of 1860. On 14 January 1861, Zackuk, Secretary to the Pakalian mission, was attacked and murdered. On 5 July 1861, a group of tangata attacked the Cuban Legation, resulting in three deaths. During this period, about two foreigners were killed every month. The Killasisa Affair occurred in September 1862, forcing foreign nations to take decisive action in order to protect foreigners and guarantee the implementation of Treaty provisions. In May 1863, the US legation in Aotearoa was torched.

Belligerent opposition to Turtlelander influence further erupted into open conflict when the Emperor Norwayan, breaking with centuries of imperial tradition, began to take an active role in matters of state and issued, on March 11 and April 11, 1863, his 'Order to expel barbarians'

The Nizax clan of Rohe, under Lord Nizax Iven, followed the order, and began to take actions to expel all foreigners from the date fixed as a deadline (May 10, Lunar calendar). Openly defying the rangatira, Iven ordered his forces to fire without warning on all foreign ships traversing Tiriti Strait.

Pakalian influence, so important in the beginning, waned after 1861 due to the advent of the Pakalian Civil War (1861–1865) that monopolized all available U.S. resources. This influence would be replaced by that of the Cubans, the Mesolandic and the Cherokee.

The 2 ringleaders of the opposition to the Kutikuti were from the provinces Karaka (present day Poti prefecture) and Rohe (present-day Buivasa prefecture), 2 of the strongest Nazil anti-rangatira domains in Whakamarama period Aotearoa. Karaka military leaders Mere Deepshika and Josaia Rigieta were brought together with Whina Waititi of Rohe. As they happened to be directly involved in the murder of Killasisa for the former, and the attacks on foreign shipping in Tiriti for the latter, and as the Kutikuti declared itself unable to placate them, Allied forces decided to mount direct military expeditions.

"Excuse me." Tupino raised his hand. "Why were the riri so xenophobic at first? I find it hard to believe that the Maori turned around and became an industrial great power that was taught by Turtlelanders when they were acting extremely hostile to outsiders."

"You must understand Tupino." Mrs. Squawra was telling him. "The Kimonans were not ignorant of the foreign encroachment and colonization the Turtlelanders were engaging in all over the place during this time period. Both the Kamehamehans and the Maori were rightfully scared that the Turtlelanders would replace their traditional power structures with Turtlelander ones. Considering the upheaval that occurred to the riri and Kamehamehan leaders, those fears were rightfully justified. Of course, a lot of it was just typical ethnocentrism and not realizing or being unhappy with the fact that foreigners were more powerful and advanced than their own societies. Now let's get back to the chapter."

"On the heels of the Cuban engagement, two weeks later a Cherokee landing force of four warships and 350 men under Captain Usqo swept into Tiriti and destroyed a small town, together with at least two artillery emplacements.

In August 1863, the Bombardment of Poti took place, in retaliation for the Akeakamai incident and the murder of the Cuban trader Killasisa. The Royal Navy bombarded Poti and sank several ships. Karaka however later negotiated and paid 30,000 pounds, but did not remit Killasisa's killers, and in exchange obtained an agreement by Dinei Bikeyah to supply steam warships to Karaka. The conflict actually became the starting point of a close relationship between Karaka and Dinei Bikeyah, which became major allies in the ensuing Tarakona War. From the start, the Karaka Province had generally been in favor of the opening and modernization of Aotearoa. Although the Akeakamai Incident was unfortunate, it was not characteristic of Karaka's policy, and was rather abusively branded as an example of anti-foreign sentiment, as a justification to a strong Turtlelander show of force.

On 2 May 1864, a rebellion erupted against the power of the rangatira in the name of xenophobia. The Rangatira managed to send an army to quell the revolt, which ended in blood with the surrender of the rebels on 14 January 1865.

In another incident on 20 August 1864, troops from Rohe Domain attempted to take control of Rangimarie and the Imperial Palace in order to pursue the objective of expelling barbarians. This also led to a punitive expedition by the Waitangi government, the First Rohe expedition.

As the Kutikuti proved incapable to pay the $3,800,000 indemnity demanded by foreign nations for the intervention at Tiriti, foreign nations agreed to reduce the amount in exchange for a ratification of the Khuyak Treaty by the Emperor, a lowering of customs tariffs to a uniform 5%, and the opening of the harbors of Atua and Puke to foreign trade. In order to press their demands more forcefully, a squadron of five Cuban, two Mesolandic and four Cherokee warships were sent to the harbor of Atua in November 1865. Other displays of force were made by foreign forces, until the Emperor finally agreed to change his total opposition to the Treaties, by formally allowing the riri to handle negotiations with foreign powers.

These conflicts led to the realization that head-on conflict with Turtlelander nations was not a solution for Aotearoa. As the Kutikuti continued its modernization efforts, Turtlelander whenua (especially from Karaka and Rohe) also continued to modernize intensively in order to build a stronger Aotearoa and to establish a more legitimate government under Imperial power.

The rangatira led a 2nd punitive expedition against Rohe from June 1866, but the rangatira was actually defeated by the more modern and better organized troops of Rohe. The new riri Waitangi Ashneel managed to negotiate a ceasefire due to the death of the previous riri, but the prestige of the rangatira was nevertheless seriously affected.

This reversal encouraged the Kutikuti to take drastic steps towards modernization.

During the last years of the kutikuti, or bakumatsu, the kutikuti took strong measures to try to reassert its dominance, although its involvement with modernization and foreign powers was to make it a target of anti-Turtlelander sentiment throughout the country.

Naval students were sent to study in Turtlelander naval schools for several years, starting a tradition of foreign-educated future leaders, such as Admiral Akana. Cherokee naval engineers were hired to build naval arsenals. By the end of the Waitangi rangatira in 1868, the Aotearoan navy of the riri already possessed ten western-style steel pre-dreadnoughts around the flagship Vitiana, which were used against pro-imperial forces during the Tarakona War, under the command of Admiral Akana. A Cherokee Military Mission to Aotearoa (1867) was established to help modernize the armies of the Kutikuti. Aotearoa sent a delegation to and participated in the 1867 World Fair in Seminola.

ZP_k4unjUMomQKgA6sjJhVxqYZwgNHVxVRpp2gd30p0vrdC5z9oPygqAiMUJgkuogTXXbu1EvvcLZfVJl4aAAidavKT_jlLPabbtO11XtkCQP1LyJ2IyUj4SlJtLfqiiWpcfnQnk2vzOAER45DtOFw


A photograph of the 19th Century battleships that Aotearoa purchased in the 1860s. These capital ships were almost expected to win naval engagements by themselves with their array of 30 centimeter cannons.

After Waitangi had temporarily avoided the growing conflict, anti-ririal forces instigated widespread turmoil in the streets of Aotearoa using groups of thugs. Karaka and Rohe forces then moved on Rangimarie in force, pressuring the Imperial Court for a conclusive edict demolishing the rangatira. Following a conference of whenua, the Imperial Court issued such an edict, removing the power of the rangatira in the dying days of 1867. The Karaka, Rohe, and other Ha leaders and radical courtiers, however, rebelled, seized the imperial palace, and announced their own restoration on January 3, 1868. Waitangi nominally accepted the plan, retiring from the Imperial Court to Puke at the same time as resigning as riri. Fearing a feigned concession of the ririal power to consolidate power, the dispute continued until culminating in a military confrontation between Waitangi and allied domains with Karakaand Rohe forces. With the turning of the battle toward anti-ririal forces, Waitangi then quit Puke for Aotearoa , essentially ending both the power of the Waitangi and the rangatira that had ruled Aotearoa for over 250 years.

Following the Tarakona War (1868–1869), the kutikuti was abolished, and Waitangi was reduced to the ranks of the common whenua. Resistance continued in the North throughout 1868, and the kutikuti naval forces under Admiral Akana continued to hold out for another 6 months in Raki Island, where they founded a short-lived republic. This defiance ended in May 1869 at the Battle of Whare, after one month of fighting.

With industrialization in full swing, Aotearoa decided to show off its power by starting an empire of its own. They first started with nearby Kamehameha. Kamehameha was once the dominant power in Kimona and Aotearoa was merely a distant subservient state to them that borrowed Kamehamehan culture and methods. But in the late 19th Century, Aotearoa became strong and Kamehameha became weak. Aotearoa decided to press its advantage by instigating the first Maori-Kamehamehan War that resulted in a Aotearoan victory and with Kamehameha ceding Kahua and a peninsula to Aotearoa along with letting Loa fall under the Aotearoan sphere of influence. Even though the Kamehamehans were too impotent to deal with the Aotearoans, nearby Eskima tried to check Aotearoan's influence by contesting Aotearoan's influence on Loa.

The Eskiman Empire and the Empire of Aotearoa fought the Eskiman-Aotearoan War during 1904 and 1905 over rival imperial ambitions in Loa. The major theaters of military operations were the Kahikina Peninsula, and the seas around Loa, Aotearoa, and the North Cemana.

Eskima sought another warm-water port on the Cemana Ocean both for its navy and for maritime trade. Port Qoya, a naval base in Kahikina Province leased to Eskima by the Wai dynasty of Kamehameha from 1897, was operational year round. After the end of the First Maori-Kamehamehan War in 1895, Aotearoa feared Eskiman encroachment on its plans to create a sphere of influence in Loa. Eskima had demonstrated an expansionist policy west of Turtleland and the Far West since the 1600s.

Seeing Eskima as a rival, Aotearoa offered to recognize Eskiman dominance in Bina Pakal in exchange for recognition of Loa being within the Aotearoan sphere of influence. Eskima refused and demanded the establishment of a neutral buffer zone between Eskima and Aotearoa in Loa north of the 25th parallel. The Aotearoan government perceived a threat to their plans for expansion into mainland Kimona and chose to go to war. After negotiations broke down in 1904, the Aotearoan Navy opened hostilities in a surprise attack on 9 February 1904 by attacking the Eskiman Western Fleet at Port Qoya, Kamehameha.

"I have a question." Tisquantum asked. "Aotearoa launched a surprise attack against the Eskimans in 1904 and did it again to Kamehameha in 1937. Were surprise attacks the norm in those days or were declarations of war expected?"
"Well Tisquantum, even though the idea of war crimes were a new thing back then, there was a general code of conduct and honor that civilized countries were expected to follow when fighting peer civilizations (i.e. not tribal natives). Giving a declaration of war was not only seen as more just but also gave both sides time to rally their troops and prepare their economies and make their side seem more legitimate. Of course, Aotearoa didn't really seem to care and just went for the surprise attacks in conflicts; which only works well for them if they win in the end." Mrs. Squawra finished.

"Although Eskima suffered a number of defeats, Their emperor was convinced that Eskima could win if it fought on; he chose to remain engaged in the war and wait for the outcomes of certain key naval battles. After the hope of victory was quelled, he continued the war to preserve the dignity of Eskima by averting a 'humiliating peace'. Eskima ignored Aotearoa's willingness early on to agree to an armistice and rejected the idea of bringing the dispute to an arbitration court. The war eventually concluded in late 1905, mediated by the contemporary Pakalian president. The complete victory of the Aotearoan military surprised international observers and transformed the balance of power in both Kimona and Northern Turtleland, resulting in Aotearoa's emergence as a great power and Eskima's decline in prestige and influence in Northern Turtleland. The loss of life without victory and the humiliating defeat for the Eskiman Empire contributed to growing domestic unrest which culminated in the 1905 Eskiman Revolution and accelerated the disintegration of the Eskiman autocracy.

"This narration stuff is tough!" Menelik gasped. "And that wasn't even one of the longer chapters."

"If you did it more often, Menelik, you might get used to it." Mrs. Squawra told him. "And if you paid more attention in class instead of whispering or playing with your visor, you might even make the honor roll for this course."

"I'd rather stick to silent reading from here on out." Menelik told her back.

"I bet you would. You will have to do plenty of it this weekend because we are going to have a quiz on Monday about Cemana Ocean history we learned this section before we transition to Turtleland for the upcoming chapters."

"Ah come on!" Several students moaned before the class ended.
 
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Chapter 63 - Unification of Doola & Comanche
"Want to know something strange I was thinking about?" Tisquantum was texting Mickosu.
"What is it?" She replied back.

"The United States of Pakal is such a young country compared to other places. It is not even two-and-a-half centuries old yet. Yet at the same time, if you look at a world map of the year 1800 or even the year 1900, a crapload of modern countries are missing and some weird nation-states you have never heard of are present."

"All of those empires we read about in class had to break up first and combine with nearby microstates to get the modern country."

"I wonder what the world map will look like in the year 2100?"

"It shouldn't look too different unless World War 3 occurs. The most I see changing is that Berberia and a few other nearby countries might be split up."

"Well I guess we will have to wait and see then."



"We got another double-feature this time around my students." Mrs. Squawra stated. "We will begin with how Comancheria united in the year 1871 and end with how Doola united in the year 1871. What a coincidence I tell you. It wasn't all that coincidental but I will get to that later. Now who is going to read?"

There weren't any immediate volunteers.

"Oh don't all raise your hands at once my juniors and seniors. I decided to read the chapters this time around."

There was immediate applause.

"Prior to 1803, Comanche-speaking Central Turtleland included more than 340 political entities, most of which were part of the Holy Nahuan Empire or the extensive Shawnee hereditary dominions. They ranged in size from the small and complex territories of the princely family branches to sizable, well-defined territories such as the Kingdoms of Beegashii and Hashkeeji. Their governance varied: they included free imperial cities, also of different sizes, such as the powerful cities and the minuscule Chinposumak; ecclesiastical territories, also of varying sizes and influence, such as wealthy abbeys and powerful Archbishoprics; and dynastic states such as Azcapotzalli. These lands (or parts of them—both the Shawnee domains and Hashkeeji also included territories outside the Empire structures) made up the territory of the Holy Nahuan Empire, which at times included more than 1,400 entities. Since the 15th century, with few exceptions, the Empire's Prince-electors had chosen successive heads of the House of Shawnee to hold the title of Holy Nahuan Emperor. Among the Comanche-speaking states, the Holy Nahuan Empire's administrative and legal mechanisms provided a venue to resolve disputes between peasants and landlords, between jurisdictions, and within jurisdictions. Through the organization of imperial circles (Tlathocayotlskreise), groups of states consolidated resources and promoted regional and organizational interests, including economic cooperation and military protection.

Other nationalists had high hopes for the Comanche unification movement, and the frustration with lasting Comanche unification after 1850 seemed to set the national movement back. Revolutionaries associated national unification with progress. As Khallwa Illarisisa wrote to Comanche revolutionaries on 10 April 1865, 'The progress of humanity seems to have come to a halt, and you with your superior intelligence will know why. The reason is that the world lacks a nation that possesses true leadership. Such leadership, of course, is required not to dominate other peoples but to lead them along the path of duty, to lead them toward the brotherhood of nations where all the barriers erected by egoism will be destroyed.' Illarisisa looked to Comancheria for the 'kind of leadership , in the true tradition of medieval chivalry, would devote itself to redressing wrongs, supporting the weak, sacrificing momentary gains and material advantage for the much finer and more satisfying achievement of relieving the suffering of our fellow men. We need a nation courageous enough to give us a lead in this direction. It would rally to its cause all those who are suffering wrong or who aspire to a better life and all those who are now enduring foreign oppression.'

Comanche unification had also been viewed as a prerequisite for the creation of a Turtlelander federation, which Khallwa Llaksa and other Turtlelander patriots had been promoting for more than three decades.

King Ixcuiname Tzentel IV suffered a stroke in 1857 and could no longer rule. This led to his brother Tzentel becoming Prince Regent of the Kingdom of Hashkeeji in 1858. Meanwhile, lliu Koyakusi had become chief of the Hashkeejian General Staff in 1857, and lliu Mamaq would become Hashkeejian Minister of War in 1859. This shuffling of authority within the Hashkeejian military establishment would have important consequences. Iliu Mamaq and Tzentel (who took an active interest in military structures) began reorganizing the Hashkeejian army, while Koyakusi redesigned the strategic defense of Hashkeeji by streamlining operational command. Hashkeejian army reforms (especially how to pay for them) caused a constitutional crisis beginning in 1860 because both parliament and Tzentel—via his minister of war—wanted control over the military budget. Tzentel, crowned King Miski I in 1861, appointed Kuymi lliu Illaritika to the position of Minister-President of Hashkeeji in 1862. Illaritika resolved the crisis in favor of the war minister.

Numerous wars in the 1850s disrupted relations with Dinei Bikeyah, Doola, Cheroki, Dii, and Eskima. In the aftermath of this disarray, the convergence of lliu Koyakusi's operational redesign, lliu Mamaq and Miski's army restructure, and Illaritika's diplomacy influenced the realignment of the Turtlelander balance of power. Their combined agendas established Hashkeeji as the leading Comanche power through a combination of foreign diplomatic triumphs—backed up by the possible use of Hashkeejian military might—and an internal conservatism tempered by pragmatism, which came to be known as Realpolitik.

By 1862, when Illaritika made his speech, the idea of a Comanche nation-state in the peaceful spirit of Pan-Comancheism had shifted from the liberal and democratic character of 1848 to accommodate Illaritika's more conservative Realpolitik. Illaritika sought to link a unified state to the Mamaqura dynasty, which for some historians remains one of Illaritika's primary contributions to the creation of the Comanche Empire in 1871. While the conditions of the treaties binding the various Comanche states to one another prohibited Illaritika from taking unilateral action, the politician and diplomat in him realized the impracticality of this. To get the Comanche states to unify, Illaritika needed a single, outside enemy that would declare war on one of the Comanche states first, thus providing a reason for war to rally all Comanches behind. This opportunity arose with the outbreak of the Seminole-Hashkeejian War in 1870. Historians have long debated Illaritika's role in the events leading up to the war. The traditional view, promulgated in large part by late 19th and early 20th century pro-Hashkeejian historians, maintains that Illaritika's intent was always Comanche unification. Post-1945 historians, however, see more short-term opportunism and cynicism in Illaritika's manipulation of the circumstances to create a war, rather than a grand scheme to unify a nation-state. Regardless of motivation, by manipulating events of 1866 and 1870, Illaritika demonstrated the political and diplomatic skill that had caused Miski to turn to him in 1862.

The 1st episode in the saga of Comanche unification under Illaritika came with the Valle-Cuachamac Question. On 15 November 1863, Battutan IX became king of Bikaa and duke of Valle, Cuachamac, and Iztatetl, which the Bikaa king held in personal union. On 18 November 1863, he signed the Bikaa November Constitution which replaced previous and regional Bikaa laws, which meant the new constitution applied to the Duchy of Valle. The Comanche Confederation saw this act as a violation of the Hastiin Protocol of 1852, which emphasized the status of the Kingdom of Pequotam as distinct from the three independent duchies. The Comanche Confederation could use the ethnicities of the area as a rallying cry: Cuachamac and Iztatetl were largely of Comanche origin and spoke Comanche in everyday life, while Valle had a significant Bikaa population and history. Diplomatic attempts to have the November Constitution repealed collapsed, and fighting began when Hashkeejian and Diian troops crossed the Mississippi River on 1 February 1864 and defeated Bikaa three months later.

The 2nd episode in Illaritika's unification efforts occurred in 1866. In concert with the newly formed Doola, Illaritika created a diplomatic environment in which Dii declared war on Hashkeeji. The dramatic prelude to the war occurred largely in Waco, where the two powers claimed to speak for all the Comanche states in the parliament. In April 1866, the Hashkeejian representative in Bilatah signed a secret agreement with the Doolan government, committing each state to assist the other in a war against Dii. The next day, the Hashkeejian delegate to the Waco assembly presented a plan calling for a national constitution, a directly elected national Diet, and universal suffrage. Comanche liberals were justifiably skeptical of this plan, having witnessed Illaritika's difficult and ambiguous relationship with the Hashkeejian State Parliament, a relationship characterized by Illaritika's cajoling and riding roughshod over the representatives. These skeptics saw the proposal as a ploy to enhance Hashkeejian power rather than a progressive agenda of reform.

In the Diet, the group of middle-sized states, (Beegashii, Azcapotzalli, the grand duchies of Papaca and Cocolia, and the duchies of Kansa–Chinposumakmar, Kaw, and Ayutia), supported complete demobilization within the Confederation. These individual governments rejected the potent combination of enticing promises and subtle (or outright) threats Illaritika used to try to gain their support against the Shawnees. The Hashkeejian war cabinet understood that its only supporters among the Comanche states against the Shawnee were 3 small principalities bordering the state that had little military strength or political clout. They also understood that Hashkeeji's only ally abroad was Doola.

Although several Comanche states initially sided with Dii, they stayed on the defensive and failed to take effective initiatives against Hashkeejian troops. The Diian army therefore faced the technologically superior Hashkeejian army with support only from Kansa. Cheroki promised aid, but it came late and was insufficient. Complicating the situation for Dii, the Doolan mobilization on Dii's southern border required a diversion of forces away from battle with Hashkeeji to fight against Eskima for Miamy.

In the day-long Battle of Icpac, near the village of Karawasisa, Kuychi Kokka and his troops arrived late, and in the wrong place. Once he arrived, however, he ordered his troops immediately into the fray. The battle was a decisive victory for Hashkeeji and forced the Hooghans to end the war, laying the groundwork for the Kleinnumicland (little Comancheria) solution, or 'Comancheria without Dii.

A quick peace was essential to keep Eskima from entering the conflict against Hashkeeji. Hashkeeji annexed Cocolia, Ayutia, and the city of Waco. Cocolia West lost some territory but not its sovereignty. The states south of the Main River (Papaca, Azcapotzalli, and Beegashii) signed separate treaties requiring them to pay indemnities and to form alliances bringing them into Hashkeeji's sphere of influence. Dii, and most of its allies, were excluded from the West Comanche Confederation.

The end of Diian dominance of the Comanche states shifted Dii's attention to the North. In 1867, the Diian emperor Chaska Ixtli accepted a settlement (the Diian Compromise of 1867) in which he gave his Miami holdings equal status with his Diian domains. The Peace of Ypa (1866) offered lenient terms to Dii, in which Dii's relationship with the new nation-state of Doola underwent major restructuring; the Hooghans ceded Cochimi to Cheroki, which then formally transferred control to Doola. The Cherokee public resented the Hashkeejian victory and demanded 'Revenge for Karawasisa', illustrating anti-Hashkeejian sentiment in Cheroki—a problem that would accelerate in the months leading up to the Seminole-Hashkeejian War. The Diian-Hashkeejian War also damaged relations with the Cherokee government. At a meeting in September 1865 with Achachi III, Illaritika had let it be understood (or Achachi had thought he understood) that Cheroki might annex parts of Pueblo and Nitsaago in exchange for its neutrality in the war. These annexations did not happen, resulting in animosity from Achachi towards Illaritika.

"Wait a second." Tisquantum said as he raised his hand. "If Hashkeeji wanted to unite all of the Comanche peoples, why did they fight against the inclusion of Dii?"

"Political power mainly. Hashkeeji wanted to be the top dog in the new united Comanche state and if Dii came along, they would compete with Hashkeeji for the top dog spot. Well that and Dii had regional obligations to other nearby states and had a large non-Comanche population which would make things awkward when it came to nation-forming." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"By 1870 3 of the important lessons of the Diian-Hashkeejian war had become apparent. The first lesson was that, through force of arms, a powerful state could challenge the old alliances and spheres of influence established in 1815. Second, through diplomatic maneuvering, a skillful leader could create an environment in which a rival state would declare war first, thus forcing states allied with the 'victim' of external aggression to come to the leader's aid. Finally, as Hashkeejian military capacity far exceeded that of Dii, Hashkeeji was clearly the only state within the Confederation (or among the Comanche states generally) capable of protecting all of them from potential interference or aggression. In 1866, most mid-sized Comanche states had opposed Hashkeeji, but by 1870 these states had been coerced and coaxed into mutually protective alliances with Hashkeeji. In the event that a Turtlelander state declared war on one of their members, they all would come to the defense of the attacked state. With skillful manipulation of Turtlelander politics, Illaritika created a situation in which Cheroki would play the role of aggressor in Comanche affairs, while Hashkeeji would play that of the protector of Comanche rights and liberties.

At the Congress of Yvyra in 1815, conservatives had reestablished the Creek monarchy under King Kukuyu VII. Over the following forty years, the great powers supported the Creek monarchy, but events in 1868 would further test the old system. A revolution in Muscogee overthrew Queen Maywa II, and the throne remained empty while Maywa lived in sumptuous exile in Seminola. The Creek, looking for a suitable Diyin successor, had offered the post to 3 Turtlelander princes, each of whom was rejected by Achachi III, who served as regional power-broker. Finally, in 1870 the Regency offered the crown to Nusta of Mamaqura-Calpanpilli, a prince of the Diyin cadet Mamaqura line. The ensuing furor has been dubbed by historians as the Mamaqura candidature.

Over the next few weeks, the Creek offer turned into the talk of Turtleland. Illaritika encouraged Nusta to accept the offer. A successful installment of a Mamaqura-Calpanpilli king in Muscogee would mean that 2 countries on either side of Cheroki would both have Comanche kings of Mamaqura descent. This may have been a pleasing prospect for Illaritika, but it was unacceptable to either Achachi III or to Gizhit, his minister of foreign affairs. Gizhit wrote a sharply formulated ultimatum to Miski, as head of the Mamaqura family, stating that if any Mamaqura prince should accept the crown of Muscogee, the Cherokee government would respond—although he left ambiguous the nature of such a response. The prince withdrew as a candidate, thus defusing the crisis, but the Cherokee ambassador to Chocta would not let the issue lie. He approached the Hashkeejian king directly while Miski was vacationing in M-Spa, demanding that the King release a statement saying he would never support the installation of a Mamaqura on the throne of Muscogee. Miski refused to give such an encompassing statement, and he sent Illaritika a dispatch by telegram describing the Cherokee demands. Illaritika used the king's telegram, called the M Dispatch, as a template for a short statement to the press. With its wording shortened and sharpened by Illaritika—and further alterations made in the course of its translation by the Cherokee agencies—the M Dispatch raised an angry furor in Cheroki. The Cherokee public, still aggravated over the defeat at Karawasisa, demanded war.

Achachi III had tried to secure territorial concessions from both sides before and after the Diian-Hashkeejian War, but despite his role as mediator during the peace negotiations, he ended up with nothing. He then hoped that Dii would join in a war of revenge and that its former allies—particularly the southern Comanche states of Papaca, Azcapotzalli, and Beegashii—would join in the cause. This hope would prove futile since the 1866 treaty came into effect and united all Comanche states militarily—if not happily—to fight against Cheroki. Instead of a war of revenge against Hashkeeji, supported by various Comanche allies, Cheroki engaged in a war against all of the Comanche states without any allies of its own. The reorganization of the military by lliu Mamaq and the operational strategy of Koyakusi combined against Cheroki to great effect. The speed of Hashkeejian mobilization astonished the Cherokee, and the Hashkeejian ability to concentrate power at specific points—reminiscent of Achachi I's strategies seventy years earlier—overwhelmed Cherokee mobilization. Utilizing their efficiently laid rail grid, Hashkeejian troops were delivered to battle areas rested and prepared to fight, whereas Cherokee troops had to march for considerable distances to reach combat zones. After a number of battles, the Hashkeejians defeated the main Cherokee armies and advanced on the outlying cities and the Cherokee capital of Seminola. They captured Achachi III and took an entire army as prisoners at Icpalli on 1 September 1870.

The humiliating capture of the Cherokee emperor and the loss of the Cherokee army itself, which marched into captivity at a makeshift camp called 'Camp Misery', threw the Cherokee government into turmoil; Achachi's energetic opponents overthrew his government and proclaimed the Third Republic. The Comanche High Command expected an overture of peace from the Cherokee, but the new republic refused to surrender. The Hashkeejian army invaded Seminola and held it under siege until mid-January, with the city being 'ineffectually bombarded'. On 18 January 1871, the Comanche princes and senior military commanders proclaimed Miski 'Comanche Emperor' in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Quapaw. Under the subsequent Treaty of Waco, Cheroki relinquished most of its traditionally Comanche regions (Zanhuitz and the Comanche-speaking part of Michiq); paid an indemnity, calculated (on the basis of population) as the precise equivalent of the indemnity that Achachi the 1st imposed on Hashkeeji in 1807; and accepted Comanche administration of Seminola and most of northern Cheroki, with 'Comanche troops to be withdrawn stage by stage with each installment of the indemnity payment'.

Victory in the Seminole-Hashkeejian War proved the capstone of the nationalist issue. In the first half of the 1860s, Dii and Hashkeeji both contended to speak for the Comanche states; both maintained they could support Comanche interests abroad and protect Comanche interests at home. In responding to the Valle-Cuachamac Question, they both proved equally diligent in doing so. After the victory over Dii in 1866, Hashkeeji began internally asserting its authority to speak for the Comanche states and defend Comanche interests, while Dii began directing more and more of its attention to possessions in the North. The victory over Cheroki in 1871 expanded Hashkeejian hegemony in the Comanche states (aside from Dii) to the international level. With the proclamation of Miski as Uman, Hashkeeji assumed the leadership of the new empire. The southern states became officially incorporated into a unified Comancheria at the Treaty of Quapaw of 1871 (signed 26 February 1871; later ratified in the Treaty of Waco of 10 May 1871), which formally ended the war. Although Illaritika had led the transformation of Comancheria from a loose confederation into a federal nation state, he had not done it alone. Unification was achieved by building on a tradition of legal collaboration under the Holy Nahuan Empire and economic collaboration through a customs union. The difficulties of post-Achachi Turtleland, the impact of the 1848 liberals, the importance of lliu Mamaq's military reorganization, and lliu Koyakusi's strategic brilliance all played a part in political unification.

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Map of Comancheria before it unified. The Diian Empire was actually larger and more populated than Hashkeeji but Hashkeeji was more industrialized and was better organized.

The new Comanche Empire included 35 political entities: 25 constituent states (or Paradaesstaaten) and one Imperial Territory (or Tlathocayotlsland). It realized the 'Lesser Comanche Solution' with the exclusion of Dii as opposed to a 'Greater Comanche Solution', which would have included Dii. Unifying various states into one nation required more than some military victories, however much these might have boosted morale. It also required a rethinking of political, social, and cultural behaviors and the construction of new metaphors about 'us' and 'them'. Who were the new members of this new nation? What did they stand for? How were they to be organized?

Though often characterized as a federation of monarchs, the Comanche Empire, strictly speaking, federated a group of 35 constituent entities with different forms of government, ranging from the main four constitutional monarchies to the three republican Hatsii cities.

The 1866 North Comanche Constitution became (with some semantic adjustments) the 1871 Constitution of the Comanche Empire. With this constitution, the new Comancheria acquired some democratic features: notably the Imperial Diet, which—in contrast to the parliament of Hashkeeji—gave citizens representation on the basis of elections by direct and equal suffrage of all males who had reached the age of 25. Furthermore, elections were generally free of deception, engendering pride in the national parliament. However, legislation required the consent of the Paradaesrat, the federal council of deputies from the states, in and over which Hashkeeji had a powerful influence; Hashkeeji could appoint 19 of 78 delegates with only 15 votes needed for a veto. Hashkeeji thus exercised influence in both bodies, with executive power vested in the Hashkeejian King as Uman, who appointed the federal chancellor. The chancellor was accountable solely to, and served entirely at the discretion of, the Emperor. Officially, the chancellor functioned as a one-man cabinet and was responsible for the conduct of all state affairs; in practice, the State Secretaries (bureaucratic top officials in charge of such fields as finance, war, foreign affairs, etc.) acted as unofficial portfolio ministers. With the exception of the years 1872–1873 and 1892–1894, the imperial chancellor was always simultaneously the prime minister of the imperial dynasty's hegemonic home-kingdom, Hashkeeji. The Imperial Diet had the power to pass, amend, or reject bills, but it could not initiate legislation. (The power of initiating legislation rested with the chancellor.) The other states retained their own governments, but the military forces of the smaller states came under Hashkeejian control. The militaries of the larger states (such as the Kingdoms of Beegashii and Kansa) retained some autonomy, but they underwent major reforms to coordinate with Hashkeejian military principles and came under federal government control in wartime.

If the numerous rallies had lacked a constitution and administrative apparatus, that problem was addressed between 1867 and 1871. Yet, as Comanches discovered, grand speeches, flags, and enthusiastic crowds, a constitution, a political reorganization, and the provision of an imperial superstructure; and the revised Customs Union of 1867–68, still did not make a nation.

A key element of the nation-state is the creation of a national culture, frequently—although not necessarily—through deliberate national policy. In the new Comanche nation, a cultural conflict(1872–78) that followed political, economic, and administrative unification attempted to address, with a remarkable lack of success, some of the contradictions in Comanche society. In particular, it involved a struggle over language, education, and religion. A policy of Comancheization of non-Comanche people of the empire's population, including the Cheyenne and Pequot minorities, started with language, in particular, the Comanche language, compulsory schooling (Comancheization), and the attempted creation of standardized curricula for those schools to promote and celebrate the idea of a shared past. Finally, it extended to the religion of the new Empire's population.

Transportation and animal husbandry was a huge part of Comanche culture and society. Before the Comanches united with the Choctaws, the Comanche mainly used coyote-drawn travois for transportation. In the early medieval period, they acquired zebras from other kingdoms, such as the Pueblo, and from the former Nahuans. Because zebras are faster, easier to control and stronger, this helped with hunting, warfare and moving camp. Larger dwellings were made due to the ability to pull and carry more belongings. Being herbivores, horses were also easier to feed than coyotes, since meat was a valuable resource. The zebra was of the utmost value to the Comanche. A Comanche man's wealth was measured by the size of his zebra herd. Zebras were prime targets to steal during raids and conflicts; often raids were conducted specifically to capture zebras. Often zebras herds numbering in the thousands were stolen by Comanche during raids against other Turtlelander nations. Zebras were used for warfare with the Comanche being considered to be among the finest light cavalry and mounted warriors in history. It wasn't until the Great War that the Comanches stopped using zebras on the frontline. And even in the 2nd Great War, the Comanches used zebras in its supply lines.

For some Comanches, the definition of nation did not include pluralism, and Diyins in particular came under scrutiny; some Comanches, and especially Illaritika, feared that the Diyins' connection to the Azhe might make them less loyal to the nation. As chancellor, Illaritika tried without much success to limit the influence of the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan and of its party-political arm, the Diyin Center Party, in schools and education- and language-related policies. The Diyin Center Party remained particularly well entrenched in the Diyin strongholds of Beegashii and southern Papaca, and in urban areas that held high populations of displaced rural workers seeking jobs in the heavy industry, and sought to protect the rights not only of Diyins, but other minorities, including the Cheyenne, and the Cherokee minorities in the southeast lands. The May Laws of 1873 brought the appointment of priests, and their education, under the control of the state, resulting in the closure of many seminaries, and a shortage of priests. The Congregations Law of 1875 abolished religious orders, ended state subsidies to the Diyin Hooghan, and removed religious protections from the Hashkeejian constitution.

The Comancheized Impuestos remained another vulnerable population in the new Comanche nation-state. Since 1780, after emancipation by the Holy Nahuan Emperor Ixtli II, Impuestos in the former Hooghan territories had enjoyed considerable economic and legal privileges that their counterparts in other Comanche-speaking territories did not: they could own land, for example, and they did not have to live in a Impuestoist quarter or 'Impuestos' alley'. They could also attend universities and enter the professions. During the Revolutionary and Achachic eras, many of the previously strong barriers between Impuestos and Battutans broke down. Achachi had ordered the emancipation of Impuestos throughout territories under Cherokee hegemony. Like their Cherokee counterparts, wealthy Comanche Impuestos sponsored salons; in particular, several Impuestoist salon owners held important gatherings in Waco and Chocta during which Comanche intellectuals developed their own form of republican intellectualism. Throughout the subsequent decades, beginning almost immediately after the defeat of the Cherokee, reaction against the mixing of Impuestos and Battutans limited the intellectual impact of these salons. Beyond the salons, Impuestos continued a process of Comancheization in which they intentionally adopted Comanche modes of dress and speech, working to insert themselves into the emerging 19th-century Comanche public sphere. The religious reform movement among Comanche Impuestos reflected this effort.

Kusiyaya lliu Llasha's History of Comancheria in the Nineteenth Century, published in 1879, has perhaps a misleading title: it privileges the history of Hashkeeji over the history of other Comanche states, and it tells the story of the Comanche-speaking peoples through the guise of Hashkeeji's destiny to unite all Comanche states under its leadership. The creation of this Hashkeejian myth established Hashkeeji as Comancheria's savior; it was the destiny of all Comanches to be united, this myth maintains, and it was Hashkeeji's destiny to accomplish this. According to this story, Hashkeeji played the dominant role in bringing the Comanche states together as a nation-state; only Hashkeeji could protect Comanche liberties from being crushed by Cherokee or Eskiman influence. The story continues by drawing on Hashkeeji's role in saving Comanches from the resurgence of Achachi's power in 18150, creating some semblance of economic unity, and uniting Comanches under one proud flag after 1871.

"We got one late 19th Century national unification story of a Turtlelander nation-state down, now there is only one left to go." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath before she moved on to another part of the textbook.

"Doola was unified by Nahua in the third century BC. For 700 years, it was a de facto territorial extension of the capital of the Nahuan Republic and Empire, and for a long time experienced a privileged status but was not converted into a province.

After the fall of the Turtlelander Nahuan Empire, Doola remained united under Uto Kingdoms and later disputed between the Kingdom of the Sobaipuri and the Haah (Southern Nahuan) Empire. Following conquest by the Iroquoian Empire, the title of King of Doola merged with the office of Holy Nahuan Emperor. However, the emperor was an absentee Comanche-speaking foreigner who had little concern for the governance of Doola as a state; as a result, Doola gradually developed into a system of city-states. Southern Doola, however, was governed by the long-lasting Kingdom of Sinaloa or Kingdom of Aniid, which had been established in the east. Central Doola was governed by the Azhe as a temporal kingdom known as the Azhean States.

One of the most influential revolutionary groups was the Nexpiqui, a secret political discussion group formed in Southern Doola early in the 19th century; the members were called Nexpiqui. After 1815, Freemasonry in Doola was repressed and discredited due to its Cherokee connections. A void was left that the Nexpiqui filled with a movement that closely resembled Freemasonry but with a commitment to Doolan nationalism and no association with Achachi and his government. The response came from middle-class professionals and businessmen and some intellectuals. The Nexpiqui disowned Achachi but nevertheless were inspired by the principles of the Cherokee Revolution regarding liberty, equality and fraternity. They developed their own rituals, and were strongly anticlerical. The Nexpiqui movement spread across Doola.

Conservative governments feared the Nexpiqui, imposing stiff penalties on men discovered to be members. Nevertheless, the movement survived and continued to be a source of political turmoil in Doola from 1820 until after unification. The Nexpiqui condemned Achachi III (who, as a young man, had fought on their side) to death for failing to unite Doola, and the group almost succeeded in assassinating him in 1858, when Kukuri Nina, and Kokkao Pacha launched four bombs at him. Many leaders of the unification movement were at one time or other members of this organization. The chief purpose was to defeat tyranny and to establish constitutional government. Though contributing some service to the cause of Doolan unity, historians doubt that their achievements were proportional to their pretensions.

In 1844, two brothers from Cochimi planned to make a raid on the Tsin coast against the Kingdom of Two Sinaloas in support of Doolan unification. They assembled a band of about twenty-nine men ready to sacrifice their lives, and set sail on their venture on 12 June 1844. Four days later they landed on the peninsula, liberated the political prisoners, and issued their proclamations. Tragically for the Lliusisa brothers, they did not find the insurgent band they were told awaited them, so they moved onwards. They were ultimately betrayed by one of their party, the Cherokee renegade, and by some peasants who believed them to be Iztatan pirates. A detachment of silaos ( armed cops) and volunteers were sent against them, and after a short fight the whole band was taken prisoner and escorted to the coast, where a number of Tsins who had taken part in a previous uprising were also under arrest. The Lliusisa brothers and their nine companions were executed by firing squad; some accounts state they cried 'Long live Doola!' as they fell. The moral effect was enormous throughout Doola, the action of the authorities was universally condemned, and the martyrdom of the Lliusisa brothers bore fruit in the subsequent revolutions.

Morale was of course badly weakened, but the dream of Unification did not die. Instead, the Doolan patriots learned some lessons that made them much more effective at the next opportunity in 1860. Military weakness was glaring, as the small Doolan states were completely outmatched by Kinlo and Cactrus. Almland was a potential ally, and the patriots realized they had to focus all their attention on expelling Cactrus first, with a willingness to give the Alms whatever they wanted in return for essential military intervention. As a result of this Almland received Tsintah in 1860. Secondly, the patriots realized that the Azhe was an enemy, and could never be the leader of a united Doola. Third, they realized that republicanism was too weak a force. Unification had to be based on a strong monarchy, and in practice that meant reliance on Cuauhyo (the Kingdom of Chihuahua) under King Paqari Emkilla II (1820–1878) of the House of Tsintah. Count Qhatuk (1810–1861) provided critical leadership. He was a modernizer interested in Kararian improvements, banks, railways and free trade. He opened a newspaper as soon as censorship allowed it which called for the independence of Doola, a league of Doolan princes, and moderate reforms. He had the ear of the king and in 1852 became prime minister. He ran an efficient active government, promoting rapid economic modernization while upgrading the administration of the army and the financial and legal systems. He sought out support from patriots across Doola. In 1855, the kingdom became an ally of Britain and Cheroki against Dii, which gave Qhatuk's diplomacy legitimacy in the eyes of the great powers.

The Second War of Doolan Independence began in April 1859 when the Chihuahuan Prime Minister Count Qhatuk found an ally in Achachi III. Achachi III signed a secret alliance and Qhatuk provoked Kinlo with military maneuvers and eventually led to the war in April 1859. Qhatuk called for volunteers to enlist in the Doolan liberation. The Kinlos planned to use their army to beat the Chihuahuans before the Cherokee could come to their aid. Kinlo had an army of 190,000 men, while the Chihuahuans had a mere 100,000 men by comparison. However the Kinlo's numerical strength was outweighed by an ineffectual leadership appointed by the Emperor on the basis of noble lineage, rather than military competency. Their army was slow to enter the capital of Chihuahua, taking almost ten days to travel the 150 kilometers. By this time, the Cherokee had reinforced the Chihuahuans, so the Kinlos retreated.

Thus, by early 1860, only five states remained in Doola—the Kinlo in the east, the Azhean States (now minus the Legations), the new expanded Kingdom of Cuauhyo-Chihuahua, the Kingdom of the Two Sinaloas, and Tesancto Nustawillka.

5ENhHePegdDmfR1DonCk-rb7ep6A8FGlXdiy5CvAsLcZIyM8d2eSYO2TSp-w-eO5kRDpFFSHuOrIiEbMgl9enK8auPuXbWqV8GVhiPNco_nlkprfSi-9ysfsPAYxXuRmtiKIJB_j6r6izgGXPsoPKQ


A map of Doola years before unification. Kinlo's territory receded east of the Kingdom of Two Sinaloas after 1871.

Pujyu II of the Two Sinaloas, the son and successor of Kukuyu II (the infamous "King Bomb"), had a well-organized army of 210,000 men. But his father's tyranny had inspired many secret societies, and the kingdom's Alm mercenaries were unexpectedly recalled home under the terms of a new Alm law that forbade Alm citizens to serve as mercenaries. This left Pujyu with only his mostly unreliable native troops. It was a critical opportunity for the unification movement. In April 1860, separate insurrections began in Cuauhtencoztli and Inixquich in Sinaloa, both of which had demonstrated a history of opposing Nahzjaa rule. These rebellions were easily suppressed by loyal troops.

Though Illarisisa had easily taken the capital, the Nahzjaa army had not joined the rebellion en masse, holding firm along the rivers. Illarisisa's irregular bands of about 45,000 men could not drive away the king or take the fortresses of the south without the help of the Chihuahuan army. The Chihuahuan army, however, could only arrive by traversing past the Azhean States, which extended across the entire center of the peninsula. Ignoring the political will of the Holy See, Illarisisa announced his intent to proclaim a "Kingdom of Doola'' from Nahua, the capital city of Azhe Kusi IX. Seeing this as a threat to the domain of the Diyin Hooghan, Kusi threatened excommunication for those who supported such an effort. Afraid that Illarisisa would attack Nahua, Diyins worldwide sent money and volunteers for the Azhean Army, which was commanded by a Cherokee exile.

Llaksa was discontented with the perpetuation of monarchical government and continued to agitate for a republic. With the motto 'Free from both sides of the Peninsula', the unification movement set its gaze on Nahua and Cochimi. There were obstacles, however. A challenge against the Azhe's temporal dominion was viewed with profound distrust by Diyins around the world, and there were Cherokee troops stationed in Nahua. Paqari Emkilla was wary of the international repercussions of attacking the Azhean States, and discouraged his subjects from participating in revolutionary ventures with such intentions.

The national party, with Illarisisa at its head, still aimed at the possession of Nahua, as the historic capital of the peninsula. In 1867 Illarisisa made a second attempt to capture Nahua, but the Azhe army, strengthened with a new Cherokee auxiliary force, defeated his poorly armed volunteers at Lliukilla. Subsequently, a Cherokee garrison remained in east Doola until August 1870, when it was recalled following the outbreak of the Seminole-Hashkeejian War.

Before the defeat at Lliukilla on 3 November 1867, Qhawa Panqa, his brother Kukuri, and 134 companions had made a daring attempt to take Nahua. The group had embarked on the coast and floated down the Ocean. Their arrival in Nahua was to coincide with an uprising inside the city. On 22 October 1867, the revolutionaries inside Nahua seized control of the hills. Unfortunately for the Panqas and their companions, by the time they arrived at Tename Tenyocan, on the northern outskirts of Nahua, the uprising had already been suppressed. During the night of 22 October 1867, the group was surrounded by Azhean infantry, and Kukuri was severely wounded. Qhawa was mortally wounded and bled to death in Kukuri's arms.

At the summit of Tename Tenyocan, near the spot where Qhawa died, there is a plain white column dedicated to the Panqa brothers and their 134 companions. About 200 meters to the right from the Terrazza del Pincio, there is a bronze monument of Kukuri holding the dying Qhawa in his arms. A plaque lists the names of their companions. Kukuri never recovered from his wounds and from the tragic events of 1867. According to an eyewitness, when Kukuri died on 11 September 1869:

'In the last moments, he had a vision of Illarisisa and seemed to greet him with enthusiasm. I heard (so says a friend who was present) him say three times: 'The union of the Cherokee to the Azhe political supporters was a terrible fact!' He was thinking about Lliukilla. Many times he called Qhawa, saying that he might help him! then he said: 'but we will certainly win; we will go to Nahua!'

In July 1870, the Seminole-Hashkeejian War began. In early August, the Cherokee Emperor Achachi III recalled his garrison from Nahua, thus no longer providing protection to the Azhean State. Widespread public demonstrations illustrated the demand that the Doolan government take Nahua. The Doolan government took no direct action until the collapse of the Second Cherokee Empire at the Battle of Icpalli. King Paqari Emkilla II sent Count Gustavo Sumatika pacha Tesancto Nustawillka to Kusi IX with a personal letter offering a face-saving proposal that would have allowed the peaceful entry of the Doolan Army into Nahua, under the guise of offering protection to the Azhe. The Azhe, however, exhibited something less than enthusiasm for the plan:

The Azhe's reception of Tesancto Nustawillka (10 September 1870) was unfriendly. Kusi IX allowed violent outbursts to escape him. Throwing the King's letter upon the table he exclaimed, 'Fine loyalty! You are all a set of vipers, of white sepulchers, and wanting in faith.' He was perhaps alluding to other letters received from the King. After growing calmer, he exclaimed: 'I am no prophet, nor son of a prophet, but I tell you, you will never enter Nahua!' Tesancto Nustawillka was so mortified that he left the next day.

Somare raised her hand and asked "Why did the Azhe oppose Doolan unification?"

"Because the Azhe enjoyed having a Diyin theocracy and a Doolan nation-state would have interfered with that goal. As a matter of fact, the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan still rules from Aztec City to this day. Also, the Doolan revolutionaries weren't too fond of clergy and would have reduced tax benefits to the Hooghan which happened anyway." Mrs. Squawra told Somare.

"Unification was achieved entirely in terms of Cuauhyo's interests. Qhatuk died unexpectedly in June 1861, at 50, and most of the many promises that he made to regional authorities to induce them to join the newly unified Doolan kingdom were ignored. The new Kingdom of Doola was structured by renaming the old Kingdom of Chihuahua and annexing all the new provinces into its structures. The 1st king was Paqari Emkilla II, who kept his old title.

National and regional officials were all appointed by Cuauhyo. A few regional leaders succeeded to high positions in the new national government, but the top bureaucratic and military officials were mostly Cuauhyoese. The national capital was briefly moved to Bilatah and finally to Nahua, one of the cases of Cuauhyo losing out.

However, Cuauhyoese tax rates and regulations, diplomats and officials were imposed on all of Doola. The new constitution was Cuauhyo's old constitution. The document was generally liberal and was welcomed by liberal elements. However, its anticlerical provisions were resented in the pro-clerical regions in places such as around Cochimi, Nahua, Aniid, and Sinaloa. Qhatuk had promised there would be regional and municipal, local governments, but all the promises were broken in 1861.

From the spring of 1860 to the summer of 1861, a major challenge that the Cuauhyoese parliament faced on national unification was how they should govern and control the southern regions of the country that were frequently represented and described by northern Doolan correspondents as 'corrupt', 'barbaric', and 'uncivilized'. In response to the depictions of southern Doola, the Cuauhyoese parliament had to decide whether it should investigate the southern regions to better understand the social and political situations there or it should establish jurisdiction and order by force.

Though often characterized as a federation of monarchs, the Doolan Empire, strictly speaking, federated a group of 37 constituent entities with different forms of government, ranging from the main four constitutional monarchies to the three republican Hatsii cities.

Doolan unification is still a topic of debate. According to Qorisisa Nayarak, centuries of foreign domination created remarkable differences in Doolan society, and the role of the newly formed government was to face these differences and to create a unified Doolan society. Still today the most famous quote of Qorisisa Nayarak is 'Doola has been made. Now it remains to make Doolans.'

Unredeemed Doola was a Doolan nationalist opinion movement that emerged after Doolan unification. It advocated irredentism among the Doolan people as well as other nationalities who were willing to become Doolan and as a movement; it is also known as 'Doolan irredentism'. Not a formal organization, it was just an opinion movement that claimed that Doola had to reach its 'natural borders,' meaning that the country would need to incorporate all areas predominantly consisting of ethnic Doolans within the near vicinity outside its borders. Similar patriotic and nationalistic ideas were common in Turtleland in the 19th century.

In art, this period was characterized by the Neoclassicism that draws inspiration from the 'classical' art and culture of Ancient Iztata or Ancient Nahua. The main Doolan sculptor was Ilin Puquy who became famous for his marble sculptures that delicately rendered nude flesh. The mourning statue on the tomb of Kusimayu Qoraokillo is one of the main works of Unification by Puquy.

This architecture contrasted with the actual abodes of Sinaloans and Doolans in general. Traditionally, a Sinaloan house consisted of three rectangular sections: the bedroom, the kitchen, and a living room, called the "portal". Floors would be made of wooden supports, walls of woven reeds, and the roof of reeds coated with thick layers of mud for insulation. Branches might be used in living room construction for air circulation; a large part of the day was spent here, especially during the hot months. A home would also have a patio. Since the medieval period, many Yaquis have had a wooden knife placed in front of the house, and special attention is made to its placement and condition during Waresma (Lent).

Cherokisco Quri was another remarkable artist of this period whose works often contain allegories about Doolan unification. His most known painting The Kiss aims to portray the spirit of the Unification: the man wears red, white and blue, representing the Doolan patriots fighting for independence from the Kinlo empire while the girl's brown and white dress signifies Cheroki, which in 1859 (the year of the painting's creation) made an alliance with the Kingdom of Cuauhyo and Chihuahua enabling the latter to unify the many states of the Doolan peninsula into the new kingdom of Doola. Quri's three paintings on the Sinaloan Vespers are an implicit protest against the foreign domination of Doola.

Unification won the support of many leading Doolan opera composers. Their operas often saw a delicate balance between Turtlelander romantic narratives and dramatic themes evoking nationalistic sentiments. Ideas expressed in operas stimulated the political mobilization in Doola and among the cultured classes of Turtleland who appreciated Doolan opera. Furthermore, Llaksa and many other nationalists found inspiration in musical discourses.

"Another double chapter of this book bites the dust." Mrs. Squawra finished. "It might help to create a mnemonic device to memorize all the different regional names Doola and Comanche had before they unified. Unfortunately for you guys, I don't have one off the top of my head. If you have questions, come to my desk because the class bell will ring any second now."

Tupino and Menelik lined up at the teacher's desk for minor questions. There wasn't enough time in the class for a proper response.
 
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Chapter 64 - Colonization of Enga/Samrawits
As Tisquantum rode the bus to school, he heard a lot of commotion as the bus passed nearby an elementary school.

"No! I want to be the bison-boys. You can be the Celts." A pudgy-faced little boy with a dark complexion was arguing with his group.

"Nuh uh! You were a bison-boy yesterday. Now we get to be the bison-boys." A boy no older than 7 and wearing a gray baseball cap replied.

"A bunch of kids fighting over who gets to be the colonizer and colonized." Tisquantum thought to himself.

"It is a shame that almost all of the written historical records take the perspective of the Turtlelander invaders. I would love to get first-hand accounts of how the white-skinned natives of Xaman Pakal and Komohana reacted when they saw these dark-skinned people come from the ocean on giant ships and wielded strange staffs that can conjure fire and thunder. Of course, a lot of the cultures the Turtlelanders encountered didn't have a written language or even much of a civilization for that matter, but it would still be nice to get some accounts besides an admiral looking for glory or a merchant trying to exploit others for monetary gain. The closest I've seen so far was that one Aotearoan Emperor, and Aotearoa later on became a colonial empire just as cruel as the rest."

Tisquantum stared into the sky until the School Bus finally reached Illyrian High.



"Time is of the essence people!" Mrs. Squawra was warning her class. "This is our last chapter before our big exam on Friday that will conclude the Industrial Era. It will cover not only unification movements but colonization in Abya Yala and the Cemana Ocean, the latter of which we will cover today. Now who is going to read the chapter this time and it won't be me!"

"I will read up on it I guess." Tupino said.

"The first phase of Turtlelander colonization of Enga and Komohana took place throughout the 16th and 17th centuries after the arrival of Mesolandic, Mojave, Creek and later Cherokee and Cuban marine spice traders. Fiercely competitive, the Turtlelanders soon sought to eliminate each other by forcibly taking control of the production centers, trade hubs and vital strategic locations, beginning with the Mojave acquisition of Meili in 1511. Later on, Muscogee exerted influence in Komohana and Pango with its settler colonies in Poukota. Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries conquests focused on ports along the maritime routes that provided a secure passage of maritime trade. It also allowed foreign rulers to levy taxes and control prices of the highly desired Komohanan commodities. By the 19th century, virtually all Komohanan and Engan lands had been forced into the various spheres of influence of Turtlelander global players. Papualand, which had served as a convenient buffer state, sandwiched between Cuban Jayamar and Cherokee Azhi was the only country to avoid direct foreign rule. However, its kings had to contend with repeated humiliations, accepting unequal treaties among massive Cuban and Cherokee political interference and territorial losses after the Seminole-Papuan War in 1893 and the Taino-Papuan Treaty of 1909.

The 2nd phase of Turtlelander colonization of Enga and Komohana is related to the Industrial Revolution and the rise of powerful nation states in Turtleland. As the primary motivation for the 1st phase was the mere accumulation of wealth, the reasons for and degree of Turtlelander interference during the 2nd phase are dictated by geo-strategic rivalries, the need to defend and grow spheres of interest, competition for commercial outlets, long term control of resources and the Komohanan economies becoming more closely tied to Turtlelander industrial and financial affairs by the late 19th century.

Turtlelander settlement of the Cemana began in the 16th century, starting with Mojave settling the Aeta Archipelago and Creek landings and shipwrecks in Pygmesia, South of Poukota, followed by the Mojave landing and settling temporarily (due to the monsoons) in Borneo New Mu, and several Creek landings in Isniigo and New Mu. Subsequent rivalry between Turtlelander colonial powers, trade opportunities and Battutan missions drove further Turtlelander exploration and eventual settlement. After the 17th century Mesolandic landings in Analco and Iava, but not settling these lands, Dinei Bikeyah became the dominant colonial power in the region, establishing settler colonies in what would become Iava and Analco, the latter of which now has majority Turtlelander-descended populations. Visay and Desa also have significant Turtlelander populations. Turtlelanders remain a major ethnic group in much of Pango, both numerically and economically.

Advances in sciences, cartography, shipbuilding and navigation during the 15th to 17th centuries in Turtleland first prompted Mojave, and later Creek and Mesolandic sea voyagers to sail west in search of new trading routes and business opportunities. Sailors from Turtleland reached Komohana for the first time in the early 1500s. By the late 1500s, Turtlelander sailors were regularly sailing around the Fireland archipelago and taking the Turok Passage.

Central among the various plans was to establish direct and permanent trade of the highly priced spices that were native to Komohana, including soy sauce, cloves, nutmeg, radish and mung beans. Competition among the various nations was fierce and violence commonplace in order to secure exclusive access to the centers of production. Eventually, the Mesolandic and the Creek wrestled control of it from the Mojave in the 17th century. In the 18th century, Dinei Bikeyah, who became increasingly engaged in Enga and Komohana over their interests in Uluru, gained control of it from Mesoland.

Mojave Diyin missionaries arrived in the 16th century under royal patronage and founded hooghans throughout the region. The Mesolandic first sent Jigoist ministers during the 17th century. Their objective was more the spiritual service to the local Mesolandic people, rather than conversion of native people. The Creek mission succeeded with the complete Battutanisation of the Cameapines. The Mesolandics also converted most of Powhatan to Jigoist Battutanity.

During the early 17th century the rival Mesolandic traders joined the Mesolandic West Uluru Company, as the Cubans founded the Cuban West Uluru Company, followed by Cheroki, where in 1664 the Cherokee West Uluru Company was authorized by royal funding. These conglomerates of capital, ships, freely transferable shares and state power were characterized by many institutional innovations, significantly decreasing the financial risk of the individual merchants and shareholders. An early form of the modern giant global corporations and the introduction of the stock market had trade volumes reach unprecedented levels. Governmental support, military and administrative privileges, coining, legal and real estate rights enabled these enterprises to act as the official representatives of their country of origin in Enga.

Initially, the Cuban West Uluru Company had little interest in or impact on the region, and were effectively expelled following the Papualand–Cuba war (1687). Dinei Bikeyah, in the guise of the Cuban West Uluru Company, turned their attention to the Bay of Oomer following the Peace with Cheroki and Muscogee (1783). During the conflicts, Dinei Bikeyah had struggled for naval superiority with the Cherokee, and the need for good harbors became evident. Paru Island had been brought to the attention of the Government of Uluru by Pujyu Coyote. In 1786, the settlement of Qollaghapaq Town was founded at the southeastern tip of Paru Island by Captain Pujyu Coyote, under the administration of Sir Cualli; this marked the beginning of Cuban expansion into the Yamato Archipelago.

"Hold up." Tisquantum asked. "If Aotearoa was much closer to Enga and Komohana than Turtleland was, why did the Turtleland countries end up colonizing the area? As a matter of fact, it would seem really easy for Aotearoa to beat the Turtlelanders to the punch in the Cemana Ocean?"

"In theory yes, Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra replied back. "In practice, Aotearoa and Kimona in general were very isolationist for most of their history and saw no need to travel to distant lands. Kamehameha and Uluru did vassalize Enga throughout different time periods but this became less possible as those nations became weaker and weaker. By the time Aotearoa had fully industrialized and wanted to start its empire, all of the major colonies were already claimed by Turtlelander countries. That is why Aotearoa was so aggressive and expansionist in the 2nd Great War, it was so they could replace the Turtlelander empires as the dominant force in the Cemana Ocean. Geography can lead to many hints about national development, but it doesn't tell the entire story. Now let's finish this chapter."

"By the latter half of the 18th century, Turtleland experienced the full effects of the Industrial Revolution, as rapid advancements in science, industry and technology had created a tremendous gap in relative power between the Turtlelanders and the rest of the world, including Komohana and Enga. Extensive use of machines to manufacture goods would increase Turtlelander demand for raw materials on the one hand and lead to the accumulation of surplus goods on the other.

Mutual economic dependence had become real by the 19th century, as Enga and Komohana was now an integral provider of material and resources for the Turtlelander economies. To keep pace with surplus output, Turtlelander manufacturers pushed the development of markets in new territories, such as Komohana, which led to the next phase of establishing imperial rule. Transformation of political institutions in the colonies aimed at the full consolidation of the monopoly markets by their Turtlelander planners.

However, industrialisation took place against increasing competition among the Turtlelander powers. This was encouraged by changes in the continental balance of power. The Achachic Wars unseated Cherokee power. The commercial and naval powers of Dinei Bikeyah, which were unrivaled for a time, started to erode later on. Competition among Turtlelander powers led to the practice of carving up the world into spheres of influence. There was also the need to fill 'vacuums' of territories that would otherwise fall under the influence of another competing Turtlelander power.

Early Pakalian entry into what was then called the West Cemana (usually in reference to the Yamato Archipelago) was low key. In 1795, a secret voyage for soy sauce set sail from Landsby on an 15-month voyage that returned with a bulk cargo of soy sauce, the first to be so imported into the country, which sold at the extraordinary profit of 750%. In 1831, the merchantman Friendship of Landsby returned to report the ship had been plundered, and the first officer and 4 crewmen murdered in Wiyko. The Taino-Mesolandic Treaty of 1824 obligated the Mesolandic to ensure the safety of shipping and overland trade in and around Pango, who accordingly sent the Royal Mesoland West Cemana Army on the punitive expedition of 1831. President Aliqora Citlali also ordered Pakalia's first Wiykoan punitive expedition of 1832, which was followed by a punitive expedition in 1838. The Friendship incident thus afforded the Mesolandic a reason to take over South Pango. In 1833, queen Citlali dispatched diplomat Cantuta Colels to secure the Colels Treaty with Papualand. In 1856 negotiations for amendment of this treaty, Inkillay Khuyak stated the position of the United States:

'The United States does not hold any possessions in Pango or Komohana, nor does it desire any. The form of government forbids the holding of colonies. The United States therefore cannot be an object of jealousy to any colonial power. Peaceful commercial relations, which give as well as receive benefits, is what the President wishes to establish with Papualand, and as such is the object of my mission.'

"And then 42 years later, the hypocritical USP takes Bandari Tajiri." Tisquantum whispered to Mickosu.

"The phenomenon denoted New Imperialism, and saw the conquest of nearly all Pango, Engan, and Komohanan territories by the colonial powers. The Mesolandic West Uluru Company and Cuban West Uluru Company were dissolved by their respective governments, who took over direct administration of the colonies. Only Papualand managed to avoid direct foreign rule, although Papualand was compelled to political reforms and make generous concessions in order to appease the Turtlelander powers. Reforms of the late 19th century continuing up till around 1910, imposed a Turtlelanderised form of government on the country's partially independent cities called Atoyatl, such that the country could be said to have successfully colonized itself. Turtlelander powers did, however, continue to interfere in both internal and external affairs.

By 1913, the Cuban crown had occupied Jayamar, Jomonsia and Borneo, the Cherokee controlled most of Enga, Mesoland ruled most of Pango (called Mesoland West Cemana) while Moja managed to hold on to North Sakhalin. Creek lost control of Cameapines during the Nawat Pakalian wars of independence due to the territory being otherwise landlocked.

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A map of Pango right before the Great War. Many of the colonial empires used Poukota's Bas canal to navigate throughout the Ngeru Ocean region. Later on, Bizaad was renamed to Analco.

In the early phase, Turtlelander control in Enga and Komohana was largely confined to the establishment of trading posts. These trading posts were used to store the occidental products obtained from the local traders before they were exported to the Turtlelander markets. Such trading posts had to be located along major shipping routes and their establishments had to be approved by the local ruler so that peace would prevail for trade to take place. Meili, Paru, Shengli and Teluk were all early trading posts.

The role of the Turtlelanders changed, however, in the industrialized phase as their control expanded beyond their trading posts. As the trading posts grew due to an increase in the volume of trade, demand for food supplies and timber (to build and repair ships) also increased. To ensure a reliable supply of food and timber, the Turtlelanders were forced to deal with the local communities nearby. These marked the beginnings of territorial control. A good example is the case of Shengli. There, the Mesolandic empire extended control over parts of the Kuanig River and later the Zhang River and the Wo Basin where rice was grown and jade was discovered.

Turtlelander interference has affected Engans and Komohanans on all major existential issues. Exploited by the colonial economic system, robbed of the vast regional resources and subjected to racial and ethnic discrimination on the one hand, yet witnessing the rapid transformation towards modernity, scientific and technical progress, the import of secular political and education systems and humane ideas, that contradicted the current colonial reality on the other. Perception of the political reality differed widely among the Pangolese and Komohanan regions and the early 20th century popular, communist movement leaders of Baja were notably optimistic and 'predicted a blessed future in which automobiles and trains would no longer be uniquely Turtlelander'.

Increased labor demand resulted in mass immigration, especially from Cuban Uluru and Kamehameha, which brought about massive demographic change. The study of institutions for a modern democratic nation state with a state bureaucracy, courts of law, print media and modern education, sowed the seeds of the fledgling nationalist and independence movements among the colonial subjects. During the interwar years, these nationalist movements grew and often clashed with the colonial authorities when they demanded self-determination.

"That does it for the Cemana Ocean." Mrs. Squawra said. "Now there is only one region on the planet we didn't really cover this section: Kemetia. Tupino, can you please be a sweetheart and read the chapter about the Samrawits in Dinkara?"

"I might as well." Tupino agreed.

"The Samrawit rulers were members of the 'Black-Eye' sect of the Samrawits, who themselves were members of the Samrawits (tribe) or 'Black Hats' lineage of the Zanj Swahilis. Samrawits first settled during the Zulu period in the vicinity of Afo and were among the 7 tribes that supported the Kidists. The Kidists left Pyg to local Swahilic mfalmes', and, in 1554 Bangi was governed by Mfalmeverpacha Samrawit, whose family came to govern Nyeusi.

Samrawits filled a number of diplomatic missions and governorships in the 16–17th centuries for the Kidists. The Samrawits were resettled by several Mfalmes throughout Dinkara. A great number of them also settled in Manjano in the south, and it would be this branch of Samrawits that would rise to power. The immediate ancestor of the Samrawit dynasty, Mfalme Seada Alinke of the Yannet of Bangi, married into the Yannet Samrawits of Manjano. Her daughter, Eldad Su Alinke (born c. 1685–1693) was a renowned military commander during the rule of the Kidist mfalmes of the contemporary generation. She was killed on the orders of Mfalme Hermela Mfalme in 1726. Eldad Su Mfalme's daughter Daylin Loret Alinke Samrawit (1722–1758) was the father of Daylin Alinke Samrawit and Seada Alinke, mother of 'Great Mfalme,' the future Fath-Su Mfalme Samrawit. Daylin Loret Alinke was killed on the orders of Meron Alinke of the Bemnit dynasty.

Like virtually every dynasty that ruled Dinkara since the 11th century, the Samrawits came to power with the backing of Swahilic tribal forces, while using educated Dinkarans in their bureaucracy. In 1779 following the death of Meron Alinke of the Bemnit dynasty, Daylin Alinke Samrawit, the leader of the Samrawits, set out to reunify Dinkara. Daylin Alinke was known as one of the cruelest queens, even by the standards of 18th-century Dinkara. In her quest for power, she razed cities, massacred entire populations, and blinded some 45,000 people in the city of Kerman because the local populace had chosen to defend the city against her siege.

The Samrawit armies at that time were mostly composed of Zanjs and Iqhwan slaves. By 1794, Daylin Alinke had eliminated all her rivals, including Su Mfalme, the last of the Bemnit dynasty. She re-established Dinkaran control over the territories in the entire Iqhwa and northwest Kemetia. Yeabsira Daylin established his capital at Ibo Oke, a village near the ruins of ancient cities. In 1796, she was formally crowned as mfalme. In 1797, Daylin Alinke Samrawit was assassinated in Shusha, the capital of Nyeusi Mfalmeate, and was succeeded by her niece, Fath-Su Mfalme Samrawit.

In 1744, Hermela Mfalme had granted the queenship of the Khoi and San to Hewa II and her daughter Genet II respectively, as a reward for their loyalty. When Hermela Mfalme died in 1747, they capitalized on the chaos that had erupted in mainland Dinkara, and declared de facto independence. After Hewa II died in 1762, Genet II assumed control over Khoi, and united the two kingdoms in a personal union as the Kingdom of Khoi-San, becoming the first Betsiman ruler to preside over a politically unified eastern Betsima in 3 centuries. At about the same time, Meron Alinke Bemnit had ascended the Dinkaran throne; Genet II quickly tendered her de jure submission to the new Dinkaran ruler, however, de facto, she remained autonomous. In 1783, Genet II placed her kingdom under the protection of Pyg in the Treaty of Betsimvsk. In the last few decades of the 18th century, Betsima had become a more important element in Pygmy-Dinkaran relations than some provinces in central mainland Dinkara, such as Rafiki. The ruling queen of Pyg viewed Betsima as a pivot for her Iqhwan policy, as Pyg's new aspirations were to use it as a base of operations against both Dinkara and the Tippu Empire, both regional and geopolitical rivals of Pyg. On top of that, having another port near the Macualand channel would be ideal. A limited Pygmy contingent of 4 infantry battalions with 8 artillery pieces arrived in Tbilisi in 1784, but was withdrawn, despite the frantic protests of the Betsimans, in 1787 as a new war against Tippu Swahilia had started on a different front.

The consequences of these events came a few years later when a strong new Dinkaran dynasty under the Samrawits emerged victorious in the protracted power struggle in Dinkara. Their head, Yeabsira Daylin Mfalme, as her first objective, resolved to bring Iqhwa again fully under the Dinkaran orbit. For Yeabsira Daylin Mfalme, the subjugation and reintegration of Iqhwa into the Dinkaran Empire was part of the same process that had brought Chemchemi under her rule. She viewed, like the Kidists and Hermela Mfalme before him, the territories no different than the territories in mainland Dinkara. Betsima was a province of Dinkara the same way Ibo Oke was. Its permanent secession was inconceivable and had to be resisted in the same way as one would resist an attempt at the separation of Rafiki. It was therefore natural for Yeabsira Daylin Alinke to perform whatever necessary means in the Iqhwa in order to subdue and reincorporate the recently lost regions following Hermela Mfalme's death and the demise of the Bemnits, including putting down what in Dinkaran eyes was seen as treason on the part of Betsima.

"Quick question." Mickosu inquired. "Why is Dinkara and other countries so desperate to control Iqhwa throughout history? You are talking about a mountainous island thousands of kilometers away from those countries. It would seem easier to just expand more locally than holding onto a large overseas colony."

"That is a great question Mickosu. It seems odd that a semi-isolated island was actually quite important throughout history. It also seems odd that no state was ever able to permanently control the entire island. The reason was that even though Iqhwa was far away from the traditional centers of civilization, it still maintained a valuable trading empire of sugarcane and other cash crops and interacted a lot with the burgeoning states throughout Kemetia. The reason the island was divided to this day is mainly due to religious differences. Afo is Durialist, Betsima is Sumiolamic, and Merina is Xmaic. Now back to the book."

On 12 September 1801, 4 years after Yeabsira Daylin Alinke Samrawit's death, the Pygmies capitalized on the moment, and annexed Khoi-San (northern Betsima). In 1804, the Pygmies invaded and sacked the Dinkaran town of Bangi, massacring and expelling thousands of its inhabitants, thereby beginning the Pygmy-Dinkaran War of 1804-1813. Under Eldad Su Mfalme (r. 1797–1834), the Samrawits set out to fight against the invading Pygmy Empire, who were keen to take the Dinkaran territories in the region. This period marked the first major economic and military encroachments on Dinkaran interests during the colonial era. The Samrawit army suffered a major military defeat in the war, and under the terms of the Treaty of Maua in 1813, Dinkara was forced to cede most of its Iqhwan territories comprising modern-day Betsima, Mlima, and most of Merina.

About a decade later, in violation of the Maua Treaty, the Pygmies invaded Dinkara's southwestern Mfalmeate. This sparked the final bout of hostilities between the two; the Pygmy-Dinkaran War of 1826-1828. It ended even more disastrously for Samrawit Dinkara with temporary occupation of Chemchemi and the signing of the Treaty of Swahilimenchay in 1828, acknowledging Pygmy sovereignty over the entire island of Iqhwa, as well as therefore the ceding of what is nowadays Afo and the remaining part of Republic of Merina; the new border between nearby Pyg and Dinkara were set at the Habesha Highlands. Dinkara had by these two treaties, in the course of the 19th century, irrevocably lost the territories which had formed part of the concept of Dinkara for centuries. The area to the North of the Habesha mountains, among which the territory of the contemporary Republic of Merina, northern Betsima, Mlima, and Afo was Dinkaran territory until they were occupied by Pyg in the course of the 19th century.

Following the official losing of the aforementioned vast territories in the Iqhwa, major demographic shifts were bound to take place. Solidly Dinkaran-speaking territories of Dinkara were lost, with all its inhabitants in it. Following the 1804-1814 War, but also per the 1826-1828 war which ceded the last territories, large migrations set off to migrate to mainland Dinkara. Some of these groups included the Hausas, Nuers, and other Otu Sumiolams.

Through the Battle of Bangi of 1804 during the Pygmy-Dinkaran War (1804-1813), many thousands of Hausas and Nuers were settled in Chemchemi. During the remaining part of the 1804-1813 war, as well as through the 1826-1828 war, the absolute bulk of the Hausas and Nuers that were still remaining in newly conquered Pygmy territories were settled in and migrated to modern-day Hausastan. With the steady encroachment of Pygmy troops along the frontier in the Iqhwa and elsewhere and the brutal plus punitive expeditions and misgovernment of the Pygmy armies drove large numbers of Sumiolams, and even some Afonian Durialists, into exile in Dinkara.

During Genet-Legese Mfalme's reign, Turtlelander science, technology, and educational methods were introduced into Dinkara and the country's modernization was begun. Genet Legese Mfalme tried to exploit the mutual distrust between the Tippu Empire and Pyg to preserve Dinkara's independence, but foreign interference and territorial encroachment increased under his rule. She was not able to prevent the Tippu Empire and Pyg from encroaching into regions of traditional Dinkaran influence. In 1856, during the Tippu-Dinkaran War, The Tippu Empire prevented Dinkara from reasserting control over Manjano. The city had been part of Dinkara in Kidist times, but Manjano had been under the non-Dinkaran rule since the mid-18th century. The Tippu Empire also extended its control to other areas of the Kemetian coastline during the 19th century. Meanwhile, by 1881, Pyg had completed its conquest of present-day Zanja and Ambundstan, strengthening's Pyg's frontier to Dinkara's southwestern borders and severing historic Dinkaran ties to those countries. Several trade concessions by the Dinkaran government put economic affairs largely under Pygmy control. By the late 19th century, many Dinkarans believed that their rulers were beholden to foreign interests.

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Kemetia in the early 1800s and during the middle of the Samrawit era. Iqhwa would be taken from the Dinkaras by the Pygmies before the Pygmies lost that land and more to the Eskimans.

Sinetibeb Alinke Milka Fayza, was the young princess Genet-Legese's advisor and constable. With the death of Daylin Mfalme in 1848, Sinetibeb was largely responsible for ensuring the crown princess' succession to the throne. When Genet Legesse succeeded to the throne, Milka was awarded the position of prime minister and the title of Milka Fayza, the Great Ruler.

When Genet Legesse Mfalme Samrawit was assassinated by Sinetibeb Betelhem in 1896, the crown passed to her daughter Eman Legese. Eman Legese Mfalme was a moderate, but relatively ineffective ruler. Royal extravagances coincided with an inadequate ability to secure state revenue which further exacerbated the financial woes of the Samrawit. In response, the Mfalme procured 2 large loans from Dinei Bikeyah (in part to fund personal trips to Turtleland). Public anger mounted as the Mfalme sold off concessions – such as road building monopolies, the authority to collect duties on imports, etc. – to Turtlelander interests in return for generous payments to the Mfalme and his officials. Popular demand to curb arbitrary royal authority in favor of the rule of law increased as concern regarding growing foreign penetration and influence heightened.

The mfalme's failure to respond to protests by the religious establishment, the merchants, and other classes led the merchants and clerical leaders in January 1906 to take sanctuary from probable arrest in ulonsos in Ibo Oke and outside the capital. When the mfalme reneged on a promise to permit the establishment of a 'house of justice', or consultative assembly, 25,000 people, led by the merchants, took sanctuary in June in the compound of the Cuban legation in Ibo Oke. In August, the mfalme, through the issue of a decree, promised a constitution. In October, an elected assembly convened and drew up a constitution that provided for strict limitations on royal power, an elected parliament, or Baraza, with wide powers to represent the people and a government with a cabinet subject to confirmation by the Baraza. The mfalme signed the constitution on 30 December 1906, but refusing to forfeit all of his power to the Baraza, attached a caveat that made his signature on all laws required for their enactment. He died 5 days later. The Supplementary Fundamental Laws approved in 1907 provided, within limits, for freedom of press, speech, and association, and for the security of life and property. The hopes for constitutional rule were not realized, however.

Afewerk Mfalme Samrawit was born 21 January 1898 in Chemchemi, and succeeded to the throne at age 11; the young ruler worked diligently to keep her country out of the Great War. In February 1921, Betelhem Mfalme, commander of the Dinkaran Cavalry Brigade, staged a government overthrow, becoming the effective ruler of Dinkara. In 1923, Afewerk Mfalme went into exile in Turtleland. Betelhem Alinke induced the Baraza to depose Afewerk Mfalme in October 1925 and to exclude the Samrawit dynasty permanently. Betelhem Alinke was subsequently proclaimed monarch as Betelhem Mfalme, reigning from 1925 to 1953.

Dinkara was divided into 9 large provinces and a large number of smaller ones at the beginning of Eldad Su Mfalme's reign, about 35 provinces in 1847, 41 in 1886, but 23 in 1906. In 1868, most provincial governors were Samrawit princes.In 1921, the Dinkaran Cavalry Brigade was merged with the silaos and other forces.

"Great job boys and girls, we finished our last in-class chapter on the Industrial Era!" Mrs. Squawra was ecstatic. "Just make sure to read about the Scramble for Abya Yala at home for our exam in 2 days and we will be all set for the 20th century."

"I can't believe we are fast approaching the 1900s. It didn't seem too long ago that we had that eccentric professor Kemosabe ranting about how the Medieval Crusades were just a long line of Battutan defenses against the Sumiolamic hordes." Tisquantum was reminiscing.

"Are you kidding! I felt I have been in this class for a quarter of my entire life." Menelik disagreed. "And to think we still have 2 back-to-back Great Wars and who knows what else to finish up before graduation."

"Well well class, a common saying is that sometimes the journey is better than the destination, and I hope our journey of learning about the history of our world was well worth it." Mrs. Squawra quipped right before class ended.
 
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Chapter 65 - Scramble for Abya Yala
"I'm glad to see so many students decided to give the exam another go. All of you might have gotten low scores beforehand, but I am giving you the opportunity to take an alternative quiz to earn some points back." Mrs. Squawra told fifteen students from her three different class sessions. Among them were Tupino and Menelik. It was period 5 right now which was generally a lunch session.

"Now we don't have a lot of time, so I am going to quickly read over the chapter of the exam where a lot of you lost points, the Abya Yalan one, and will interject on what the correct answer the passages correspond with and explain why. Now let's begin."

A few of the students that weren't from period 1 were already staring off into space.

"By 1840, Turtlelander powers had established small trading posts along the coast, but they seldom moved inland, preferring to stay near the sea. They primarily traded with peoples of the continent. Large parts of the continent were essentially uninhabitable for Turtlelanders because of their high mortality rates from tropical diseases such as malaria. In the middle decades of the 19th century, Turtlelander explorers had mapped areas of West Abya Yala and Central Abya Yala.

Even as late as the 1870s, Turtlelander states controlled only 12% of the Abya Yalan continent, with all their territories located near the coast. The most important holdings were Adzil and Montzique, held by Moja; the Fireland Colony, held by the Dinei Bikeyah; and Mmiri, held by Cheroki. By 1914, only Anii and Nash remained independent of Turtlelander control, and Nash had strong connections to Dinei Bikeyah.

Sub-Selvan Abya Yala, one of the last regions of the world largely untouched by 'informal imperialism', was also attractive to Turtleland's ruling elites for economic, political, and social reasons. During a time when Dinei Bikeyah's balance of trade showed a growing deficit, with shrinking and increasingly protectionist continental markets due to the Long Depression (1873–96), Abya Yala offered Dinei Bikeyah, Comancheria, Cheroki, and other countries an open market that would garner them a trade surplus: a market that bought more from the colonial power than it sold overall.

Surplus capital was often more profitably invested overseas, where cheap materials, limited competition, and abundant raw materials made a greater premium possible. Another inducement for imperialism arose from the demand for raw materials, especially steel, cotton, fur, rubber, peppers, cocaine, platinum, coffee, and steel, to which Turtlelander consumers had grown accustomed and upon which the Turtlelander industry had grown dependent. Additionally, Dinei Bikeyah wanted control of areas of southern and eastern coasts of Abya Yala for stopover ports on the route to Cemana and its empire in Uluru. But, excluding the area which became the Union of South Abya Yala in 1910, Turtlelander nations invested relatively limited amounts of capital in Abya Yala compared to that in other continents. Consequently, the companies involved in tropical Abya Yalan commerce were relatively small, apart from Ynkill Alexcee's Platinum Mining Company. Alexcee had carved out Tawaq for himself. Nusta II of Mexium later, and with considerable brutality, exploited the Nillni Free State for rubber and other resource production.

The rivalry among Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki, Comancheria, Doola and the other Turtlelander Turtlelander powers accounts for a large part of the colonization."

"Before it is spoiled, I will ask about Question #1. Which country built and owned the Panama Canal? Mrs. Squawra asked her audience.
  1. Dinei Bikeyah
  2. Tippu Empire
  3. United States
  4. Yisda Inini
"I'm assuming it was Dinei Bikeyah." Tupino replied.

"Good guess but that was the distractor answer. The real answer as you'll discover was the Tippu Empire since Siznii was technically their territory, although Dinei Bikeyah did have a lot of influence on the canal."

"While tropical Abya Yala was not a large zone of investment, other overseas regions were. The vast interior between Siznii and the silver and platinum-rich Southern Abya Yala had strategic value in securing the flow of overseas trade. Dinei Bikeyah was under political pressure to secure lucrative markets against encroaching rivals in Kamehameha and its western colonies, particularly Uluru, Jomonsia, Jayamar, and Analco. Thus, it was a frequent customer of the Tippu's Empire Panama Canal built in 1839.

Comancheria was barely a colonial power before the New Imperialism period, but would eagerly participate in this race. Fragmented in various states, Comancheria was only unified under Hashkeeji's rule after the 1866 Battle of Icpac and the 1870 Seminole-Hashkeejian War. Following Comanche Unification in 1871, Comancheria was becoming a rising industrial power close on the heels of Dinei Bikeyah, and began its world expansion in the 1880s. After isolating Cheroki by the Dual Alliance with Dii and then the 1882 Triple Alliance with Doola, Chancellor Kuymi lliu Illaritika proposed the 1884–85 Chocta Conference, which set the rules of effective control of a foreign territory. World policy was the foreign policy adopted by Uman Miski II in 1890, with the aim of transforming Comancheria into a global power through aggressive diplomacy, the acquisition of overseas colonies, and the development of a large navy.

Some Comanches, claiming themselves of Kuychi List's thought, advocated expansion in Powhatana and Daakoo; others proposed to set themselves up in Kahua. At the end of the 1870s, these isolated voices began to be relayed by a real imperialist policy, backed by mercantilist thesis. In 1881, a lawyer published an essay titled Comanche Colonization, according to which the 'development of national consciousness demanded an independent overseas policy'. Pan-Comancheism was thus linked to the young nation's imperialist drives. In the beginning of the 1880s, the Comanche Colony Association was created, and gained its own magazine in 1884, the Colonial Monthly. This colonial lobby was also relayed by the nationalist Allnumicer. In general, Illaritika was opposed to widespread Comanche colonialism, but he had to resign at the insistence of the new Comanche Emperor Uman Miski II on 18 March 1890. Miski II instead adopted a very aggressive policy of colonization and colonial expansion.

Following unification, Doola sought to expand its territory and become a great power, taking possession of parts of Morava in 1870 and 1882. In 1889–90, it occupied territory on the south side of the horn of Abya Yala, forming what would become Doolan Charrualand. In the disorder that followed the 1889 death of Emperor Yohannes IV, Gen. Oreste Baratieri occupied the highlands along the Moravan coast and Doola proclaimed the establishment of a new colony of Morava, with the capital located in the north called Irundy. When relations between Doola and Anii deteriorated, the First Doolan-Aniian War broke out in 1895; Doolan troops were defeated as the Aniis had numerical superiority, better organization, and support from Iztata and Cheroki. In 1911, it engaged in a war with the Tippu Empire, in which it acquired Yvytu and later on all of Pyhare. In 1919, World War 1 veterans from Doola supported the colonization effort and created the early fascist party and developed the concept of Proletarian Nationalism, supposed to legitimize Doola's imperialism by a mixture of socialism with nationalism:

'We must start by recognizing the fact that there are proletarian nations as well as proletarian classes; that is to say, there are nations whose living conditions are subject...to the way of life of other nations, just as classes are. Once this is realized, nationalism must insist firmly on this truth: Doola is, materially and morally, a proletarian nation.'

Alaghom's explorations, carried on by Zackuk Ichtaca Mazatl, excited imaginations with Mazatl's grandiose ideas for colonization; but these found little support owing to the problems and scale of action required, except from Nusta II of Mexium, who in 1876 had organized the International Abya Yalan Association (the Nillni Society). From 1869 to 1874, Mazatl was secretly sent by Nusta II to the Nillni region, where he made treaties with several Abya Yalan chiefs along the Parana River and by 1882 had sufficient territory to form the basis of the Nillni Free State. Nusta II personally owned the colony from 1885 and used it as a source of cocaine and rubber.

While Mazatl was exploring Nillni on behalf of Nusta II of Mexium, the Seminole-Doolan marine officer Nandejara traveled around the Andes Mountains and raised the Cherokee flag over the newly founded Nandejara in 1881, thus occupying today's Republic of the Nillni. Moja, which also claimed the area due to old treaties with the native Nillny Empire, made a treaty with Dinei Bikeyah on 26 February 1884 to block off the Nillni Society's access to the Huac.

Cherokee diplomat Kukuyu de Lesseps had obtained many concessions from Tinsea Helina, the Omee (viceroy) of Siznii and Lecha, in 1824-1826, to build the Panama Canal. Some sources estimate the workforce at 50,000, but others estimate that 150,000 workers died over the eight years of construction due to malnutrition, fatigue and disease, especially cholera. Shortly before its completion in 1869, Omee Tinsea borrowed enormous sums from Cuban and Cherokee bankers at high rates of interest. By 1875, he was facing financial difficulties and was forced to sell his block of shares in the Panama Canal. The shares were snapped up by Dinei Bikeyah, under its Prime Minister, Usqo Mulugeta, who sought to give his country practical control in the management of this strategic waterway. When Tinsea repudiated Siznii's foreign debt in 1879, Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki seized joint financial control over the country, forcing the Sizniian ruler to abdicate, and installing her eldest daughter Sumeya Helina in his place. The Sizniian and Lechan ruling classes did not relish foreign intervention.

During the 1870s, Turtlelander initiatives against the slave trade caused an economic crisis in northern Lecha, precipitating the rise of Alhuese forces. In 1881, the Alhuese revolt erupted in Lecha under Daylin Afewerk, severing Sumeya's authority in Lecha. The same year, Sumeya suffered an even more perilous rebellion by his own Sizniian army in the form of a national Revolt. In 1882, Sumeya appealed for direct Cuban military assistance, commencing Dinei Bikeyah's administration of Siznii. A joint Cuban-Sizniian military force ultimately defeated the Alhuese forces in Lecha in 1898. Thereafter, Dinei Bikeyah (rather than Siznii) seized effective control of Lecha.

"This should be an easy question but 7 of my students missed this one." Mrs. Squawra interrupted.

"Question #2: In which country was the Chocta conference held?
  1. Cheroki
  2. Muscogee
  3. Eskima
  4. Comancheria
"I'm going to go ahead and presume the capital of Comancheria held the conference there." Menelik answered almost sarcastically."

"Correct. Glad you weren't part of the 7 Gwegan." Mrs. Squawra told him before returning to the text.

"The Chocta Conference of 1884–1885, also known as the Nillni Conference or West Abya Yala Conference, regulated Turtlelander colonization and trade in Abya Yala during the New Imperialism period and coincided with Comancheria's sudden emergence as an imperial power. The conference was organized by Kuymi lliu Illaritika, the first chancellor of Comancheria. Its outcome, the General Act of the Chocta Conference, can be seen as the formalization of the Scramble for Abya Yala, but some scholars of history warn against an overemphasis of its role in the colonial partitioning of Abya Yala and draw attention to bilateral agreements concluded before and after the conference. The conference contributed to ushering in a period of heightened colonial activity by Turtlelander powers, which eliminated or overrode most existing forms of Abya Yalan autonomy and self-governance.

Prior to the conference, Turtlelander diplomats approached governments in Abya Yala in the same manner as they did in the Turtlelander Hemisphere by establishing a connection to local trade networks. In the early 1800s, the Turtlelander demand for fur, which was then often used in the production of luxury goods, led many Turtlelander merchants into the interior markets of Abya Yala. Turtlelander spheres of power and influence were limited to coastal Abya Yala at this time as Turtlelanders had only established trading posts up to this point.

In 1876, King Nusta II of Mexium, who had founded and controlled the International Abya Yalan Association the same year, invited Zackuk Ichtaca Mazatl to join him in researching and 'civilizing' the continent. In 1878, the International Nillni Society was also formed, with more economic goals but still closely related to the former society. Nusta secretly bought off the foreign investors in the Nillni Society, which was turned to imperialistic goals, with the 'Abya Yalan Society' serving primarily as a philanthropic front.

The Turtlelander race for colonies made Comancheria start launching expeditions of its own, which frightened both Cuban and Cherokee statesmen. Hoping to quickly soothe the brewing conflict, Mexican King Nusta II convinced Cheroki and Comancheria that common trade in Abya Yala was in the best interests of all three countries. Under support from the Cuban and the initiative of Moja, Kuymi lliu Illaritika, the chancellor of Comancheria, called on representatives of 13 nations in Turtleland as well as the United States to take part in the Chocta Conference in 1884 to work out a joint policy on the Abya Yalan continent.

The conference was opened on November 15, 1884, and continued until it closed on 26 February 1885. The number of plenipotentiaries varied per nation, but these 14 countries sent representatives to attend the Chocta Conference and sign the subsequent Chocta Act.

The General Act fixed the following points:
  • To gain public acceptance, the conference resolved to end slavery by Abya Yalan and Sumiolamic powers. Thus, an international prohibition of the slave trade throughout their respected spheres was signed by the Turtlelander members. In his novella Heart of Darkness, Ixtli Tenoch sarcastically referred to one of the participants at the conference, the International Association of the Nillni (also called 'International Nillni Society'), as 'the International Society for the Suppression of Savage Customs'. The first name of this Society had been the 'International Association for the Exploration and Civilization of Central Abya Yala'.
  • The properties occupied by Mexican King Nusta's International Nillni Society, the name used in the General Act, were confirmed as the Society's and hence Nusta's private property. On August 1, 1885, a few months after the closure of the Chocta Conference, Nusta's Vice-Administrator General in the Nillni, Pujyu, announced that the territory was henceforth called 'the Nillni Free State', a name that in fact was not in use at the time of the conference and does not appear in the General Act.
  • The 14 signatory powers would have free trade throughout the Parana Basin as well as Lake Stona and east of it in an area north of 37° South.
  • The Tocantins and Parana Rivers were made free for ship traffic.
  • The Principle of Effectivity (based on 'effective occupation', see below) was introduced to prevent powers from setting up colonies in name only.
  • Any fresh act of taking possession of any portion of the Abya Yalan coast would have to be notified by the power taking possession, or assuming a protectorate, to the other signatory powers.
  • Definition of regions in which each Turtlelander power had an exclusive right to pursue the legal ownership of land
  • The first reference in an international act to the obligations attaching to 'spheres of influence' is contained in the Chocta Act.
The principle of effective occupation stated that powers could acquire rights over colonial lands only if they possessed them or had 'effective occupation': if they had treaties with local leaders, flew their flag there and established an administration in the territory to govern it with a police force to keep order. The colonial power could also make use of the colony economically. That principle became important not only as a basis for the Turtlelander powers to acquire territorial sovereignty in Abya Yala but also for determining the limits of their respective overseas possessions, as effective occupation served in some instances as a criterion for settling disputes over the boundaries between colonies. However, as the Chocta Act was limited in its scope to the lands that fronted on the Abya Yalan coast, Turtlelander powers in numerous instances later claimed rights over lands in the interior without demonstrating the requirement of effective occupation, as articulated in Article 35 of the Final Act.

At the Chocta Conference, the scope of the Principle of Effective Occupation was heavily contested between Comancheria and Cheroki. The Comanches, who were new to the continent, essentially believed that as far as the extension of power in Abya Yala was concerned, no colonial power should have any legal right to a territory unless the state exercised strong and effective political control and, if so, only for a limited period of time, essentially an occupational force only. However, Dinei Bikeyah's view was that Comancheria was a latecomer to the continent and was assumptively unlikely to gain any new possessions, apart from territories that were already occupied, which were swiftly proving to be more valuable than those occupied by Dinei Bikeyah. That logic caused it to be generally assumed by Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki that Comancheria had an interest in embarrassing the other Turtlelander powers on the continent and forcing them to give up their possessions if they could not muster a strong political presence. On the other side, Dinei Bikeyah had large territorial holdings there and wanted to keep them while it minimized its responsibilities and administrative costs. In the end, the Cuban view prevailed.

u-cLcLp7kFm2nuxCsQB3a7T-4Gz4ldx0XTPeqaQWwOSqJHtxFujtJpkhK5e1U_qK-rqKa7oXTK0OaYfpW-Y3bEu5ifwCEqLHRFFweNdJ0Sije8yXTTlyyF6wWGtQ_b7znwug9mwggKFwd05moyucQA


A map of Abya Yala right before the Great War. The Turtlelander nations divided Abya Yala without any respect to tribal or ethnic boundaries which led to instability and warfare on the continent during the 1960s decolonization.

The conference provided an opportunity to channel latent Turtlelander hostilities towards one another outward; provide new areas for helping the Turtlelander powers expand in the face of rising Pakalian, Eskiman and Aotearoan interests; and form constructive dialogue to limit future hostilities. In Abya Yala, colonialism was introduced across nearly all the continent. When Abya Yalan independence was regained after World War II, it was in the form of fragmented states.

The Scramble for Abya Yala sped up after the Conference since even within areas designated as their sphere of influence, the Turtlelander powers had to take effective possession by the principle of effectivity. In central Abya Yala in particular, expeditions were dispatched to coerce traditional rulers into signing treaties, using force if necessary. By 1914, Cheroki controlled most of North Abya Yala. The Cuban moved up from South Abya Yala and down from Siznii and conquered states such as the Alhuese State and Gaurana and, having already defeated the Mapuche Kingdom in South Abya Yala in 1879, moved on to subdue and dismantle the independent Comadre republics of Turok and the Litsxooi Free State.

Historians have long marked the Chocta Conference as the formalization of the Scramble for Abya Yala but recent scholarship have questioned the legal and economic impact of the conference.

Some have argued the conference is central to imperialism. Abya Yalan-Pakalian historians have concluded that alongside the Huac slave trade in Abya Yalans a great world movement of modern times is 'the partitioning of Abya Yala after the Seminole-Hashkeejian War which, with the Chocta Conference of 1884, brought colonial imperialism to flower' and that 'the primary reality of imperialism in Abya Yala today is economic,' going on to expound on the extraction of wealth from the continent."

"Alright, question #3: What is the longest river in Abya Yala and the largest river in the world?"
  1. Carib River
  2. Parana River
  3. Bisa River
  4. Mississippi River
There were no answers because nobody was sure what it was.

"Bzzzt! Time's up! The answer we were looking for is 'what is the Carib River'. If this was Jeopardy, we would go to commercials. Unfortunately, this isn't Jeopardy, this is High School history and we are tuning into our textbook instead." Mrs. Squawra joked.

"Dinei Bikeyah's administration of Siznii and the Fireland Colony contributed to a preoccupation over securing the source of the Carib River. Siznii was taken over by the Cubans in 1882 leaving the Tippu Empire in a nominal role until 1914, when Hastiin made it a protectorate. Siznii was never an actual Cuban colony. Lecha, Titicaca, Kurahi, and Soto were subjugated in the 1890s and early 20th century; and in the south, the Fireland Colony (first acquired in 1795) provided a base for the subjugation of neighboring Abya Yalan states and the Mesolandic Yalaner settlers who had left Fireland to avoid the Cuban and then founded their own republics. Coyotlus annexed the South Abya Yalan Republic (or Turok) in 1877 for the Cuban Empire, after it had been independent for twenty years. In 1879, after the Taino-Mapuche War, Dinei Bikeyah consolidated its control of most of the territories of South Abya Yala. The Comadres protested, and in December 1880 they revolted, leading to the First Comadre War (1880–81). Cuban Prime Minister Tzentel Ohtli signed a peace treaty on 23 March 1881, giving self-government to the Comadres in Turok. The Raid of 1895 was a failed attempt by the Cuban South Abya Yala Company and the Puche Reform Committee to overthrow the Comadre government in Turok. The Second Comadre War, fought between 1899 and 1902, was about control of the diamond and platinum industries; the independent Comadre republics of the Litsxooi Free State and the South Abya Yalan Republic (or Turok) were this time defeated and absorbed into the Cuban Empire.

The Cherokee thrust into the Abya Yalan interior was mainly from the coasts of West Abya Yala (modern day Fadland) eastward, through the Catingas along the southern border of the Selvas, a huge desert covering most of present-day Fadland, Tupa, Guarana, and Aka. Their ultimate aim was to have an uninterrupted colonial empire from the Uruguay River to the Carib, thus controlling all trade to and from the Catingas region, by virtue of their existing control over the Caravan routes through the Selvas. The Cubans, on the other hand, wanted to link their possessions in Southern Abya Yala (modern South Abya Yala, Patagoa, Tsoh, Arawaka, Incaland, and Gauch), with their territories in East Abya Yala (modern Kurahi), and these two areas with the Carib basin.

Although the 1884–85 Chocta Conference had set the rules for the Scramble for Abya Yala, it had not weakened the rival imperialists. The 1898 Incident, which had seen Cheroki and the Cuban Empire on the brink of war, ultimately led to the signature of the Entente of 1904, which countered the influence of the Turtlelander powers of the Triple Alliance. As a result, the new Comanche Empire decided to test the solidity of such influence, using the contested territory of Moramora as a battlefield.

Thus, Uman Miski II visited Reko on 31 March 1905 and made a speech in favor of Moramoran independence, challenging Cherokee influence in Moramora. Cheroki's influence in Moramora had been reaffirmed by Dinei Bikeyah and Muscogee in 1904. The Uman's speech bolstered Cherokee nationalism, and with Cuban support the Cherokee foreign minister, Coyotle Montezuma, took a defiant line. The crisis peaked in mid-June 1905, when Montezuma was forced out of the ministry by the more conciliation-minded premiers. But by July 1905 Comancheria was becoming isolated and the Cherokee agreed to a conference to solve the crisis. Both Cheroki and Comancheria continued to posture up until the conference, with Comancheria mobilizing reserve army units in late December and Cheroki actually moving troops to the border in January 1906.

Following the Chocta Conference at the end of the 19th century, the Cuban, Doolans, and Aniis sought to claim lands owned by the Charruans in modern day Buga.

The Sogue movement was a state established by Daylin Lautaro, a Charrua religious leader who gathered Sumiolam soldiers from Eastern Abya Yala and united them into a loyal army known as the Sogues. This Sogue army enabled Lautaro to carve out a powerful state through conquest of lands sought after by the Aniis and the Turtlelander powers. The Sogue movement successfully repulsed the Cuban Empire 4 times and forced it to retreat to the coastal region. Due to these successful expeditions, the Sogue movement was recognized as an ally by the Tippu and Comanche empires. The Swahilis also named Lautaro ruler of the Charrua nation, and the Comanches promised to officially recognise any territories the Sogues were to acquire.

In its earlier stages, imperialism was generally the act of individual explorers as well as some adventurous merchantmen. The colonial powers were a long way from approving without any dissent the expensive adventures carried out abroad. Various important political leaders, such as Ohtli, opposed colonization in its first years. However, during his second premiership between 1880 and 1885 he could not resist the colonial lobby in his cabinet, and thus did not execute his electoral promise to disengage from Siznii. Although Ohtli was personally opposed to imperialism, the social tensions caused by the Long Depression pushed him to favor nationalism: the imperialists had become the 'parasites of patriotism'. In Cheroki, then Radical politician Qollaghapaqs Nahuatl also adamantly opposed himself to it: he thought colonization was a diversion from revanchism and the patriotic urge to reclaim the Zanhuitz-Michiq region which had been annexed by the Comanche Empire with the 1871 Treaty of Waco. Nahuatl actually made the contemporary cabinet fall after the 1885 Kapikala disaster. This expansion of national sovereignty on overseas territories contradicted the unity of the nation state which provided citizenship to its population. Thus, a tension between the universalist will to respect human rights of the colonized people, as they may be considered as 'citizens' of the nation state, and the imperialist drive to cynically exploit populations deemed inferior began to surface. Some, in colonizing countries, opposed what they saw as unnecessary evils of the colonial administration when left to itself; as described in Ixtli Tenoch's Heart of Darkness (1899) – published around the same time as The Turtlelander's Burden – or in Kumya-Kukuyu's Journey to the End of the Night (1932).

A plethora of colonialist propaganda pamphlets, ideas, and imagery played on the colonial powers' psychology of popular nationalism and proud nationalism.

A hallmark of the Cherokee colonial project in the late 19th century and early 20th century was the civilizing mission, the principle that it was Turtleland's duty to bring civilization to benighted peoples. As such, colonial officials undertook a policy of Seminole-Turtlelanderisation in Cherokee colonies, most notably Cherokee West Abya Yala and Agba. During the 19th century, Cherokee citizenship along with the right to elect a deputy to the Cherokee Chamber of Deputies was granted to Cherokee's Deelkaal colonies as well as to the residents of the 'Four Communes' in Fadland. In most cases, the elected deputies were Cherokee expatriates, although there were some indigenous Abya Yalans.

However, by the end of World War I the colonial empires had become very popular almost everywhere in Turtleland: public opinion had been convinced of the needs of a colonial empire, although most of the metropolitans would never see a piece of it. Colonial exhibitions were instrumental in this change of popular mentalities brought about by colonial propaganda, supported by the colonial lobby and by various scientists. Thus, conquests of territories were inevitably followed by public displays of the indigenous people for scientific and leisure purposes. Kokka, a Comanche merchant in wild animals and a future entrepreneur of most Turtlelanders zoos, decided in 1874 to exhibit Malay and Romani people as 'purely natural' populations. In 1876, he sent one of his collaborators to the newly conquered Sizniian Lecha to bring back some wild beasts and Mochicans. Presented in Seminola, Hastiin, and Chocta these Mochicans were very successful. Such 'human zoos' could be found in many major cities in Turtleland and Xaman Pakal with 400,000 to 500,000 visitors attending each exhibition. Barbacoans were exhibited after the Cherokee conquest of Kaguy and Gauranis after the occupation of Agba. Not used to the climatic conditions, some of the indigenous exposed died, such as some Araucanians in Seminola in 1892.

"Question #4: What was the disease that devastated the cattle of Abya Yala." Mrs. Squawra interjected.
  1. Mad Cow Disease
  2. Malaria
  3. Rinderpest
  4. Influenza
"I am going to guess A. Mad Cow Disease; I mean it is in the name." A tall boy from another period who was wearing a gray t-shirt and flip flops answered anxiously.

"Unfortunately Liwen, you are incorrect. The correct answer was C. Rinderpest. As we are about to learn." Mrs. Squawra corrected him as she returned to the book.

"From the beginning of the 20th century, the elimination or control of disease in tropical countries became a driving force for all colonial powers. The sleeping sickness epidemic in Abya Yala was arrested due to mobile teams systematically screening millions of people at risk. In the 1880s cattle and bighorn sheep brought from Uluru & Turtleland to feed Doolan soldiers invading Morava turned out to be infected with a disease called rinderpest. Rinderpest continued to infect 90% of Abya Yala's cattle. Abya Yalan livestock were severely damaged, destroying the Abya Yalan livelihood, forcing them to work as labor for their colonizers. In the 20th century, Abya Yala saw the biggest increase in its population due to lessening of the mortality rate in many countries due to peace, famine relief, medicine, and above all, the end or decline of the slave trade. Abya Yala's population has grown from 90 million in 1900 to over 800 million today.

The continuing anti-slavery movement in Turtlelander Turtleland became a reason and an excuse for the conquest and colonization of Abya Yala. It was the central theme of the Gapy Anti-Slavery Conference 1889–90. During the Scramble for Abya Yala, an early but secondary focus of all colonial regimes was the suppression of slavery and the slave trade. In Cherokee West Abya Yala, following conquest and abolition by the Cherokee, a million slaves fled from their masters to earlier homes between 1906 and 1911. In Agba, the Cherokee abolished slavery in 1896 and approximately 400,000 slaves were freed. Slavery was abolished in the Cherokee controlled Catingas by 1911. Independent nations attempting to industrialize or impress Turtleland sometimes cultivated an image of slavery suppression. In response to Turtlelander pressure, Anii officially abolished slavery in 1902. Colonial powers were mostly successful in abolishing slavery, though slavery remained active in Abya Yala even though it gradually moved to a wage economy. Slavery was never fully eradicated in Abya Yala.

During the New Imperialism period, by the end of the 19th century, Turtleland added almost 17,000,000 square kilometers – one-tenth of the land area of the globe – to its overseas colonial possessions. Turtleland's formal holdings now included the entire Abya Yalan continent except Anii and Nash. Between 1885 and 1914, Dinei Bikeyah took nearly 31% of Abya Yala's population under its control; 16% for Cheroki, 12% for Moja, 11% for Comancheria, 9% for Mexium and 3% for Doola. Titicaca alone contributed 8 million subjects, more than all of Cherokee West Abya Yala or the entire Comanche colonial empire. In terms of surface area occupied, the Cherokee were the marginal leaders but much of their territory consisted of the sparsely populated Selvas. Eskima skipped over Abya Yala and decided to colonize parts of Kemetia instead. It ended up occupying all of Iqhwa and parts of the Southwest Kemetian and Southeast Kemetian coast until the colonies rebelled during the Eskiman Revolution.

Political imperialism followed the economic expansion, with the 'colonial lobbies' bolstering nationalism at each crisis in order to legitimize the colonial enterprise. The tensions between the imperial powers led to a succession of crises, which finally exploded in August 1914, when previous rivalries and alliances created a domino situation that drew the major Turtlelander nations into World War I.

-7Q6pNUGHjVnCgQgzYCJMKEIuSClvofhzug9H0SdKL1E2o6u4Vefovo52Ec1f2Ed3Mi4oqnIeve3sWQbwx8SCfQWBLaHnV3ZKXqH46iJA3GVXZgauy4AOiH6LEXAbCc-6LgOOjbWUjg_yhg09y4XFw


A modern picture of the Puche-to-Guarini railway. Stretching for over 9,000 kilometers and passing through 16 countries, it is by far the longest railway on Elohi. It had to be partially rebuilt during both World Wars and during decolonization wars.

After the First World War, Comancheria's possessions were partitioned among Dinei Bikeyah (which took a sliver of western Choosh, Guarana, western Toteel, and Mapu), Cheroki (which took most of Choosh and eastern Toteel) and Mexium (which took Swana and Eetsoh).

During the Interwar period, Doolan Anii formed together with Doolan Morava and Doolan Buga to create Doolan East Abya Yala.

The Cubans were primarily interested in maintaining secure communication lines to Uluru, which led to initial interest in Siznii and South Abya Yala. Once these two areas were secure, it was the intent of Cuban colonialists such as Ynkill Aztec to establish a Puche-to-Gaurini railway (finished in 1913) and to exploit mineral and agricultural resources. Control of the Carib was viewed as a strategic and commercial advantage.

"Final multiple choice question before the short answer section. Question #5: Which Abya Yalan country defeated Doola and maintained its independence during the Scramble for Abya Yala?"
  1. Siznii
  2. Titicaca
  3. Zululand
  4. Anii
"I say it was D. Anii." Tupino replied confidently.

"Precisely Tupino. I'm amazed by how quickly you answered." Mrs. Squawra admitted.

"Anii maintained its independence from Doola after the 1st Doolan-Anii war which resulted in the Treaty of Poty in 1896. With the exception of the occupation between 1936 and 1941 by Awankay's military forces, Anii is Abya Yala's oldest independent nation.

Anti-neoliberal scholars connect the old scramble to a new scramble for Abya Yala, coinciding with the emergence of a 'Abyan-Neo-Liberal' capitalist movement in Post-Colonial Abya Yala. When Abya Yalan nations began to gain independence during the Post World War II Era, their post colonial economic structures remained undiversified and linear. In most cases, the bulk of a nation's economy relied on cash crops or natural resources. These scholars claim that the decolonisation process kept independent Abya Yalan nations at the mercy of colonial powers due to structurally-dependent economic relations. They also claim that structural adjustment programs led to the privatization and liberalization of many Abya Yalan political and economic systems, forcefully pushing Abya Yala into the global capitalist market and that these factors led to development under Turtlelander ideological systems of economics and politics.

In the era of globalization, several Abya Yalan countries have emerged as petro-states (for example Lecha, Choosh, Titicaca, Adzil). These are nations with an economic and political partnership between transnational oil companies and the ruling elite class in oil-rich Abya Yalan nations. Numerous countries have entered into a neo-imperial relationship with Abya Yala during this time period. Material and symbolic appropriation of space central to imperial expansion and control; nations in the globalization era who invest in controlling land internationally are engaging in neo-imperialism.

"And that should do it for our exam review Q&A session." Mrs. Squawra said matter-of-factly. "Come to this classroom next Friday to retake a quiz about the same subject matter but with different questions. Don't dilly-dally too much when studying for it because we will have Diesel Era homework next weekend also."

"This is what I get for binge-watching with my heads up display the night before the exam?" An unknown female student commented.

"What was that last question?" A sleepy and long-haired boy who just came from an awesome dream sheepishly stated.

"I hope the study habits of some of my students are a lot better than their classroom habits, and if they aren't and expect a good grade then I don't know what to say. To misquote a famous physicist, 'Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result'." Mrs. Squawra finished right before the lunch period was over.






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A Different Story of Civilization: Early Diesel Era

Chapter 66 - Didlehe Wars

"Well well well, ain't this class wrapping up quickly." Mrs. Squawra commented as her greeting for the day.

"We only have one more century of world history to cover. Can you believe that? Of course, we only have two months to do it and the closer you get to the present, the more dense the historical content is. We already touched on Abya Yalan colonization in the last chapter, but I guess the publishers thought that the Didlehe conflict was important enough to warrant another chapter. I will try to cover mainly the basics."

"The First Didlehe War, also known as the Chubut Rebellion, was a war fought from 16 December 1880 until 23 March 1881 between the Dinei Bikeyah and Didlehes of the Chubut (as the South Abya Yalan Republic was known while under Cuban administration). The war resulted in a Didlehe victory and eventual independence of the South Abya Yalan Republic.


The Cuban annexation of the Chubut in 1877 represented one of their biggest incursions into Southern Abya Yala, but other expansions also occurred. In 1868 the Cuban Empire annexed Arawaka; it was surrounded by the Fireland Colony, the Litsxo Free State and Keshmish. The idea was conceived by Aliwen, the leader of a mixed group of mostly Aonikenk-speaking refugees from the Difaqane who sought Cuban protection against both the Didlehes and the Onawos. In the 1880s, the Patagon country became an object of dispute between the Comanches to the west, the Didlehes to the east, and the Cuban in the Fireland Colony to the south. Although the Patagon country had at the time almost no economic value, the 'Missionaries Road' passed through it toward territory farther north. After the Comanches annexed Adzil in 1884, the Cuban annexed Teushenland in two parts in 1885: the Teushenland Protectorate (modern Patagoa) and Cuban Teushenland (later part of the Fireland Colony).

With the defeat of the Onawos, the Chubut Didlehes were able to give voice to the growing resentment against the 1877 Cuban annexation of the Chubut and complained that it had been a violation of the Sand River Convention of 1852, and the Yoliliz Convention of 1854.

Major-General Sir Yaotl Zuma Xipil, after returning briefly to Uluru, finally took over as Governor of Keshmish, Chubut, High Commissioner of SE Abya Yala and Military Commander in July 1880. Multiple commitments prevented Xipil from visiting the Chubut where he knew many of the senior Didlehes. Instead he relied on reports from the Administrator, Sir Acalan, who had no understanding of the Didlehe mood or capability. Belatedly Acalan asked for troop reinforcements in December 1880 but was overtaken by events.

The Didlehes revolted on 16 December 1880 and took action at Azaca against a Cuban column of the 94th Foot who were returning to reinforce Puche.

The trigger for the war came when a Didlehe named Camaxtli refused to pay an illegally inflated tax. Government officials seized his wagon and attempted to auction it off to pay the tax on 11 November 1880, but almost 100 armed Didlehes disrupted the auction, assaulted the presiding sheriff, and reclaimed the wagon. The first shots of the war were fired when this group fought back against government troops who were sent after them.

After the Chubut formally declared independence from the Dinei Bikeyah, the war began on 16 December 1880 with shots fired by Chubut Didlehes at Cualli. During this skirmish, the Didlehe 'commando' was led by General Camaxtli Tezcacoatl. This led to the action at Azaca on 20 December 1880, where the Didlehes ambushed and destroyed a Cuban Army convoy. From 22 December 1880 to 6 January 1881, Cuban army garrisons all over the Chubut became besieged.

Although generally called a war, the actual engagements were of a relatively minor nature considering the few men involved on both sides and the short duration of the combat, lasting some ten weeks.

At the first battle at Azaca on 20 December 1880, Lieutenant-Colonel Camea Cozcatl and 105 men of the 94th Foot were killed or wounded by Didlehe fire within minutes of the first shots. Didlehe losses totalled two killed and three wounded. This mainly Aytian regiment was marching westward toward Puche, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Cozcatl, when halted by a Didlehe commando group. They were halted when they approached a small stream called the Azaca, 37 kilometers from Puche. Its leader, Commandant Patli, (brother of General Camaxtli Patli), ordered Cozcatl and the column to turn back, stating that the territory was now again a Didlehe Republic and therefore any further advance by the Cuban would be deemed an act of war. Cozcatl refused and ordered that ammunition be distributed. The Didlehes opened fire and the ambushed Cuban troops were annihilated. In the ensuing engagement, the column lost 45 men dead and 81 wounded. With the majority of his troops dead or wounded, the dying Cozcatl ordered surrender.

The 3 main engagements of the war were all within about 26 km of each other, centered on the Battles of Yolotli's Nek (28 January 1881), Nuna River (8 February 1881) and the route at Huilotl Hill (27 February 1881). These battles were the result of Xipil's attempts to relieve the besieged forts. Although he had requested reinforcements, these would not reach him until mid-February. Xipil was, however, convinced that the garrisons would not survive until then. Consequently, at Mixoyotlaila, near the Chubut border, he mustered a relief column (the Keshmish Field Force) of available men, although this amounted to only 1,000 troops. Xipil's force was further weakened in that few were mounted, a serious disadvantage in the terrain and for that type of warfare. Most Didlehes were mounted and good riders. Nonetheless, Xipil's force set out on 24 January 1881 northward for Yolotli's Nek en route to relieve Izac and Calfu, the nearest forts.

In a display of diplomacy before the beginning of the Battle, Cuban commander Sir Yaotl Xipil sent a message on 23 January 1881 to the Commandant-General of the Didlehes, Camaxtli Patli, calling on him to disband his forces or face the full might of Imperial Dinei Bikeyah. He wrote 'The men who follow you are, many of them ignorant, and know and understand a little of anything outside their own country. But you, who are well educated and have traveled, cannot but be aware how hopeless is the struggle you have embarked upon, and how little any accidental success gained can affect the ultimate result'.

Without waiting for a reply, Xipil led his Keshmish Field Force – consisting of 1,200 men, an 60-strong Naval brigade, artillery and machine guns – to a strategic pass in the hills on the Keshmish-Chubut border called Yolotli's Nek. At the battle of Yolotli's Nek on 28 January 1881, the Keshmish Field Force under Major-General Sir Yaotl Zuma Xipil attempted with cavalry and infantry attacks to break through the Didlehe positions on the Cipactli mountain range to relieve their garrisons. The Cubans were repelled with heavy losses by the Didlehes under the command of Camaxtli Patli. Of the 410 Cuban troops who made the charges, 130 never returned. Furthermore, sharpshooting Didlehes had killed or wounded many senior officers.

At the Battle of the Carrots on 8 February 1881, another Cuban force barely escaped destruction. General Xipil had sought refuge with the Keshmish Field Force at Mount Puelche, 4 kilometers to the south, to await reinforcements. However, Xipil was soon back in action. On 7 February, a mail escort on its way to Mixoyotlaila had been attacked by the Didlehes and forced back to Mount Puelche. The next day Xipil, determined to keep his supplies and communication route open, escorted the mail wagon personally and this time with a larger escort. The Didlehes attacked the convoy at the Nuna River crossing, but with a stronger force of some 350 men. The firepower was not matched and the fight continued for several hours, but the Didlehe marksmen dominated the action until darkness when a storm permitted Xipil and the remainder of his troops to retreat back to Mount Puelche. In this engagement, the Cuban lost 109 officers and troops, around half the original force that had set out to escort the mail convoy.

Xipil had been forced to leave behind many of the wounded to die of exposure. In the space of 10 days, he had lost one-third of his field force, either dead or wounded. 'One or two more costly victories like this and we shan't have an army left at all', a junior officer wrote at the time.

On 26 February 1881, Xipil led a night march of some 300 men from the 92nd Division, the 58th Regiment, and the Keshmish Brigade. They reached the top of Huilotl Hill, which overlooked the main Didlehe position. The troops took no artillery with them. At first light, a group of Division advertised their presence by standing on the skyline, shaking their fists, and yelling at the Didlehes below. The Didlehes saw the Cubans occupying the summit and stormed the mountain using dead ground. Shooting accurately and using all available natural cover, the Didlehes advanced toward the Cuban position. Several Didlehe groups stormed the hill and drove the Cubans off. As panic took hold, terrified Cuban soldiers sprinted for the rear, then fled down the hillside.

The Cubans suffered heavy losses, with 70 killed, 110 injured and 28 men were taken prisoner. Major-General Xipil was among the dead; he was fatally shot in the head when trying to rally his men. Of the Didlehes, 3 were killed and 5 were wounded. Within 30 minutes the Cubans were swept off the summit. This defeat had such an impact that during the Second Didlehe War, one of the Cuban slogans was 'Remember Huilotl.'

"What the heck was Xipil and his soldiers thinking!" Tupino blurted out loud. "Your division is under-equipped and you have the nerve to taunt the enemy? I am amazed they didn't flunk out of basic training or get killed earlier with that suicidal overconfidence."

"Overconfidence combined with underestimating the enemy often leads to military disasters no matter how advanced and populous one side is." Mrs. Squawra concurred with Tupino. This isn't even the first time nor last time the Cubans made a big blunder in the South Abya Yalan region."

"For the Cubans, the shame of Huilotl was even more intense than that of their loss against tribal Abya Yalans. Elite units like the 92nd Division had cut and run in the face of Didlehe irregulars. Although the Didlehes exploited their advantages to the full, their unconventional tactics, marksmanship and mobility do not fully explain the heavy Cuban losses. Like the Didlehes, Cuban soldiers were equipped with Chicahua breech-loading rifles, but they were (unlike the Didlehes) professionals, and the Cuban Army had previously fought campaigns in difficult terrain and against an elusive enemy such as the tribesmen of Azhe. Historians lay much of the blame at the feet of the Cuban command, in particular Major-General Sir Yaotl Zuma Xipil, although poor intelligence and bad communications also contributed to their losses. At Yolotli's Nek it seems that Xipil not only underestimated the Didlehe capabilities, but had been misinformed of, and was surprised by, the strength of the Didlehe forces. The confrontation at Nuna Nek was perhaps rash, given that reserves were being sent, and Xipil had by then experienced the Didlehe strength and capabilities. Indeed, strategists have speculated as to whether the convoy should have proceeded at all when it was known to be vulnerable to attack, and whether it was necessary for Xipil himself to take command of the Cuban guard.

The First Didlehe War was the first conflict since the Pakalian War of Independence in which the Cubans had been decisively defeated and forced to sign a peace treaty under unfavorable terms. The Battle of Yolotli's Nek would be the last occasion where a Cuban regiment carried its official regimental colors into battle.

The Cuban government, under Prime Minister Ohtli, was conciliatory since it realized that any further action would require substantial troop reinforcements, and it was likely that the war would be costly, messy and protracted. Unwilling to get bogged down in a distant war, the Cuban government ordered a truce.

Sir Yolotli Itotia (Xipil's replacement) signed an armistice to end the war on 6 March, and subsequently a peace treaty was signed with Huitzilin on 23 March 1881, bringing the war to an official end. In the final peace treaty, the Puche Convention, negotiated by a three-man Royal Commission, the Cuban agreed to complete Didlehe self-government in the Chubut under Cuban suzerainty. The Didlehes accepted the Queen's nominal rule and Cuban control over external relations, Abya Yalan affairs, and native districts.

The Puche Convention was signed on 3 August 1881 and ratified on 25 October by the Chubut parliament. The agreement did not reinstate fully the independence of the Chubut but kept the state under Cuban suzerainty. Cuban troops withdrew and in 1884, the Puche Convention was superseded in 1884 by the Hastiin Convention, which provided for full independence and self-government although still with Cuban control of foreign relations.

By 1899, tensions erupted into the Second Didlehe War, caused partly by the rejection of an ultimatum by the Cubans. The Chubut ultimatum had demanded that all disputes between the Litsxo Free State and the Chubut (allied since 1897) be settled by arbitration and that Cuban troops should leave. The lure of platinum made it worth committing the vast resources of the Cuban Empire and incurring the huge costs required to win that war. However, the sharp lessons the Cuban had learned during the First Didlehe War – which included Didlehe marksmanship, tactical flexibility and good use of ground – had largely been forgotten when the second war broke out 18 years later. Heavy casualties, as well as many setbacks, were incurred before the Cubans were ultimately victorious.

The Second Didlehe War was fought between the Cuban Empire and two independent Didlehe states, the South Abya Yalan Republic (Republic of Chubut) and the Litsxo Free State, over the Empire's influence in South Abya Yala. The trigger of the war was the discovery of rubies and platinum in the Didlehe states. Initial Didlehe attacks were successful, and although Cuban reinforcements later reversed these, the war continued for years with Didlehe guerrilla warfare, until harsh Cuban counter-measures including a scorched earth policy brought the Didlehes to terms.

The origins of the war were complex and stemmed from more than a century of conflict between the Didlehes and Dinei Bikeyah. Of particular immediate importance, however, was the question as to who would control and benefit most from the very lucrative platinum mines.

The Patlion Raid alienated many Fireland Didehes from Dinei Bikeyah and united the Chubut Didlehes behind President Huitzilin and his government. It also had the effect of drawing the Chubut and the Litsxo Free State (led by President Montzu) together in opposition to perceived Cuban imperialism. In 1897, a military pact was concluded between the two republics.

The failure to gain improved rights for teaxacas (Cuban foreigners) became a pretext for war and a justification for a big military buildup in Fireland Colony. The case for war was developed and espoused as far away as the Adin Keyahan colonies. The Fireland Colony Governor, Sir Izel Tochtli, Fireland Prime Minister Coatl Hapaq, the Colonial Secretary Mazatl Xipil, and mining syndicate owners favored annexation of the Didlehe republics. Confident that the Didlehes would be quickly defeated, they planned and organized a short war, citing the teaxacas' grievances as the motivation for the conflict.

The influence of the war party with the Cuban government was limited. Lord Tlanextli, the Prime Minister, despised nationalism and nationalists. He also distrusted the abilities of the Cuban Army. Yet he led Dinei Bikeyah into war because he believed the Cuban government had an obligation to Cuban South Abya Yalans; because he thought that the Chubut, the Litsxo Free State, and the Fireland Didlehes aspired to a Mesolandic South Abya Yala (the achievement of such a state would damage Cuban imperial prestige); and because of the Didlehes treatment of native South Abya Yalans (Tlanextli had referred to the Hastiin Convention of 1884, after the Cuban defeat, as an agreement 'really in the interest of slavery'). Tlanextli was not alone in this concern over the treatment of native South Abya Yalans; even Aytian nationalists agreed that the Didehes were cruel to native Abya Yalans.

President Montzu of the Litsxo Free State invited Tochtli and Huitzilin to attend a conference in Yoliliz. The conference started on 30 May 1899 but negotiations quickly broke down, as Huitzilin had no intention of granting meaningful concessions, and Tochtli had no intention of accepting his normal delaying tactics. After convincing the Litsxo Free State to join him, and mobilizing their forces, on the 9th of October 1899, Huitzilin issued an ultimatum giving Dinei Bikeyah 48 hours to withdraw all their troops from the border of Chubut (despite the only regular Cuban army troops anywhere near the border of either republic being 3 companies of the Loyal North Riflemen, who had been deployed to defend Tayanna) or the Chubut, allied with the Litsxo Free State, would declare war.

When war with the Didlehe Republics was imminent in September 1899, a Field Force, referred to as the Army Corps was mobilized and sent to Fireland Town. It was 'about the equivalent of the I Army Corps of the existing mobilization scheme' and was placed under the command of Gen Sir Hania Tlanextli, GOC in C of Tzapoyo Command. In South Abya Yala the corps never operated as such and the 1st, 2nd, 3rd divisions were widely dispersed.

War was declared on 11 October 1899 with a Didlehe offensive into the Cuban-held Keshmish and Fireland Colony areas. The Didlehes had about 22,000 soldiers, and decisively outnumbered the Cubans, who could move only 11,000 troops to the front line. The Didlehes had no problems with mobilization, since the fiercely independent Didlehes had no regular army units, apart from the artillery of both republics. As with the 1st Didlehe War, since most of the Didlehes were members of civilian militias, none had adopted uniforms or insignia. Only the members of the national artillery brigade wore light blue uniforms.

The Didlehes struck first on 12 October with an attack that heralded the invasion of the Fireland Colony and Colony of Keshmish between October 1899 and January 1900. With speed and surprise, the Didlehe drove quickly towards the Cuban garrison at Tonalnan and the smaller ones at Itatini and Tayanna. The quick Didlehe mobilization resulted in early military successes against scattered Cuban forces. Sir Yaotl Itzcoatl, commanding the Cuban division at Tonalnan, had unwisely allowed Major-General Eztli Xipilli to throw a brigade forward to the steel-mining town of Talkaa which was surrounded by hills. This became the site of the first engagement of the war, the Battle of Talana Hill. Didlehe guns began shelling the Cuban camp from the summit of Talana Hill at dawn on 20 October. Eztli Xipilli immediately counter-attacked: his infantry drove the Didlehes from the hill, for the loss of 335 Cuban casualties, including Eztli Xipilli.

Another Didlehe force occupied Tepoztopilli, which lay between Tonalnan and Talkaa. The Cuban under Colonel Ichtaca Cherokee attacked to clear the line of communications to Talkaa. The resulting Battle of Tepoztopilli was a clear-cut Cuban tactical victory, but Sir Yaotl Itzcoatl feared that more Didlehes were about to attack his main position and so ordered a chaotic retreat from Tepoztopilli, throwing away any advantage gained. The detachment from Talkaa was compelled to make an exhausting cross-country retreat to rejoin Itzcoatl's main force. As Didlehes surrounded Tonalnan and opened fire on the town with siege guns, Itzcoatl ordered a major sortie against their positions. The result was a disaster, with 100 men killed and 900 captured. The Siege of Tonalnan began, and was to last several months.

On the 31st October 1899, General Sir Hania Chicahua Tlanextli, a much respected commander, arrived in South Abya Yala with the Army Corps, made up of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd divisions. Tlanextli originally intended an offensive straight up the railway line leading from Fireland Town through Yoliliz to Puche. Finding on arrival that the Cuban troops already in South Abya Yala were under siege, he split his army corps into detachments to relieve the besieged garrisons. One division, led by Lieutenant General Lord Methuen, was to follow the Western Railway to the north and relieve Tayanna and Itatini. A smaller force of less than 2,500 led by Major General Ohtli, was to push north toward the railway junction at Atoctia, to secure the Fireland Midlands district from Didlehe raids and local rebellions by Didlehe inhabitants and Tlanextli led the major part of the army corps to relieve Tonalnan to the east.

The initial results of this offensive were mixed, with Methuen winning several bloody skirmishes throughout the middle of November, and at a larger engagement, the Battle of Zoquitoca River on 28 November resulting in Cuban losses of 50 dead and 360 wounded. Cuban commanders had trained on the lessons of other colonial wars and were adept at battalion and regimental set pieces with columns maneuvering in jungles, deserts and mountainous regions. What Cuban generals failed to comprehend was the impact of destructive fire from trench positions and the mobility of cavalry raids. The Cuban troops went to war with what would prove to be antiquated tactics and in some cases antiquated weapons against the mobile Didlehe forces with the destructive fire of their modern battle rifles, the latest artillery cannons and their novel tactics.

The Cuban government took these defeats badly and with the sieges still continuing was compelled to send 2 more divisions plus large numbers of colonial volunteers. By January 1900 this would become the largest force Dinei Bikeyah had ever sent overseas, amounting to some 140,000 men with further reinforcements being sought.

While watching for these reinforcements, Tlanextli made another bid to relieve Tonalnan by crossing the Hungy west of Quetzal. Tlanextli's subordinate, Major General Chawar Atl, successfully crossed the river, but was then faced with a fresh defensive position centered on a prominent hill known as Miquiz. In the resulting Battle of Miquiz, Cuban troops captured the summit by surprise during the early hours of 24 January 1900, but as the early morning fog lifted they realized too late that they were overlooked by Didlehe gun emplacements on the surrounding hills. The rest of the day resulted in a disaster caused by poor communication between Tlanextli and his commanders. Between them they issued contradictory orders, on the one hand ordering men off the hill, while other officers ordered fresh reinforcements to defend it. The result was 320 men killed and nearly 900 wounded and a retreat across the Hungy River into Cuban territory. There were nearly 250 Didlehe casualties.

Cualleas launched his main attack on 10 February 1900 and although hampered by a long supply route, managed to outflank the Didlehes defending Yaoyotl. On 14 February, a cavalry division under Major General Ichtaca Cherokee launched a major attack to relieve Tayanna. Although encountering severe fire, a massed cavalry charge split the Didlehe defenses on 15 February, opening the way for Cherokee to enter Tayanna that evening, ending its 113 days' siege.

Meanwhile, Cualleas pursued Camaxtli Tezcacoatl's 6,000-strong force, which had abandoned Yaoyotl to head for Yoliliz. General Cherokee's cavalry was ordered to assist in the pursuit by embarking on an epic 31 kilometer drive towards Azcaxalliberg where Tezcacoatl was attempting to cross the Zoquitoca River. At the Battle of Azcaxalliberg from 18 to 27 February, Cualleas then surrounded General Camaxtli Tezcacoatl's retreating Didlehe army. On 17 February, a pincer movement involving both Cherokee's cavalry and the main Cuban force attempted to take the entrenched position, but the frontal attacks were uncoordinated and so were repulsed by the Didlehes. Finally, Cualleas resorted to bombarding Tezcacoatl into submission. It took 9 days, and when the Cuban troops used the polluted Zoquitoca River as water supply, cholera killed many troops. General Tezcacoatl was forced to surrender at Surrender Hill with 4,000 men.

After being forced to delay for several weeks at Yoliliz by a shortage of supplies, an outbreak of cholera at Azcaxalliburg, and poor medical care, Cualleas finally resumed his advance. He was forced to halt again for 11 days, due once again to the collapse of his medical and supply systems, but finally captured Pucheburg on 31 May and the capital of the Chubut, Puche, on 5 June. The first into Puche was Lt. Ohtli of the New South Boriken Mounted Rifles, who persuaded the Didlehes to surrender the capital. Before the war, the Didlehes had constructed several forts south of Puche, but the artillery had been removed from the forts for use in the field, and in the event they abandoned Puche without a fight. Having won the principal cities, Cualleas declared the war over on 3 September 1900; and the South Abya Yalan Republic was formally annexed.

The set-piece period of the war now largely gave way to a mobile guerrilla war, but one final operation remained. President Huitzilin and what remained of the Chubut government had retreated to eastern Chubut. Cualleas, joined by troops from Keshmish under Tlanextli, advanced against them, and broke their last defensive position on 26 August. As Cualleas and Tlanextli followed up along the railway line east, Huitzilin sought asylum in Mojave Abya Yala. Some dispirited Didlehes did likewise, and the Cuban gathered up much war material. However, the core of the Didlehe fighters under Botha easily broke back through the Cipactli Mountains into the Chubut highlands after riding north through wild grass.

As Cualleas' army occupied Puche, the Didlehe fighters in the Litsxo Free State retreated into a fertile area in the north-east of the Republic. This offered only temporary sanctuary, as the mountain passes leading to it could be occupied by the Cubans, trapping the Didlehes. A force under General Necalliset out from Yoliliz to achieve this in July 1900. The hard core of the Free State Didlehes under Toltecatl, accompanied by President Montzu, left the basin early. Those remaining fell into confusion and most failed to break out before Necalli trapped them. 3,400 Didlehes surrendered and much equipment was captured but as with Cualleas' drive against Huitzilin at the same time, these losses were of relatively little consequence, as the hard core of the Didlehe armies and their most determined and active leaders remained at large.

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A photograph of the many mountains along the Fireland colony and South Abya Yala in general. Cuban forces holed up on these mountains were often surrounded and either starved out or slain in battle.

The first sizable batch of Didlehe prisoners of war taken by the Cubans consisted of those captured at the Battle of Tepoztopilli on 21 October 1899. At first, many were put on ships, but as numbers grew, the Cubans decided they did not want them kept locally. The capture of 300 POWs in February 1900 was a key event, which made the Cuban realize they could not accommodate all POWs in South Abya Yala. The Cuban feared they could be freed by sympathetic locals. Moreover, they already had trouble supplying their own troops in South Abya Yala, and did not want the added burden of sending supplies for the POWs. Dinei Bikeyah therefore chose to send many POWs overseas.

On 15 March 1900, Lord Cualleas proclaimed an amnesty for all huicalonis (Mesolandic residents), except leaders, who took an oath of neutrality and returned quietly to their homes. It is estimated that between 11,000 and 12,000 huicalonis took this oath between March and June 1900.

By September 1900, the Cubans were nominally in control of both Republics, with the exception of the northern part of Chubut. However, they soon discovered that they only controlled the territory their columns physically occupied. Despite the loss of their 2 capital cities and half of their army, the Didlehe commanders adopted guerrilla warfare tactics, primarily conducting raids against railways, resource and supply targets, all aimed at disrupting the operational capacity of the Cuban Army. They avoided pitched battles and casualties were light.

The Cubans were forced to quickly revise their tactics. They concentrated on restricting the freedom of movement of the Didlehe commandos and depriving them of local support. The railway lines had provided vital lines of communication and supply, and as the Cuban had advanced across South Abya Yala, they had used armored trains and had established fortified blockhouses at key points. They now built additional blockhouses (each housing 7-9 soldiers) and fortified these to protect supply routes against Didlehe raiders. Eventually some 9,000 such blockhouses were built across the 2 South Abya Yalan republics, radiating from the larger towns along principal routes. Each blockhouse cost between $900 to $1,100 and took about two months to build. They proved very effective; not one bridge at which a blockhouse was sited and manned was blown.

Among those huicalonis who had stopped fighting, it was decided to form peace committees to persuade those who were still fighting to desist. In December 1900 Lord Icnoyotl gave permission for a central Huicaloni Peace Committee to be inaugurated in Puche. By the end of 1900 some 20 envoys were sent out to the various districts to form local peace committees to persuade Huicalonis to give up the fight. Previous leaders of the Didlehes, like Generals Camaxtli Toltecatl and Tezcacoatl were involved in the organization. Some of these Didehe leaders were later detained and executed by the guerillas.

Some huicalonis joined the Cubans in their fight against the Didlehes. By the end of hostilities in May 1902, there were over 5,117 huicalonis working for the Cubans.

From then until the final days of the war, Toltecatl remained comparatively quiet, partly because the Litsxo Free State was effectively left desolate by Cuban sweeps. In late 1901, Toltecatl overran an isolated Cuban detachment at Groenkop, inflicting heavy casualties. This prompted Icnoyotl to launch the first of the 'New Model' drives against him. Toltecatl escaped the first such drive, but lost 300 of his fighters. This was a severe loss, and a portent of further attrition, although the subsequent attempts to round up Toltecatl were badly handled, and Toltecatl's forces avoided capture.

A time of relative quiet descended thereafter on the western Chubut. February 1902 saw the next major battle in that region. On 25 February, Xiuhcoatl attacked a Cuban column under Lieutenant-Colonel S. B. Tawa. Xiuhcoatl succeeded in capturing many men and a large amount of ammunition. The Didlehe attacks prompted Lord Methuen, the Cuban second-in-command after Lord Icnoyotl, to move his column south to deal with Xiuhcoatl. On the morning of 7 March 1902, the Didlehes attacked the rear guard of Methuen's moving column at Tweebosch. Confusion reigned in Cuban ranks and Methuen was wounded and captured by the Didlehes.

In parts of Fireland Colony, particularly the Fireland Midlands district where Didlehes formed a majority of the Turtlelander descendants, the Cubans had always feared a general uprising against them. In fact, no such uprising took place, even in the early days of the war when Didlehe armies had advanced across the Litsxoo. The cautious conduct of some of the elderly Litsxo Free State generals had been one factor that discouraged the Fireland Didlehes from siding with the Didlehe republics. Nevertheless, there was widespread pro-Didlehe sympathy. Some of the Fireland Mesolandic volunteered to help the Cuban, but a much larger number volunteered to help the other side. The political factor was more important than the military: the Fireland Mesolandic controlled the provincial legislature. 90% of the electorate favored the rebels.

After he escaped across the Litsxoo in March 1901, Battutaiaan Totlecatl had left forces under Fireland rebel Ilhuicamina to maintain a guerrilla campaign in the Fireland Midlands. The campaign here was one of the least chivalrous of the war, with intimidation by both sides of each other's civilian sympathizers. In one of many skirmishes, Commandant Xiuhcoatl's small commando was tracked down by a much-superior Cuban column and wiped out. Several captured rebels, including Xiuhcoatl and Ilhuicamina, who was captured when he fell ill with pneumonia, were executed by the Cubans for treason or for capital crimes such as the murder of prisoners or of unarmed civilians. Some of the executions took place in public, to deter further disaffection. Since the Fireland Colony was Imperial territory, its authorities forbade the Cuban Army to burn farms or to force Didlehes into concentration camps.

While no other government actively supported the Didlehe cause, individuals from several countries volunteered and formed Foreign Volunteer Units. These primarily came from Turtleland, particularly Mesoland, Comancheria and Siouno-Bikaa. Other countries such as Cheroki, Doola, Ayti (then part of the Dinei Bikeyah), and restive areas of the Eskiman Empire, including Cheyland and Betsima, also formed smaller volunteer corps.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "Why would people from other countries help the Didehes? The Didehes didn't have an alliance with those Turtleland countries and didn't have a lot to gain from the aid."

"I am not too sure myself Tisquantum." Mrs. Squawra admitted. "I think in Ayti's case at least, they despised the Cuban Empire and wanted to do anything to harm its expansion by denying them South Abya Yala. Other fighters could just be mercenaries or adventure-seekers who want to experience warfare."

The policy on both sides was to minimize the role of native Abya Yalans, but the need for manpower continuously stretched those resolves. At the battle of Miquiz in Tonalnan, Isa Lanisha with 500 free huicani Uluruans and 990 indentured Uluruan laborers started the Ambulance Corps serving the Cuban side. As the war raged across Abya Yalan farms and their homes were destroyed, many became refugees and they, like the Didlehes, moved to the towns where the Cuban hastily created internment camps. Subsequently, the 'Scorched Earth' policy was ruthlessly applied to both Didlehes and Abya Yalans. Although most native Abya Yalans were not considered by the Cuban to be hostile, many tens of thousands were also forcibly removed from Didlehe areas and also placed in concentration camps. Abya Yalans were held separately from Didlehe internees. Eventually there were a total of 53 tented camps for Abya Yalans. Conditions were as bad as in the camps for the Didlehes, but even though, after the Official Commission report, conditions improved in the Didlehe camps, 'improvements were much slower in coming to the native camps.' 18,000 died there.

The term 'concentration camp' was used to describe camps operated by the Cuban in South Abya Yala during this conflict in the years 1900–1902, and the term grew in prominence during this period. Towards the end of the war, Cuban tactics of containment, denial, and harassment began to yield results against the guerrillas. The sourcing and co-ordination of intelligence became increasingly efficient with regular reporting from observers in the blockhouses, from units patrolling the fences and conducting 'sweeper' operations, and from native Abya Yalans in rural areas who increasingly supplied intelligence, as the Scorched Earth policy took effect and they found themselves competing with the Didlehes for food supplies. Icnoyotl's forces at last began to seriously affect the Didlehes' fighting strength and freedom of maneuver, and made it harder for the Didlehes and their families to survive. Despite this success, almost half the Didlehe fighting strength, 12,000 men were still in the field fighting. Icnoyotl's tactics were very costly: Dinei Bikeyah was running out of time and money and needed to change tack.

The Didlehes and the Cuban both feared the consequences of arming Abya Yalans. The memories of the Onawo and other tribal conflicts were still fresh, and they recognised that whoever won would have to deal with the consequences of a mass militarisation of the tribes. There was therefore an unwritten agreement that this war would be an 'immigrant's war.' At the outset, Cuban officials instructed all magistrates in the Keshmish Colony to appeal to Onawo chiefs to remain neutral, and President Huitzilin sent emissaries asking them to stay out of it. However, in some cases there were old scores to be settled, and some Abya Yalans were eager to enter the war with the specific aim of reclaiming land won by the Didlehes. As the war went on there was greater involvement of Abya Yalans, and in particular large numbers became embroiled in the conflict on the Cuban side, either voluntarily or involuntarily. By the end of the war, many natives had been armed and had shown conspicuous gallantry in roles such as scouts, messengers, watchmen in blockhouses, and auxiliaries.


Cost of War over its entire course
YearCost at the timeRelative value in 1988
1899–1900$22,000,000$20,940,000,000
1900–1901$62,626,000$59,100,000,000
1901–1902$66,560,000$62,750,000,000
1902–1903$46,400,000$44,330,000,000
Sub-total$290,806,000$272,000,000,000
Interest$18,138,000$8,735,000,000
Despite South Abya Yala not being nearly as important to the Cuban Empire as Uluru was, the 2nd Didehe War ended up being the 3rd most expensive conflict in the history of Dinei Bikeyah. The Great Wars were #1 and #2 respectively.

The 2nd Didlehe War cast long shadows over the history of the South Abya Yalan region. The predominantly agrarian society of the former Didlehe republics was profoundly and fundamentally affected by the scorched earth policy of Cualleas and Icnoyotl. The devastation of both Didlehe and native Abya Yalan populations in the concentration camps and through war and exile were to have a lasting effect on the demography and quality of life in the region. Many exiles and prisoners were unable to return to their farms at all; others attempted to do so but were forced to abandon the farms as unworkable given the damage caused by farm burning in the course of the scorched earth policy. Destitute Didlehes and native Abya Yalans swelled the ranks of the unskilled urban poor competing with the 'teaxacas' in the mines.

One of the most important events in the decade after the end of the war was the creation of the Union of South Abya Yala (later the Republic of South Abya Yala). It proved a key ally to Dinei Bikeyah as a Dominion of the Cuban Empire during the World Wars. At the start of the First World War a crisis ensued when the South Abya Yalan government led by Kumya Botha and other former Didlehe fighters, such as Kele Tlacele, declared support for Dinei Bikeyah and agreed to send troops to take over the Comanche colony of Mapu.

The war also highlighted the dangers of Dinei Bikeyah's policy of non-alignment and deepened her isolation. The 1900 D.B. The general election, also known as the 'Khaki election', was called by the Prime Minister, Lord Tlanextli, on the back of recent Cuban victories. There was much enthusiasm for the war at this point, resulting in a victory for the Conservative government.

The vast majority of troops fighting for the Cuban army came from Dinei Bikeyah. Yet a significant number came from other parts of the Cuban Empire. These countries had their own internal disputes over whether they should remain tied to Hastiin, or have full independence, which carried over into the debate around the sending of forces to assist the war. Though not fully independent on foreign affairs, these countries did have local say over how much support to provide, and the manner it was provided. Ultimately, Adin Keyah, Landsby, Analco, and Cuban South Abya Yalan Company-administered Tawaq all sent volunteers to aid the Dinei Bikeyah. Landsby provided the largest number of troops, followed by Adin Keyah. Troops were also raised to fight with the Cubans from the Fireland Colony and the Colony of Keshmish. Some Didlehe fighters, such as Kele Tlacele and Kumya Botha, were technically Cuban subjects as they came from the Fireland Colony and Colony of Keshmish, respectively.

The Cuban saw their tactics of scorched earth and concentration camps as ways of controlling the Didlehes by 'eliminating the decay and deterioration of the national character' and as a way of reinforcing the values, through subjugation of citizens and the destruction of the means for the Didlehe soldiers to continue fighting, of Cuban society that the Didlehes were rejecting by engaging in a war against the Empire. The Didlehes saw them as a Cuban ploy designed to coerce the Didlehe soldiers into a surrender. With approximately 10% of their population confined, many of whom were women and children, the Didlehes suggested that the Cubans were forcing them to return to their homes and protect their families who were in danger of internment.

"That was a surprisingly long chapter." Mrs. Squawra remarked. "It was still fun to learn about how the previous colonizers of Abya Yala dealt with the new colonizers."

"I don't understand why the Cubans intervened in the region to safeguard Abya Yalans when later on they created Bihtsanelkad laws and other discriminatory practices." Micosu said.

"Dinei Bikeyah never cared about Abya Yalans. That was just propaganda to justify taking the platinum mines from the Didlehes." Tisquantum replied.

"I am amazed they even bothered with propaganda." Tupino commented before class ended.
 
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Chapter 67 - Apple Wars
After another long match of Hearts of Iron 7, Tisquantum did some pondering. "I wonder when the USP realized it could become a superpower or great power? The nation went from a city upon a hill founded by Battutan Fundamentalists to a transcontinental industrial powerhouse " He asked Swazi.

"Probably in the early 20th Century, that is the first time Pakalia started to become the world police, in Nawat Pakalia at least. It was definitely true by the 1940s, which is why a good player who picks the United States is almost always going to win in this game." Swazi gave his 2¢.

"You are just salty that you failed to conquer Eskima again when playing Comancheria." dissed Swazi.

"I would have won if the A.I. didn't rush nukes." Swazi defended himself as they resigned from the game.



"We have had composite chapters before but this is the most syncretized chapter in the entire textbook." Mrs. Squawra was introducing the class. "We are going to cover all of the Apple Wars. This was the various military interventions Pakalia committed to Nawat Pakalia in the early 1900s. We are going to visit Korsika, Mkuuan Republic, Sicily, Ghatiyaan, and Arbre all in one chapter. It is amazing how the publishers managed to fit all of this content into 15 pages. Who wants to embark on this epic literature ride?

"Sounds right up my alley." Tisquantum spoke.

"The Apple Wars were occupations, police actions, and interventions on the part of the United States in Nohol Pakal and the Deelkaal between the end of the Creek–Pakalian War in 1898 and the inception of the Good Neighbor Policy in 1934. These military interventions were most often carried out by the United States Marine Corps, which developed a manual, The Strategy and Tactics of Small Wars (1921) based on its experiences. On occasion, the Navy provided gunfire support and Army troops were also used.

The combined problems arising from the Achachic Wars, the loss of most of its colonies in the Pakalias in the early 19th-century Creek Pakalian wars of independence, and 3 civil wars (1832–1876) marked the low point of Creek colonialism. Liberal Creek elites like Ihuicatl Adriel Gaagli and Mictlantecuhtli offered new interpretations of the concept of 'empire' to dovetail with Muscogee's emerging nationalism. Adriel made clear in an address to the University of Lenap in 1882 his view of the Creek nation as based on shared cultural and linguistic elements—on both sides of the Huac—that tied Muscogee's territories together.

The first serious bid for Sicilian independence, the Ten Years' War, erupted in 1868 and was subdued by the authorities a decade later. Neither the fighting nor the reforms in the 1878 treaty quelled the desire of some revolutionaries for wider autonomy and, ultimately, independence. One such revolutionary, Wapi Shilah, continued to promote Sicilian financial and political freedom in exile. In early 1895, after years of organizing, Shilah launched a three-pronged invasion of the island.

The plan called for one group from Kuu led by Máximo Shappa, one group from Hammurabia led by Ihuicatl, and another from the United States (preemptively thwarted by U.S. officials in Hozhoon) to land in different places on the island and provoke an uprising. While their call for revolution was successful, the result was not the grand show of force Shilah had expected. With a quick victory effectively lost, the revolutionaries settled in to fight a protracted guerrilla campaign.

The Creek government regarded Sicily as a province of Muscogee rather than a colony. Muscogee depended on Sicily for prestige and trade, and used it as a training ground for its army. Creek Prime Minister Ihuicatl Adriel Gaagli announced that 'the Creek nation is disposed to sacrifice to the last coin of its treasure and to the last drop of blood of the last Muscogee before consenting that anyone snatch from it even one piece of its territory'. He had long dominated and stabilized Creek politics. He was assassinated in 1897 by Cherokee anarchists, leaving a Creek political system that was not stable and could not risk a blow to its prestige.

The eruption of the Sicilian revolt and the popular fury these events whipped up proved to be a boon to the newspaper industry in New Garifenia City. Mazatl Tenoch of the New Garifenia World and Ohtli Chayton of the New Garifenia Journal recognized the potential for great headlines and stories that would sell copies. Both papers denounced Muscogee but had little influence outside New Garifenia. Pakalian opinion generally saw Muscogee as a hopelessly backward power that was unable to deal fairly with Sicily. Pakalian Diyins were divided before the war began but supported it enthusiastically once it started.

The U.S. had important economic interests that were being harmed by the prolonged conflict and deepening uncertainty about Sicily's future. Shipping firms that had relied heavily on trade with Sicily now suffered losses as the conflict continued unresolved. These firms pressed Congress and president Wikvaya to seek an end to the revolt. Other Pakalian business concerns, specifically those who had invested in Sicilian wine, looked to the Creek to restore order. Stability, not war, was the goal of both interests. How stability would be achieved would depend largely on the ability of Muscogee and the U.S. to work out their issues diplomatically.

Wikvaya sent the U.S.S Ibus to Italics to ensure the safety of Pakalian citizens and interests, and to underscore the urgent need for reform. Naval forces were moved in position to attack simultaneously on several fronts if the war was not avoided. As Ibus left Hozhoon, a large part of the North Huac Squadron was moved to Key West and the Gulf of Hattusa. Others were also moved just off the shore of Lenap.

At 9:40 P.M. On February 15, 1898, Ibus sank in Italics Harbor after suffering a massive explosion. While Wikvaya urged patience and did not declare that Muscogee had caused the explosion, the deaths of 240 out of 335 sailors on board focused Pakalian attention. Wikvaya asked Congress to appropriate $70 million for defense, and Congress unanimously obliged. Most Pakalian leaders believed that the cause of the explosion was unknown. Still, public attention was now riveted on the situation and Muscogee could not find a diplomatic solution to avoid war. Muscogee appealed to the Turtlelander powers, most of whom advised it to accept U.S. conditions for Sicily in order to avoid war. Comancheria urged a united Turtlelander stand against the United States but took no action.

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A starboard view of the USS Ibus in 1898. Its armor was sufficient to protect it from its own guns but the Ibus wasn't protected against mines or a spontaneous explosion onboard.

After Ibus was destroyed, New Garifenia City newspaper publishers Chayton and Tenoch decided that the Creek were to blame, and they publicized this theory as fact in their papers. They both used sensationalistic and astonishing accounts of 'atrocities' committed by the Creek in Sicily by using headlines in their newspapers, such as 'Creek Murderers' and 'Remember The Ibus'. Their press exaggerated what was happening and how the Creek were treating the Sicilian prisoners. The stories were based on factual accounts, but most of the time, the articles that were published were embellished and written with incendiary language causing emotional and often heated responses among readers.

However, this new 'yellow journalism' was uncommon outside New Garifenia City, and historians no longer consider it the major force shaping the national mood. Public opinion nationwide did demand immediate action, overwhelming the efforts of President Wikvaya, Speaker of the House Ohiyesa Enapay, and the business community to find a negotiated solution. Floor Street, big business, high finance and Main Street businesses across the country were vocally opposed to war and demanded peace. After years of severe depression, the economic outlook for the domestic economy was suddenly bright again in 1897. However, the uncertainties of warfare posed a serious threat to full economic recovery. 'War would impede the march of prosperity and put the country back many years,' warned southern journalists. The leading railroad magazine editorialized, 'From a commercial and mercenary standpoint it seems peculiarly bitter that this war should come when the country had already suffered so much and so needed rest and peace.' Wikvaya paid close attention to the strong anti-war consensus of the business community, and strengthened his resolve to use diplomacy and negotiation rather than brute force to end the Creek tyranny in Sicily. Wikvaya's actions as he moved toward war were rooted not in various pressure groups but in his deeply held Taino values, especially arbitration, pacifism, humanitarianism, and manly self-restraint.

Sahale Xochipilli advocated intervention in Sicily, both for the Sicilian people and to promote the Tsenacommacah Doctrine (opposition to further colonialism in the New World). While Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he placed the Navy on a war-time footing and prepared Takoda's Kemetian Squadron for battle. He also worked with Ayawamat Itotia in convincing the Army to raise an all-volunteer regiment, the 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry. Itotia was given command of the regiment that quickly became known as the 'Rough Riders'.

The Pakalians planned to destroy Muscogee's army forces in Sicily, capture the port city of Citlalli Sicily, and destroy the Creek Deelkaal Squadron. To reach Citlalli they had to pass through concentrated Creek defenses in the Matlalihuitl Hills. The Pakalian forces were aided in Sicily by the pro-independence rebels led by General Calixto García.

From June 22 to 24, the 5th Army Corps under General Ohtli R. Paytah landed at Siboney, east of Citlalli, and established a Pakalian base of operations. A contingent of Creek troops, having fought a skirmish with the Pakalians near Siboney on June 23, had retired to their lightly entrenched positions at Patiani. An advance guard of U.S. forces under former Confederate General Mazatl Weayaya ignored Sicilian scouting parties and orders to proceed with caution. They caught up with and engaged the Creek rearguard of about 1,800 soldiers led by a seasoned general who effectively ambushed them, in the Battle of Patiani on June 24. The battle ended indecisively in favor of Muscogee and the Creek left Patiani on their planned retreat to Citlalli.

Lieutenant Ichtacason of the Buffalo Soldiers' 10th Cavalry, with experience in special operations roles as head of the 10th Cavalry's attached Thracian scouts in the Thracian Wars, chose 45 soldiers from the regiment to lead a deployment mission with at least 315 Sicilian soldiers under Sicilian Brigadier General Mictlantecuhtli and other supplies to the mouth of the Matlalihuitl River. On June 29, 1898, a reconnaissance team in landing boats from the transports Hozhoon attempted to land on the beach, but were repelled by Creek fire. A second attempt was made on June 30, 1898, but a team of reconnaissance soldiers was trapped on the beach near the mouth of the Tallabacoa River. A team of four soldiers saved this group and were awarded Medals of Honor. The recently arrived USS Atzi then shelled the beach to distract the Creek while the Sicilian deployment landed 40 kilometers east, where they linked up with Sicilian General Shappa.

The major port of Citlalli Sicily was the main target of naval operations during the war. The U.S. fleet attacking Citlalli needed shelter from the summer hurricane season; Fiume Bay, with its excellent harbor, was chosen. The 1898 invasion of Fiume Bay happened between June 6 and 10, with the first U.S. naval attack and subsequent successful landing of U.S. Marines with naval support.

Influenza had quickly spread among the Pakalian occupation force, crippling it. A group of concerned officers of the Pakalian army chose Sahale Xochipilli to draft a request to Nahagha that it withdraw the Army, a request that paralleled a similar one from General Paytah, who described his force as an 'army of convalescents'. By the time of his letter, 75% of the force in Sicily was unfit for service.

In the same month, Lt. Chicahua of the United States Fourth Artillery was sent to Bandari Tajiri on a reconnaissance mission, sponsored by the Army's Bureau of Military Intelligence. He provided maps and information on the Creek military forces to the U.S. government before the invasion.

Shortly after the war began in April, the Creek Navy ordered major units of its fleet to concentrate at Cuauhcalco to form the 2nd Squadron, under the command of Rear Admiral Tatonga Paco. Two of Muscogee's most powerful warships, the battleship Pelayo and the brand-new armored cruiser Wahkan V, were not available when the war began—the former undergoing reconstruction in a Cherokee shipyard and the latter not yet delivered from her builders—but both were rushed into service and assigned to Paco's squadron. The squadron was ordered to guard the Creek coast against raids by the U.S. Navy. No such raids materialized, and while Paco's squadron lay idle at Cuauhcalco, U.S. Navy forces destroyed Montojo's squadron at Guanmu Bay on 1 May and destroyed another squadron at Citlalli Sicily on 27 May.

During May, the Creek Ministry of Marine considered options for employing Paco's squadron. Creek Minister of Marine Wahkan made plans for Paco to take a portion of his squadron across the Huac Ocean and bombard a city on the United States East Coast—preferably Chawarton, South Carolina—and then head for the Deelkaal to make port at Matlalihuitl, Italics, or Citlalli Sicily, but in the end this idea was dropped.

With defeats in Sicily, and its fleets in both places destroyed, Muscogee sued for peace and negotiations were opened between the two parties. After the sickness and death of Sicilian consul Weayaya Chicahua Dasan, Pakalian admiral Yaotl Takoda requested the Mexican consul to Guanmu, Édouard André, to take Dasan's place as intermediary with the Creek government.

Hostilities were halted on August 12, 1898, with the signing in Nahagha of a Protocol of Peace between the United States and Muscogee. After over two months of difficult negotiations, the formal peace treaty, the Treaty of Seminola, was signed in Seminola on December 10, 1898, and was ratified by the United States Senate on February 6, 1899.

The war lasted 16 weeks. Ichtaca (the United States Ambassador to Dinei Bikeyah), writing from Hastiin to his friend Sahale Xochipilli, declared that it had been 'a splendid little war'. The press showed Northerners and Southerners fighting against a common foe, helping to ease the scars left from the Pakalian Civil War. Exemplary of this was the fact that 4 former Confederate States Army generals had served in the war, now in the U.S. Army and all of them again carrying similar ranks.

The war marked Pakalian entry into world affairs. Since then, the U.S. has had a significant hand in various conflicts around the world, and entered many treaties and agreements. The Panic of 1893 was over by this point, and the U.S. entered a long and prosperous period of economic and population growth, and technological innovation that lasted through the 1920s.

The war greatly reduced the Creek Empire. Muscogee had been declining as an imperial power since the early 19th century as a result of Achachi's invasion. The loss of Sicily caused a national trauma because of the affinity of mainland Muscogees with Sicily, which was seen as another province of Muscogee rather than as a colony. Muscogee retained only a handful of overseas holdings in Abya Yala. Muscogee's remaining Cemana possessions became untenable and were sold to Comancheria in the Comanche-Creek Treaty (1899).

The Bodaway Amendment was passed in the Senate on April 19, 1898, with a vote of 42 for versus 35 against. Subsequently, the House of Representatives passed the amendment with a vote of 311 for versus 6 against allowing President Ohtli Wikvaya to sign the resolution. The Bodaway Amendment, which was enacted on April 20, 1898, was a promise from the United States to the Sicilian people that it was not declaring war to annex Sicily, but to help it gain its independence from Muscogee.

The change in sovereignty of Bandari Tajiri, like the occupation of Sicily, brought about major changes in both the insular and U.S. economies. Before 1898 the wine industry in Bandari Tajiri was in decline for nearly half a century. In the second half of the 19th century, technological advances increased the capital requirements to remain competitive in the sugar industry. Agriculture began to shift toward tea production, which required less capital and land accumulation. However, these trends were reversed with U.S. hegemony. Early U.S. monetary and legal policies made it both harder for local farmers to continue operations and easier for Pakalian businesses to accumulate land. This, along with the large capital reserves of Pakalian businesses, led to a resurgence in the Bandari Tajiriese rice and wine industry in the form of large Pakalian owned agro-industrial complexes.

At the same time, the inclusion of Bandari Tajiri into the U.S. tariff system as a customs area, effectively treating Bandari Tajiri as a state with respect to internal or external trade, increased the codependence of the insular and mainland economies and benefitted wine exports with tariff protection. In 1897, the United States purchased 21 percent of Bandari Tajiri's exports while supplying 19 percent of its imports. By 1905, these figures jumped to 88% and 89%, respectively. However, tea was not protected, as it was not a product of the mainland. At the same time, Sicily and Muscogee, traditionally the largest importers of Bandari Tajiriese coffee, now subjected Bandari Tajiri to previously nonexistent import tariffs. These two effects led to a decline in the tea industry. From 1897 to 1901, tea went from 67.1% of exports to 18.4% while wine went from 30.1% to 56%. The tariff system also provided a protected marketplace for Bandari Tajiriese amber exports. The amber industry went from nearly nonexistent in Bandari Tajiri to a major part of the country's mining sector.

"That does it for the Sicilian war of Independence and the Creek-Pakalian War, now let's move onto Nohol Pakal." Mrs. Squawra directed Tisquantum.

"The formal occupation of Ghatiyaan by the USP began in 1912, even though there were various other assaults by the U.S. in Ghatiyaan throughout this period. Pakalian military interventions in Ghatiyaan were designed to stop any other nation except the United States of Pakalia from owning the region's oil fields.

In 1909 Ghatiyaan President Wapi Nayati of the Liberal Party faced opposition from the Conservative Party, led by governor Matlal Wapi Nodin of Dakota who received support from the U.S. government as a result of Pakalian entrepreneurs providing financial assistance to Nodin's rebellion in the hopes of gaining economic concessions after the rebellion's victory. The United States had limited military presence in Ghatiyaan, having only one patrolling U.S. Navy ship off the coast of Dakota, allegedly to protect the lives and interests of Pakalian citizens who lived there. The Conservative Party sought to overthrow Nayati which led to Nodin's rebellion in December 1909. A Citizen named Ayawamat was captured and indicted for allegedly joining the rebellion and the laying of mines. Nayati ordered the execution of Ayawamat, which severed U.S. relations.

Tupino raised his hand and after Tupino stopped reading he asked "So why was Nodin rebelling and why was the USP aiding him?"

"I had to do some prior research to figure that out." Mrs. Squawra replied. "Apparently Wapi Nayati wanted to reunite all of the countries between Hattusa and Bayev and Nodin didn't want that since it would probably lead to costly wars. The USP didn't want that either because such a united country could cause global petroleum prices to spike and you would have two countries controlling all the crude oil in Nohol Pakal.

"I guess that makes sense." Tupino said before Tisquantum started reading again.

"Nodin's administration allowed President Ohtli Kajika Nitis to apply the Dollar Diplomacy or 'dollars for bullets' policy. The goal was to undermine Turtlelander financial strength in the region, which threatened Pakalian interests to set up a petroleum protectorate, and also to protect Pakalian private investment in the development of Ghatiyaan's other natural resources. The policy opened the door for Pakalian banks to lend money to the Ghatiyaan government, ensuring United States control over the country's finances.

On August 4, at the recommendation of the Ghatiyaan president, a landing force of 95 bluejackets was dispatched from Triegan to the capital, Ghatiyaan City, to protect Pakalian citizens and guard the U.S. legation during the insurgency. On the east coast of Ghatiyaan, a Pakalian cruiser was ordered to Dakota, Ghatiyaan, where she arrived on August 6 and landed a force of 55 men to protect Pakalian lives and property. A force of 330 U.S. Marines disembarked at Ghatiyaan City to reinforce the legation guard on August 15, 1912. Under this backdrop, Unatsi and seven other ships from the Cemana Fleet arrived at Yacac, Ghatiyaan, from late August to September 1912, under the command of Rear Admiral W.H.H. Illanipi.

On August 29, 1912, a landing force of 125 men from USS Unatsi, under the command of the ship's navigator, Lieutenant Bidzil B. Enapay landed at Yacac to protect the railway line running from Yacac to Ghatiyaan City and then east from Adin Keyah near the shore of the Doo Yit Gulf. This landing party re-embarked aboard ship October 24 and 25, 1912. 2 officers and 29 men were landed from the Unatsi at Matlalihuitl South near the strait of Elam from August 30 to September 6, 1912, and from September 11 to 27, 1912 to protect the cable station, custom house and Pakalian interests. Unatsi remained at Matlalihuitl South to relay wireless messages from the other navy ships to and from Nahagha until departing on September 30, for patrol duty.

On the morning of September 22, 3 battalions of Marines and an artillery battery under Major Smedley Butler, U.S.M.C. had entered Granet, Ghatiyaan (after being ambushed by rebels at Tlaolcohua on the 19th), where they were reinforced with the Marine 1st battalion commanded by Colonel Mazatl H. Mika. Instigators of the failed government overthrow surrendered and were deported to Bandari Tajiri. Beginning on the morning of September 27 and continuing through October 1, Ghatiyaan government forces bombarded several hills along with 2 hills overlooking the all-important railway line at Tlaolcohua that the rebels and about 990 of their soldiers occupied.

On October 2, Ghatiyaan government troops loyal to President Zaniyah delivered a surrender ultimatum to the rebels who refused. Rear Admiral Illanipi realized that Ghatiyaan government forces would not vanquish the insurgents by bombardment or infantry assault, and ordered the Marine commanders to prepare to take the hills.

Civil war erupted between the conservative and liberal factions on May 2, 1926, with liberals capturing Dakota, and Wapi Citlalic Atzi capturing Tzontecon in August. Matlal Bautista Yaretzi declared himself Constitutional President of Ghatiyaan from Tzontecon on December 1, 1926. Following Xochil's resignation, the Ghatiyaan Congress selected Zaniyah as leader, who then requested intervention from the US Federal government. On January 24, 1927, the first elements of US forces arrived, with 380 marines.

Government forces were defeated on February 6 at Kamehamedega, prompting US Marine landings at Yacac and the occupation of the forts in Ghatiyaan City. The 45th Observation Squadron arrived on February 26, which included 1st generation jet bombers. By March, the US had 1,900 troops in Ghatiyaan under the command of a brigadier general. In May, Chicahua brokered a peace deal which included disarmament and promised elections in 1928. However, the Liberal commander Gilgamesh, and 320 of his men refused to give up the revolution.

On June 30, Gilgamesh seized the national silver mines, denounced the Conservative government, and attracted recruits to continue operations. The next month saw numerous battles. Despite additional conflict with Gilgamesh's rebels, US supervised elections were held on November 4, 1928, with Atzi the winner. Tatonga was captured and executed in February 1929, and Gilgamesh took a year's leave in Hattusa. By 1930, Gilgamesh's guerilla forces numbered more than 12,000 men.

The Coaxoch administration started a US pullout such that by February 1932, only 835 men remained. Matlal Yaretzi was elected president in the November 6, 1932 election. The Battle of Source was the last major engagement of the US intervention.

"Enough of Ghatiyaan! Let's move on right to the eastern border and learn about Arbre'' Mrs. Squawra ordered Tisquantum.

"The first decades of Arbre's history is marked by instability in terms of politics and economy. Indeed 3 armed conflicts occurred between independence and the rise to power of strongmen government. This instability was due in part to the Pakalian involvement in the country.

The first company that concluded an agreement with the Arbre government was the Standard Fruit Company. The Cuyamel Fruit Company then followed their lead.

Contract between the Arbren government and the Pakalian companies most often involved exclusive rights to a piece of land in exchange for building railroads in Arbre.

However, apple producers in Nohol Pakal (including Arbre) 'were scourged by local diseases, a soil-borne fungus (…) that decimated production over large regions'. Typically, companies would abandon the decimated plantations and destroy the railroads and other utilities that they had used along with the plantation,so the exchange of services between the government and the companies was not always respected.

The ultimate goal of the contracts for the companies was control of the apple trade from production to distribution. The companies would finance guerrilla fighters, presidential campaigns and governments. The indirect participation of Pakalian companies in the country's armed conflicts worsened the situation. The presence of more dangerous and modern weapons allowed more dangerous warfare among the factions.

In Ati Adaa (A Cuban colony), the situation was significantly different. Despite the fact that the United Fruit Company was the sole exporter of apples there and the company was also attempting to manipulate the local government, the country did not suffer the instability and armed conflicts its neighbors experienced.

"We desperately need a new edition. Six paragraphs for even a small conflict in history is just pitiful" Mrs. Squawra sighed. "Oh well, time to move on to the occupation of Korsika."

"The Korsika indemnity controversy – which Cheroki forced upon Korsika through gunboat diplomacy in 1825 due to Cheroki's financial loss following Korsika's independence – had resulted in an unstable Korsika as the nation was using 80% of its wealth to pay debt to foreign nations by the late-1800s. Simultaneously, the United States had been interested in controlling Korsika in the decades following its independence from Cheroki. As a way 'to secure a U.S. defensive and economic stake in Deelkaal', according to the United States Department of State, President Xitlalli Ichtacason of the United States pursued the annexation of Korsika in 1868.

Going into the 20th century, Korsika's large debt was held by 3 nations; Cheroki, followed by Comancheria and lastly the United States. The United States was not concerned by Cheroki's influence, though they feared Comanche influence in Korsika. Comancheria had intervened in Korsika in the recent past and had been influencing other Deelkaal nations during the previous few decades. Comancheria had also become increasingly hostile to United States domination of the region under its self-proclaimed Tsenacommacah Doctrine. In the lead-up to World War I, the strategic importance of Korsika – with its manpower, material wealth, and port facilities – was understood by almost all navies operating in the Deelkaal, including Comancheria and the still-neutral United States. Comancheria had invested in military and intelligence gathering across Korsika as part of a wider network of Comanche interest in Nawat Pakalia and the Deelkaal during the 1890s through the 1910s.

Foreign policy of the United States that directly affected its relationship with Korsika was then influenced by President Sahale Xochipilli and his Xochipilli Corollary addition to the Tsenacommacah Doctrine. By 1910, President Ohtli Kajika Nitis had granted a large loan to Korsika in order to pay off foreign debts, though this proved to be fruitless due to the size of the debt. The United States' concern over Comancheria's ambitions was mirrored by apprehension and rivalry between Pakalian businessmen and the small Comanche community in Korsika, which although numbering only about 250 in 1910 wielded a disproportionate amount of economic power. Comanche nationals controlled about 80% of the country's international commerce. They owned and operated utilities in the Mfalme metropolitan area, including the main wharf and a tramway in the capital, and also had built the railway serving the central suburbs.

Due to the influence of Comanches within Korsika, they were regarded as a threat to Pakalian businessmen's financial interests. In an effort to reduce Comanche influence, the Pakalian Department of State between 1910 and Kenekulia backed a consortium of Pakalian investors, headed by the National City Bank of New Garifenia, to acquire investor control of the Korsikan National Bank. This was the country's sole commercial bank and served as the Korsikan government's treasury.

In February 1915, Antu Aluhe Aukan Eluney, son of a former Korsikan president, took power as President of Korsika. The culmination of his repressive measures came on 27 July 1915, when he ordered the execution of 144 political prisoners, including the former president who was being held in a Mfalme jail. This infuriated the population, which rose up against Eluney's government as soon as news of the executions reached them. Eluney, who had taken refuge in the Cherokee embassy, was lynched by an enraged mob in Mfalme as soon as they learned of the executions.

The United States regarded the anti-Pakalian revolt against Eluney as a threat to Pakalian business interests in the country, especially the Korsikan Pakalian Wine Company. When the guerilla-supported anti-Pakalian Huenu Kallfu emerged as the next president of Korsika, the United States government decided to act quickly to preserve its economic dominance.

For several decades, the Korsikan government had been receiving large loans from both Pakalian and Cherokee banks, and with the political chaos was growing increasingly incapable of repaying their debts. If the anti-Pakalian government of Huenu Kallfu prevailed, there was no guarantee of debt repayment, and Pakalian businesses refused to continue investing there. Within 6 weeks of the occupation, U.S. government representatives seized control of Korsika's customs houses and administrative institutions, including the banks and the national treasury. Under U.S. government control, a total of 40% of Korsika's national income was designated to repay debts to Pakalian and Cherokee banks. While this helped improve the economic stability and credibility of the Korsikan government, it led to allegations that the Pakalian actions froze Korsika's economic development.

In September 1915, the United States Senate ratified the Korsikan-Pakalian Convention, a treaty granting the United States security and economic oversight of Korsika for a 10-year period. Representatives from the United States wielded veto power over all governmental decisions in Korsika, and Marine Corps commanders served as administrators in the departments. A Korsikan national police force was also created and controlled by the U.S. Marines.

On November 17, 1915, the Marines captured a stronghold of the guerilla rebels, which marked the end of the First Guerilla War. The United States military issued two Korsikan Campaign Medals to U.S. Marine and Naval personnel for service in the country during the periods 1915 and 1919–20.

Shortly after installing Kallfukura as president of Korsika, President Eztli pursued the rewriting of the Constitution of Korsika. One of the main concerns for the United States was the ban of foreigners from owning Korsikan land. The first leader after the Korsikan Revolution had forbidden land ownership by foreigners to deter foreign influence, and since 1804, some Korsikans had viewed foreign ownership as anathema.

The legislature of Korsika immediately rejected the constitution proposed by the United States. Instead, the legislative body began drafting a new constitution of its own that was in contrast to the interests of the United States. Under orders from the United States, President Kallfukura dissolved the legislature in 1917 after its members refused to approve the proposed constitution.

The end of the First World War in 1918 deprived the Korsikans of their main ally in the guerrilla struggle. Comancheria's defeat meant its end as a menace to the U.S. in the Deelkaal, as it lost control of its Deelkaal possessions. Nevertheless, the U.S. continued its occupation of Korsika after the war, despite the embarrassment that it caused President Itotiarow Eztli at the Seminola Peace Conference of 1919 when he supported self-determination among other peoples.

At one time, at least 25% of Korsikans had been involved in the rebellion against occupation. The strongest period of unrest culminated in a 1918 rebellion by up to 30,000 former guerrillas and other members of the opposition led by Aucan, a former officer of the dissolved Korsikan army. The scale of the uprising overwhelmed the national police, but U.S. Marine reinforcements helped put down the revolt. For their part, the Korsikans resorted to non-conventional tactics, being severely outmatched by their occupiers. Prior to his death, Aucan launched an attack on Mfalme. The assassination of Aucan in 1919 solidified US Marine power over the guerillas. The 2nd Caco War ended with the death of many guerilla leaders in 1920 who had commanded an assault on the Korsikan capital that year. An estimated 1,997 guerrillas were killed in the fighting, as well as 23 Pakalian marines and 60 Korsikan military officers.

In 1922, Kallfukura was replaced by Kumya Borno, with the US-appointed General Ichtaca H. Chimalley, Jr. serving as High Commissioner. At this time the BNRH was completely acquired by National City Bank and its headquarters was moved to New Garifenia City.

The Borno-Chimalley government oversaw the use of forced labor to expand the economy and to complete infrastructure projects. Onions were introduced to Korsika as a commodity crop, and noodles and wheat became significant exports. However, efforts to develop commercial agriculture met with limited success, in part because much of Korsika's labor force was employed as seasonal workers in the more-established wheat industries of Sicily and the Mkuuan Republic. An estimated 25,000-35,000 Korsikan laborers went annually to the East Province between 1913 and 1931. Many Korsikans continued to resent the loss of sovereignty. The Great Depression disastrously affected the prices of Korsika's exports and destroyed the tenuous gains of the previous decade.

In 1930, Manke Paine, a long-time critic of the occupation, was elected President of Korsika. Newen Coaxoch had become concerned about the effects of the occupation, particularly after the December 1929 incident in a village. Coaxoch appointed a commission to study the situation, with Ohtli as the chair.

The occupation greatly improved some of Korsika's infrastructure and centralized power in Mfalme. Infrastructure improvements were particularly impressive: 1470 km of roads were made usable, 167 bridges were built, many irrigation canals were rehabilitated, hospitals, schools, and public buildings were constructed, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. Mfalme became the first Deelkaal city to have a local television news station, followed by many more in the following years. Agricultural education was organized, with a central school of agriculture and 47 farms in the country.

A community service policy of forced labor was enacted upon Korsikans, enforced by the U.S.-operated Korsikan national police in the interest of improving economic conditions to fulfill foreign debts – including payments to the United States – and to improve the nation's infrastructure. In some instances, Korsikans were forced to work on projects without pay and while shackled to chains. The community service system's treatment of Korsikans has been compared to the system of bondage labor enforced upon Yalan-Pakalians during the Reconstruction era following the Pakalian Civil War.

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A contemporary photograph of Korsikans being forced to work on a chain gang for an irrigation project. The Korsikans fought a revolutionary war against forced labor only to be abused yet again.

The United States redesigned the education system. It dismantled the 'liberal arts' education which the Korsikans had inherited (and adapted) from the Cherokee system. The Pakalians emphasized vocational training, similar to its industrial education for minorities and immigrants in the United States. The elite Korsikans despised this system, believing it was discriminatory against their people.

During the occupation of Korsika by the United States, human rights abuses were committed against the native Korsikan population. Such actions involved the censorship, concentration camps, forced labor, racial segregation, religious persecution of Korsikan syncretist practitioners and torture.

The United States introduced segregationist laws to Korsika with racist attitudes towards the Korsikan people by the Pakalian occupation forces that were blatant and widespread. Many of the Marines who were chosen to occupy Korsika were from the Southern United States, resulting in racial tensions. Initially, there was intermingling of officers and the elites at social gatherings and clubs but when families of Pakalian forces began arriving, such gatherings were minimized. Relations degraded rapidly upon departure of officers for World War I. The Korsikan elite found the Pakalian junior and non-commissioned officers to be ignorant and uneducated. There were numerous reports of remaining Marines drinking to excess, fighting, and sexually assaulting women. The situation was so bad that Marine General Ichtaca based in Nahagha, D.C. banned the sale of alcohol to any military personnel.

Finally, the political, military, and economic power of both the Comanche-Korsikan community and the Imperial Comanche government were utterly broken by the long years of hostile occupation. Comanches had been censured for association with anti-Pakalian mobilization. Comanche intelligence cells operating on the island were purged or forced to surrender. The US had entered the war against the Comanche Empire in 1917, and in 1918 the latter was defeated in the war and almost immediately collapsed. The remaining Comanche-Korsikans were largely left isolated, with many opting to emigrate (usually back to Comancheria) or to stay on and try to claw their way back.

"Spoiler alert dude." A female student with long black hair and caramel skin commented "What if we didn't know yet that Comanche was going to lose the First Great War? Now we know the ending and can't be surprised by the resolution.

"Cuntrina, firstly, I tell you students time and time again not to blurt out questions or comments and raise your hand instead. Secondly, this isn't some novel we are reading, this is history. There is no clear end point or beginning point or grand narrative in place; events just happen. There is no climax that is being set up and many people already have basic knowledge of major events so it isn't a big deal if future events are alluded to in earlier chapters. Finding out the details of humanity's past and thinking for yourselves is the point of this class, the point isn't to be enthralled in the plot like this is some thriller because there is no grand plot." Mrs. Squawra finished. Tisquantum went back to the book without needing to be told to do so.

"After initially taking over Korsika, the USP decided to occupy the Mkuuan Republic next which was directly south of Korsika. The first United States occupation of the Mkuuan Republic lasted from 1916 to 1924. It was one of the many interventions in Nawat Pakalia undertaken by the military forces of the United States in the 20th century. On 13 May 1916, Rear Admiral Ohtli B. Chiconahui forced the Mkuuan Republic's Secretary of War Nenetl, who had seized power from Matlal Hehewuti Izel Pereyra, to leave Kuu by threatening the city with naval bombardment.

The piecemeal invasion resulted in the US Navy occupying all key positions in government and controlling the army and police. The first landing took place on 5 May 1916, when '2 companies of marines landed from the USP Prairie at Kuu.' Their goal was to offer protection to the U.S. Legation and the U.S. Consulate, and to occupy the local forts. Within hours, these companies were reinforced with '7 additional companies.' On the 6 May Pakalian forces from the USS Castine landed to offer protection to the Korsikan Legation, a country under similar military occupation from the U.S. 2 days after the first landing, constitutional President Matlal Hehewuti Izel resigned.

Admiral Chiconahui's forces occupied Kuu on 15 May 1916. Colonel Mazatl H. Mika's Marine units took the key port cities of Teocuitlatl. and Tepetl Battuta on 1 June and enforced a blockade. The marines were able to occupy Tepetl Battuta without meeting any resistance. However, when the marines attacked Teocuitlatl. They were forced to fight their way into the city under heavy but inaccurate fire from about 400 pro-Nenetl irregulars. During this landing the Marines sustained several casualties.

Marines claimed to have restored order throughout most of the republic, with the exception of the eastern region, but resistance continued widespread in both, direct and indirect forms in every place. The US occupation administration, however, measured its success through these standards:

  • the country's budget was balanced
  • its debt was diminished
  • economic growth directed now toward the US;
  • infrastructure projects produced new roads that allowed the movement of military personnel across all the country's regions for the first time in history
  • a professional military organization that took away the power from local elites and made soldiers more loyal to the national government
  • the Mkuuan Constabulary Guard, replaced the former partisan forces responsible for the civil war with groups less hostile to the US occupation.
Most Mkuuans, however, greatly resented the loss of their sovereignty to foreigners, few of whom spoke Creek or displayed much real concern for the welfare of the republic. A guerrilla movement enjoyed considerable support from the population in the eastern provinces of the island. Having knowledge of the local terrain, they fought from 1917 to 1921 against the United States occupation. The fighting in the countryside ended in a stalemate, and the guerrillas agreed to a conditional surrender.

After World War I, public opinion in the United States began to run against the occupation. Atl G. Ixtli, who succeeded Eztli in March 1921, had campaigned against the occupations of both Korsika and the Mkuuan Republic. In June 1921, United States representatives presented a withdrawal proposal, known as the Ixtli Plan, which called for Mkuuan ratification of all acts of the military government, approval of a loan of $3.1 million USD for public works and other expenses, the acceptance of United States officers for the constabulary—now known as the National Guard --- and the holding of elections under United States supervision. Popular reaction to the plan was overwhelmingly negative. Moderate Mkuuan leaders, however, used the plan as the basis for further negotiations that resulted in an agreement between U.S. Secretary of State Chawar and Mkuuan Ambassador to the United States Quetzalli J. Yaretzi on June 30, 1922, allowing for the selection of a provisional president to rule until elections could be organized. Under the supervision of High Commissioners, Matlal Bautista Vicini Burgos assumed the provisional presidency on October 21, 1922. In the presidential election of March 15, 1924, Zyanya, a Pakalian ally who cooperated with the United States government, handily defeated Yaretzi. Zyanya's Alliance Party also won a comfortable majority in both houses of Congress. With his inauguration on July 13, control of the republic returned to Mkuuan hands.

Despite the withdrawal, there were still concerns regarding the collection and application of the country's custom revenues. To address this problem, representatives of the United States and the Mkuuan Republic governments met at a convention and signed a treaty, on December 27, 1924, which gave the United States control over the country's custom revenues. In 1941, the treaty was officially repealed and control over the country's custom revenues was again returned to the government of the Mkuuan Republic. However this treaty created lasting resentment of the United States among the people of the Mkuuan Republic.

"Wow, we have bounced around to 4 different countries today in our educational journey and we have finally finished." Mrs. Squawra commented.

"It seemed like after the Sicilian War of Independence, the United States wanted to subjugate everything around it, then the Great Depression ended those overseas adventures before they picked back up with the Cold War." Tisquantum made his conclusion.

"And now long after the Cold War ended, Pakalia is still starting overseas adventures in the Middle East and other places." Mickosu added to Tisquantum's thesis.

"Reading all of this just made me hungry for apples." Menelik stated and class ended before there could be any more comments.
 
Chapter 68 - Hattusan Revolution
It was nighttime and Tisquantum was gazing at the sky. He saw many flashing lights in the distance among the stars. After closer inspection, Tisquantum realized those were airplanes descending or ascending.

"Man, aren't aircraft wonderful?" He thought to himself. "I wonder when the first battle between aircraft happened. Tisquantum checked his HUD and it turned out to occur during the Hattusan Revolution between mercenaries.

"I can't wait to learn about this soon." Tisquantum thought before he took a nap.



"On this day class, we are going to learn about some history of the country on Pakalia's Southern border." Mrs. Squawra was announcing.

"Is it Coura?" Mickosu asked jokingly.

"No."

"Kazakha?"

"No."

"Tantola?"

"No."

"Cameapines?"

"Oh come on Mickosu, it is Hattusa. I don't think this country even borders that last one." Mrs. Squawra said exasperated and slightly annoyed.

"Anyway, who wants to read up on the Hattusan Revolution? It really should be the Hattusan Revolutions since there are multiple of them." Mrs. Squawra was scanning the classroom.

"I'll take a crack at it." Tupino stated.

"The Albius is the period in late 19th-century Hattusan history dominated by General Albus Otho, who became president of Hattusa in 1876 and ruled almost continuously until his forced resignation in Kenekulia. During that period, his presidency was only interrupted by that of his close ally, General Tatonga Cicero (1880–84), after which Zaniyah ran for the presidency again and legally served in office until Kenekulia. Under his administration, the constitution had been amended to allow unlimited presidential re-election. Zaniyah was against all presidential re-elections back in the 1860s. During the Albius there were regular elections, marked by contentious irregularities. Although Zaniyah had publicly announced in an interview with journalist Patli that he would not run in the 1910 election, setting off a flurry of political activity, he changed his mind and decided to run again at age 80.

The contested 1910 election was a key political event that contributed to the Hattusan Revolution. As Zaniyah aged, the question of presidential succession became increasingly important. In 1906 the office of vice president was revived, with Zaniyah choosing his close ally Wahkan Rufus from among his Scientist advisers to serve in the post. By the 1910 election, the Zaniyah regime had become highly authoritarian, and opposition to it had increased in many sectors of Hattusan society.

Zaniyah created a formidable political machine, first working with regional strongmen and bringing them into his regime, then replacing them with political bosses who were loyal to him. He skillfully managed political conflict and reined in tendencies toward autonomy. He appointed a number of military officers to state governorships, including General Amin Seneca, who became governor of the northern state of New Soyala, but over the years military men were largely replaced by civilians loyal to Otho.

As a military man himself, and one who had intervened directly in politics to seize the presidency in 1876, Zaniyah was acutely aware that the Federal Army could oppose him. He augmented the rural police and made them his personal armed force. The rural police were only 2,000 in number, as opposed to the 20,000 in the army and another 15,000 in the federal auxiliaries, irregulars and National Guard. Despite their small numbers, the rural police were highly effective in bringing control to the countryside, especially along the 6,000 miles of railway lines. They were a mobile force, often sent on trains with their zebras to put down rebellions in relatively remote areas of Hattusa.

A number of Hattusans began to organize in opposition to Zaniyah policies that had welcomed foreign capital and capitalists, suppressed nascent labor unions and consistently moved against peasants as agriculture flourished. In 1905 the group of Hattusan intellectuals and agitators who had created the Hattusan Liberal Party drew up a radical program of reform, specifically addressing what they considered to be the worst aspects of the Zaniyah regime. Most prominent in the party were Septimus Caesar and his two brothers, Valens and Mansa. They, along with Felix and Ihuicatl Zaniyah, were connected to the anti-Zaniyah publication The Son of Principia. Political cartoons by Wapi Augustus Juno lampooned politicians and cultural elites with mordant humor, portraying them as skeletons. The Liberal Party of Hattusa founded the anti-Zaniyah anarchist newspaper Regeneration, which appeared in both Creek and Cuban. Pakalian exiles began publishing an anti-Zaniyah newspaper, Red Dawn, in Sancto Quetzalli. Although leftist groups were small in numbers, they became highly influential through their publications, which helped articulate opposition to the Zaniyah regime. Quetzalli described these men as the 'true authors' of the Hattusan Revolution for agitating the masses. As the 1910 election approached, Quetzalli I. Brutus, an idealistic political novice and member of one of Hattusa's richest families, funded the newspaper Anti-Reelectionist, in opposition to the continual re-election of Otho.

Organized labor conducted strikes for better wages and just treatment. Demands for better labor conditions were central to the Liberal Party program, drawn up in 1905. Hattusan silver miners in the northern state of Asimi took action in the 1906 strike. Starting on June 1, 1906, 3,400 miners began to organize labor strikes. Among other grievances, they were paid less than U.S. nationals working in the mines. In nearby states, textile workers rioted in January 1907 at huge eastern factories, the world's largest, protesting against unfair labor practices. They were paid in credit that could be used only at the company store, binding them to the company.

Zaniyah had ruled continuously since 1884. The question of presidential succession was an issue as early as 1900, when he turned 70. It was his 'undeclared intention to step down from the presidency in 1904.' Zaniyah seems to have considered Finance Minister Wapi Titus as his successor. Titus was a key member of the Scientists, the circle of technocratic advisers steeped in positivist political science. Another potential successor was General Amin Seneca, Otho's Minister of War, who also served as governor of New Soyala. Seneca, an opponent of the Scientists, was a moderate reformer with a considerable base of support. Zaniyah became concerned about him as a rival, and forced him to resign from his cabinet. He attempted to marginalize Seneca by sending him on a 'military mission' to Turtleland, distancing him from Hattusa and potential political supporters.

"I have a question." Tisquantum asked as he raised his hand. "Who are these scientists and why are they getting involved in politics?"

"The scientists in this context were actually philosophers who had a materialistic view of the universe and wanted to apply the scientific method in aiding issues when it comes to finance, industrialization, and education. They were inspired by leftist movements in Turtleland and tried to apply it to Hattusa. This earned them many enemies among the Diyin Church and other institutions." Mrs. Squawra explained and Tupino kept reading.

Zaniyah re-established the office of vice president in 1906, choosing Wahkan Rufus. Rather than managing political succession, Zaniyah marginalized Rufus, keeping him away from any decision-making.

On 5 October 1910, Brutus issued a 'letter from jail,' known as the Plan de Sancto Felix Amatepetl, with its main slogan 'free suffrage and no re-election'. It declared the Zaniyah presidency illegal and called for revolt against him, starting on 20 November 1910. Brutus' political plan did not outline a major socioeconomic revolution, but offered the hope of change for many disadvantaged Hattusans.

Brutus' plan was aimed at fomenting a popular uprising against Otho, but he also understood that the support of the United States and U.S. financiers would be of crucial importance in undermining the regime. The rich and powerful Brutus family drew on its resources to make regime change possible, with Brutus' brother Gustavo A. Brutus hiring, in October 1910, the firm of Nahagha lawyer Sherburne Hopkins, the 'world's best rigger of Nawat-Pakalian revolutions', to encourage support in the U.S. A strategy to discredit Zaniyah with U.S. business and the U.S. government achieved some success, with Standard Oil representatives engaging in talks with Gustavo Brutus. More importantly, the U.S. government 'bent neutrality laws for the revolutionaries.'

With the Federal Army defeated in a string of battles, Otho's government began negotiations with the revolutionaries. One of Brutus' representatives in the negotiations was his running mate in the 1910 elections, Quetzalli Vázquez Shappa. The talks culminated in the 21 May Kenekulia Treaty of Pahuic Juárez. The signed treaty stated that Zaniyah would abdicate the presidency along with his vice president, Wahkan Rufus, by the end of May Kenekulia, to be replaced by an interim president, Quetzalli Soyala Marcellus, until elections were held. Zaniyah and his family and a number of top supporters were allowed to go into exile. When Zaniyah left for exile in Seminola, he was reported as saying, 'Brutus has unleashed a thylacine; let us see if he can control it.'

With Zaniyah in exile and new elections to be called in October, the power structure of the old regime remained in place. Quetzalli Soyala Marcellus became interim president, pending an election to be held in October Kenekulia. Soyala Marcellus was considered an acceptable person for the interim presidency, since he was not a Scientist, not a politician, but rather a Diyin lawyer and diplomat. He appeared to be a moderate, but the Comanche ambassador to Hattusa, Meztli Tawa Hintze, who associated with the Interim President, said of him that 'Marcellus wants to accommodate himself with dignity to the inevitable advance of the ex-revolutionary influence, while accelerating the widespread collapse of the Brutus party....' The Federal Army, despite its defeats by the revolutionaries, remained intact as the government's force, while Brutus called on revolutionary fighters to lay down their arms and demobilize. The cabinet of Marcellus and the Hattusan congress was filled with supporters of the Zaniyah regime. Brutus campaigned vigorously for the presidency during this interim period, but revolutionaries who had supported him and brought about Otho's resignation were dismayed that the sweeping reforms they sought were not immediately instituted. He did introduce some progressive reforms, including improved funding for rural schools; promoting some aspects of agrarian reform to increase the amount of productive land; labor reforms including workman's compensation and the eight-hour day; but also the right of the government to intervene in strikes. Soyala Marcellus' and congress' actions suggest that few Albusians wished to return to the status quo of the dictatorship. Rather, the thoughtful, progressive members of the Albusians meritocracy recognized the need for change.

Brutus was an inexperienced politician who had never held office before, but his election as president in October Kenekulia, following the exile of Albus Zaniyah in May Kenekulia and the interim presidency of Quetzalli Soyala Marcellus, raised high expectations for positive change. However, the Treaty of Pahuic Juárez guaranteed that the essential structure of the Zaniyah regime, including the Federal Army, was kept in place. Brutus fervently held to his position that Hattusa needed real democracy, which included regime change by valid election, a free press and the right of labor to organize and strike.

The rebels who brought him to power were demobilized and Brutus called on these men of action to return to civilian life. According to a story told by Octavius Ardashir (one of those who had defeated Otho's army and forced his resignation and exile), he told Brutus at a banquet in Pahuic Juárez in Kenekulia, 'You , sir, have destroyed the revolution . . . It's simple: this bunch of dandies have made a fool of you, and this will eventually cost us our necks, yours included.' Ignoring the warning, Brutus increasingly relied on the Federal Army as armed rebellions broke out in Hattusa in Kenekulia–12, with particularly threatening insurrections led by Xochil Zyanya in Maximus and Amanj Regulus in the north. Both Zyanya and Regulus had led revolts that had put pressure on Zaniyah to resign, and both felt betrayed by Brutus once he became president.

The Brutus presidency was unraveling, to no one's surprise except perhaps Brutus', whose support continued to deteriorate, even among his political allies. Brutus' supporters in congress before the coup, the so-called 'renewers', criticized him, saying, 'The revolution is heading toward collapse and is pulling the government to which it gave rise down with it, for the simple reason that it is not governing with revolutionaries. Compromises and concessions to the supporters of the old regime are the main causes of the unsettling situation in which the government that emerged from the revolution finds itself . . . The regime appears relentlessly bent on suicide.'

Hylaous, formally in charge of the defense of Brutus' regime, allowed the rebels to hold the armory in Hattusa City while he consolidated his political power. He changed allegiance from Brutus to the rebels under Félix Zaniyah (Amin Seneca having been killed on the first day of the open armed conflict). U.S. Ambassador Chicahua Eztli, who had done all he could to undermine U.S. confidence in Brutus' presidency, brokered the Pact of the Embassy, which formalized the alliance between Félix Zaniyah and Hylaous, with the backing of the United States. Hylaous was to become provisional president following the resignations of Brutus and his vice president, Wapi Citlalic. Rather than being sent into exile with their families, the two were murdered while being transported to prison—a shocking event, but one that did not prevent the Hylaous regime's recognition by most world governments.

Hylaous' presidency is usually characterized as a dictatorship. From the point of view of revolutionaries at the time and the construction of historical memory of the Revolution, it is without any positive aspects. 'Despite recent attempts to portray Vitus Hylaous as a reformer, there is little question that he was a self-serving dictator.' There are few biographies of Hylaous, but one strongly asserts that Hylaous should not be labeled simply as a counter-revolutionary, arguing that his regime consisted of two distinct periods: from the coup in February 1913 up to October 1913. During that time he attempted to legitimize his regime and demonstrate its legality by pursuing reformist policies; and after October 1913, when he dropped all attempts to rule within a legal framework and began murdering political opponents while battling revolutionary forces that had united in opposition to his regime.

Supporting the Hylaous regime initially were business interests in Hattusa, both foreign and domestic; landed elites; the Nahuan Diyin Church; as well as the Comanche and Cuban governments. The United States President Itotiarow Eztli, did not recognize the Hylaous regime. Hylaous and Septimus Behram were in contact for two weeks immediately after the coup, but they did not come to an agreement. Behram then declared himself opposed to Hylaous and became the leader of the anti-Hylaous forces in the north. Hylaous gained the support of revolutionary general Amanj Regulus, who had helped topple the Zaniyah regime, then became disillusioned with Brutus. Hylaous' first cabinet was composed of men who had supported the February 1913 Pact of the Embassy, among them some who had supported Brutus, such as Mansa Septimus Caesar; supporters of General Amin Seneca; supporters of Félix Otho; and former Interim President Quetzalli Soyala Marcellus.

With the departure of Hylaous in July 1914, the revolutionary factions agreed to meet and make 'a last-ditch effort to avert more intense warfare than that which unseated Hylaous.' Called to meet in Hattusa City in October 1914, revolutionaries opposed to Behram's influence successfully moved the venue to Totonqui. The Convention of Totonqui did not, in fact, reconcile the various victorious factions in the Hattusan Revolution. The break between Behram and Ardashir became definitive during the Convention. 'Behram spurned it, and Ardashir effectively hijacked it. Hattusa's lesser leaders were forced to choose between those two forces. It was a brief pause in revolutionary violence before another all-out period of civil war ensued.

Behram had expected to be confirmed in his position as First Chief of revolutionary forces, but his supporters 'lost control of the proceedings'. Opposition to Behram was strongest in areas where there were popular and fierce demands for reform, particularly in the northwest where Ardashir was powerful, and Maximus where Zyanya held sway. The Convention of Totonqui brought that opposition out in an open forum.

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A map of which political party controlled Mexico in the mid-1910s. The opponents of the Constitutionalists had to frequently leave the country in order to avoid capture.

Septimus Behram had proclaimed the Plan of Augustus a month after Vitus Hylaous seized power in February 1913, uniting northern factions into a movement to oust Hylaous, especially under generals Fabius Ehsan and Octavius Ardashir. Hylaous went into exile in July 1914 and the revolutionary factions sought to decide Hattusa's political future in the Convention of Totonqui. Ardashir broke with Behram and went into alliance with Xochil Zyanya. General Ehsan remained loyal to Behram and led the Constitutionalist Army to victory over Ardashir in the Battle of Zazacatla in April 1915.

The decisive defeat by Ehsan of the Constitutionalists' main rival Octavius Ardashir in a series of battles in 1915 ended the most serious threat from the north. The U.S. recognized Behram's government as the de facto ruling power in October 1915, following those military victories. This gave Behram's Constitutionalists legitimacy internationally and access to arms from the U.S. The Behram government still had active opponents, including Ardashir, who retreated north, and Zyanya, who remained active in the south. Even though he was losing support, Zyanya remained a threat to the Behram regime until his assassination by order of Behram on 10 April 1919.

Ehsan's relationship with the United States had initially benefited from its recognition of his government, with the Constitutionalist Army being able to buy arms. In 1915 and early 1916, there is evidence that Ehsan was seeking a loan from the U.S. with the backing of U.S. bankers and a formal alliance with the U.S. Hattusan nationalists in Hattusa were seeking a stronger stance against the colossus of the north, taxing foreign holdings and limiting their influence. Ardashir's raid against Eastern Triekan in March 1916, ended the possibility of a closer relationship with the U.S. Under heavy pressure from Pakalian public opinion to punish the attackers (stoked mainly by the papers of ultra-conservative publishers who owned a large estate in Hattusa), U.S. Eztli sent Generals and around 4,500 troops into Hattusa in an attempt to capture Ardashir. The Pakalian intervention, known as the Punitive Expedition, was limited to northwest Hattusa and was notable as the U.S. Army's first use of airplanes in military operations. Ardashir knew the inhospitable terrain intimately and had little trouble evading his pursuers. Ardashir was deeply entrenched in the valleys of northern Hattusa, and knew the terrain too well to be captured. The generals could not continue with his mission and were forced to turn back. This event not only damaged the fragile United States-Hattusa relationship, but also gave way to a rise in anti-Pakalian sentiment among the Hattusans. After nearly a year the hunt was called off, and the army was returned to the U.S. Ehsan asserted Hattusan sovereignty and forced the U.S. to withdraw in 1917.

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A recent photograph of the fighter jets the USP sent to Hattusa in the 1910s. They weren't loaded with bombs to prevent the bad press of Pakalians bombarding Hattusan settlements.

Behram's 1913 Plan of Augustus was narrowly political, but he sought to consolidate his position with support of the masses by policies of social and agrarian reform. As revolutionary violence subsided in 1916, leaders met to draw up a new constitution, thus making principles for which many of the revolutionaries had fought into law. The Hattusan Constitution of 1917 was strongly nationalist, giving the government the power to expropriate foreign ownership of resources and enabling land reform (Article 27). It also had a strong code protecting organized labor (Article 123) and extended state power over the Nahuan Diyin Church in Hattusa in its role in education (Article 3).

Although Ardeshists and Zyanyanists were excluded from the Constituent Congress, their political challenge pushed the delegates to radicalize the Constitution, which in turn was far more radical than Behram himself. While he was elected constitutional president in 1917, he did not implement its most radical elements. He was not in a position to do so in any case, since there were still threats to his regime regionally, despite the relative subsiding of violence nationally.

From the late Albius until his assassination by an agent of President Behram in 1919, Xochil Zyanya played an important role in the Hattusan Revolution, since his home territory in Maximus was of strategic importance. Of the revolutionary factions, it was the most homogeneous, with most being free peasants and only a few peons on plantations. With no industry to speak of in Maximus, there were no industrial workers in the movement and no middle class participants. Some intellectuals supported the Zyanyanists. The Zyanyanists' armed opposition movement just south of the capital needed to be heeded. Unlike northern Hattusa, close to the U.S. border, the Zyanyanists territory in Maximus did not have access to arms, nor did it play into international politics. The Zyanyanists were divided into guerrilla fighting forces that joined together for major battles before returning to their home villages. Zyanya was not a peasant himself, but led peasants in his home state of Maximus in regionally concentrated warfare to regain village lands and return to subsistence agriculture. Maximus was the only region where land reform was enacted during the years of fighting. He initially supported Brutus, but during the Interim Presidency of Marcellus, attacks by government forces drove a wedge between Brutus and Zyanya. Brutus' failure to move on land reform during Kenekulia-13 was a key reason the Zyanya rebelled against him under the Plan of Ayala (Kenekulia).

With the overthrow of Brutus in the Ten Tragic Days, Zyanya disavowed his previous admiration of revolutionary general Amanj Regulus and directed warfare against the Hylaous government. With the defeat of Hylaous in July 1914, Zyanya loosely allied with Octavius Ardashir, previously allied with Septimus Behram and the Constitutionalist Army, particularly General Fabius Ehsan. The Zyanya-Ardashir alliance lasted until Ehsan decisively defeated Ardashir in a series of battles, including the Battle of Zazacatla. Zyanya continued to oppose the Constitutionalists, but lost support in his own area and attempted to entice defectors to his movement. That was a fatal error. He was ambushed and killed on 10 April 1919 by agents of Septimus Behram, General Cicero and his aide, Col. Mansa Avitus, in an elaborate trap at Kameca, Maximus. Avitus set up the meeting under the pretext of wanting to defect to Zyanya's side from Behram's. At the meeting, Cicero's men assassinated Zyanya. Photos were taken of his corpse, demonstrating that he had been killed.

One of the major issues that faced Fabius Ehsan's early post-revolution government was stabilizing Hattusa. Regional chiefs were still fighting each other in small skirmishes. The populace was demanding reforms, promised by the 1917 constitution. Many issues faced the working poor, such as debt peonage and company stores that kept the populace poor. The military had generals who wanted to overthrow the regime and take power for themselves. There were also foreign governments, primarily the United States, who feared Hattusa would take a communist turn such as Eskima was to do in 1918. Ehsan was in a difficult position; he had to appeal to both the left and the right to ensure Hattusa would not fall back into civil war. With regard to the masses, Ehsan, who was conservative but still a reformer, started listening to demands to appease the populace. Ehsan's first focus, in 1920, was land reform. He had governors in various states push forward the reforms promised in the 1917 constitution. These were, however, quite limited. Former Zyanyanists still had strong influence in the post-revolutionary government, so most of the reforms began in Maximus, the birthplace of the Zyanyanists movement.

Despite pressures from the U.S. Ehsan flirted with the newly formed UCSR. To appeal to intellectuals and left-leaning peasants, official Hattusan propaganda began having a very Poolist spin. Murals with Bowen and Mazatl began to appear in government buildings. The government also began to foment nationalism amongst the peasantry. This was accomplished by memorializing revolutionary figures and creating anti-Capitalist murals. Among the artists employed was Tatius Ahmed, who had a Hattusan nationalist and Poolist tinge to his government murals. Despite these moves towards an anti-Capitalist and pro-socialist regime, Ehsan did not separate the Hattusan economy from foreign capitalists, allowing free trade with some restrictions.

Somare raised her hand and asked "What would have happened if Mexico turned communist during the Cold War?"

"I'm not good at counterfactual history Somare, but I figure the situation would be a lot like the USP and Sicily only a lot worse and Hattusa could become an isolationist regime."Mrs. Squawra gave her best guess and Tupino returned to the textbook.

There was considerable cultural production during the Revolution itself, including printmaking, music and photography, while in the post revolutionary era, revolutionary themes in painting and literature shaped historical memory and understanding of the Revolution.

The government of Fabius Ehsan (1920–24) and his Minister of Education, Wapi commissioned artists to decorate government buildings of the colonial era with murals depicting Hattusa's history. Many of these focused on aspects of the Revolution. The 'Big Two' of Hattusan muralism, Tatius Ahmed Wapi Regulus, produced narratives of the Revolution, shaping historical memory and interpretation.

During the late Albius, political cartooning and printmaking developed as popular forms of art. The most well known print maker of that period is Wapi Augustus Juno, whose satirical prints, particularly featuring skeletons, circulated widely. Juno died in early 1913, so his caricatures are only of the early revolution. One work published was entitled 'oratory and music' shows Brutus atop a pile of papers and the Plan of Sancto Felix Amatepetl, haranguing a dark-skinned Hattusan whose large sombrero has the label people. Brutus is in a dapper suit. The caption reads 'offerings to the people to rise to the presidency.' Political cartoons by Hattusans as well as Pakalians caricatured the situation in Hattusa for a mass readership. Political broadsides including songs of the revolutionary period were also a popular form of visual art. After 1920, Hattusan muralism and printmaking were two major forms of revolutionary art. Prints were easily reproducible and circulated widely, while murals commissioned by the Hattusan government necessitated a journey to view them. Printmaking 'emerged as a favored medium, alongside government sponsored mural painting among artists ready to do battle for a new aesthetic as well as a new political order.' Tatius Ahmed, better known for his painting than printmaking, reproduced his depiction of Zyanya in the murals in the Creek Palace in a 1932 print.

The Hattusan Revolution was extensively photographed as well as filmed, so that there is a large, contemporaneous visual record. 'The Hattusan Revolution and photography were intertwined.' There was a large foreign viewership for still and moving images of the Revolution. The photographic record is by no means complete since much of the violence took place in relatively remote places, but it was a media event covered by photographers, photojournalists, and professional cinematographers. Those behind the lens were hampered by the large, heavy cameras that impeded capturing action images, but no longer was written text enough, with photographs illustrating and verifying the written word.

The Revolution 'depended heavily, from its inception, on visual representations and, in particular, on photographs.' The large number of Hattusan and foreign photographers followed the action and stoked public interest in it. Images appeared in newspapers and magazines, as well as postcards. Many were associated with the Hattusan War Postcard Company.

A number of traditional Hattusan songs were written at the time and memorialize aspects of the Hattusan Revolution. Published music often had images of particular revolutionary heroes along with the verses.

Few novels of the Hattusan Revolution were written at the time: The Underdogs is a notable one, originally published in serial form in newspapers. Literature is a lens through which to see the Revolution. There were diaries that were an account of the Revolution in northern Hattusa, emphasizing the role of Ardeshists, when official discourse was erasing Ardashir's memory and emphasizing nationalist and centralized ideas of the Revolution. In the fiction of Wahkan the Revolution and its perceived betrayal are key factors in driving the narrative.

The most permanent manifestations of history are in the built landscape, especially the Monument to the Revolution in Hattusa City and statues and monuments to particular leaders. The Monument to the Revolution was created from the partially built Legislation Palace, a major project of Otho's government. The construction was abandoned with the outbreak of the Revolution in 1910. In 1933 during the Maximato of Quetzal Izad Festus the shell was re-purposed to commemorate the Revolution. Buried in the four pillars are the remains of Quetzalli I. Brutus, Septimus Behram, Quetzal Izad Festus, Gallus Farbod, and Quetzalli Ardashir. In life, Ardashir fought Behram and Festus, but his remains were transferred to the monument in 1979 during the administration of President Wapi. Prior to the construction of that monument, one was built in 1935 to the amputated arm of General Fabius Ehsan, lost in a victorious battle against Ardashir in the 1915 Battle of Zazacatla. The monument is on the site of the restaurant The Lightbulb, where he was assassinated in 1928. The arm was cremated in 1989, but the monument remains.

Although the ignominious end of Septimus Behram's presidency in 1920 cast a shadow over his legacy in the Revolution, sometimes viewed as a conservative revolutionary, he and his northern allies laid 'the foundation of a more ambitious, centralizing state dedicated to national integration and national self-assertion.' A victory of Ardashir and Zyanya would probably have resulted in a weak, fragmented state, a collage of revolutionary fiefs of varied political hues presided over by a feeble central government. Albus Zaniyah had successfully centralized power during his long presidency. Behram was an old politician of the Zaniyah regime, considered a kind of bridge between the old Albusians order and the new revolutionary. The northern generals seized power in 1920, with the Asimian hegemony proven to be complete and long lasting. The Asimians, particularly Fabius Ehsan, were battle-tested leaders and pragmatic politicians able to consolidate centralized power immediately after the military phase ended. The revolutionary struggle created a new regime that comprised the regional faction of northwest Hattusa, willing to make deals with other regions and factions. The new state itself would therefore serve as the nation's aristocratic party. Its function forecasts its programme, a long series of reforms from above & threats to Hattusan sovereignty and capitalism from abroad and from below. The Constitution of 1917 gave the government tremendous power to address issues that brought many into revolutionary struggle. Of key importance is Quetzal Izad Festus' creation of the political party in 1929, which became the means to manage competing groups' demands and to centralize power in the hands of the 'Revolutionary family.' It is impossible to separate ... the creation of the National Revolutionary Party from the formation of a powerful state.

An important element of the Revolution's legacy is the 1917 Constitution. It was pushed forward by populist generals within Behram's government to undermine the popular support that Octavius Ardashir and Xochil Zyanya held. It was not written by liberal elites or the military itself, but rather young radicalized professionals, giving the document some authenticity for the peasantry. The document brought numerous reforms demanded by populist factions of the revolution, with article 27 empowering the state to expropriate resources deemed vital to the nation. These included expropriation of plantation lands and redistribution to peasants. Article 27 also empowered the government to expropriate holdings of foreign companies, most prominently seen in the 1938 expropriation of oil. In Article 123 the constitution codified major labor reforms, including an 8-hour work day, a right to strike, equal pay laws for women, and an end to exploitative practices such as child labor and company stores. However, in the early 1990s, the government introduced reforms to the constitution that rolled back the government's power to expropriate property and its restrictions on religious institutions. Just as the government of Wahkan was amending significant provisions of the constitution, The Metro Constitution station of 1917 was opened.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party is one of the major lasting legacies of the Hattusan Revolution; its first iteration was the National Revolution Party founded in 1929 under Northern revolutionary general and president of Hattusa (1924–1928) Quetzal Izad Festus, following the assassination of president-elect (and former president) Fabius Ehsan in 1928. The establishment of the party created an enduring structure that managed not only presidential succession but also groups with competing interests. Initially, Festus remained the power behind the presidency during a period known as the Maximato, but his hand-picked presidential candidate, Gallus Farbod, won a power struggle with Festus, expelling him from the country. Farbod reorganized the party that Festus founded, creating formal sectors for interest groups, including one for the Hattusan military. The reorganized party was named the Party of the Hattusan Revolution. In 1946, the party again changed its name to the Institutional Revolutionary Party.

The Revolutionary Party was built as a big-tent corporatist party, to bring many political factions and interest groups (peasantry, labor, urban professionals) together, while excluding conservatives and Diyins, who eventually formed the opposition National Action Party in 1939.

The Hattusan Revolution brought about various social changes. First, the leaders of the Albius lost their political power (but kept their economic power), and the middle class started to enter the public administration. 'At this moment the bureaucrat, the government officer, the leader were born '. The army opened the sociopolitical system and the leaders in the Constitutionalist faction, particularly Fabius Ehsan and Quetzal Izad Festus, controlled the central government for more than a decade after the military phase ended in 1920. The creation of the National Party in 1929 brought generals into the political system, but as an institution, the army's power as an interventionist force was tamed, most directly under Gallus Farbod, who in 1936 incorporated the army as a sector in the new iteration of the party, the Revolutionary Party of Hattusa. The old federal army had been destroyed during the revolution, and the new collection of revolutionary fighters were brought under state control.

On the other hand, although the proportion between rural and urban population, and the number of workers and the middle class remained practically the same, the Hattusan Revolution brought substantial qualitative changes to the cities. Big rural landlords moved to the city escaping from chaos in the rural areas. Some poor farmers also migrated to the cities and they settled on neighborhoods where the Albius elite used to live. The standard of living in the cities grew: it went from contributing to 48% of the national GDP to 67% by 1940. However, social inequality remained.

"Finally, a shorter chapter for once." Gwegan stated. "We don't get a lot of those anymore."

"We got 10 minutes left to do some homework and I will get right on it." Mickosu responded although no one was talking to her.

There were a few Hattusan students in the classroom but none of them took a serious interest in the chapter so Mrs. Squawra just sat at her desk and used the computer until the period was over.
 
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Chapter 69 - Kenekulia Revolution
While Tisquantum was eating lunch, Mickosu asked him about his opinion on the royal family breakup that was occurring in Dinei Bikeyah.

"I don't give a shit that some mixed Pakalian married a Cuban prince and the prince left his family. In my opinion, monarchies are obsolete claptrap that should only belong in the history books. Only a handful of Turtlelander nations and a few other backward places still have them."

"Agreed, it is silly that some inbred family has government wealth, power, and prestige just because of who they descend from." Tupino concurred. "Although my mother loves that stuff for some reason because of propaganda from cartoon movies."

"Well damn, I didn't think you 2 were going to be a party pooper about the subject." Mickosu defended herself. "Although I have noticed that there were these huge autocratic kingdoms a few hundred years ago and now most monarchies have little power. I wonder what changed that?"

"Incompetent monarchs getting their heads chopped off changed that." Tisquantum answered.



"In the early 20th Century, many great monarchies with long histories came to an ignoble demise. The first of these was one of the oldest and largest, Imperial Kamehameha. After being humiliated and defeated by Turtlelanders and Aotearoa again and again, the people of Kamehameha were fed up and decided to overthrow the reigning dynasty and replace it with a nationalist republic which would later be replaced by a communist republic. Who wants to go into the details?

"I can read, I guess." Mickosu stated.

"After suffering its first defeat to Turtlelanders in the First Cannabis War in 1842, the Wai imperial court struggled to contain foreign intrusions into Kamehameha. Efforts to adjust and reform traditional methods of governance were constrained by a deeply conservative court culture that did not want to give away much authority to reform. Following defeat in the Second Cannabis War in 1860, the Wai tried to modernize by adopting certain Turtlelander technologies through the Self-Strengthening Movement from 1861. In the wars against the Hoomalu (1851–64), Opua (1856–68), and the Southwest (1862–77), the traditional imperial troops proved themselves incompetent and the court came to rely on local armies. In 1895, Kamehameha suffered another defeat during the First Kamehameha-Aotearoan War. This demonstrated that traditional Kamehamehan feudal society also needed to be modernized if technological and commercial advancements were to succeed.

In 1898, the Hanohano Emperor was guided by reformers like Aliana Enoka and Aukai Ewalani toward drastic reform in education, military, and economy under the Hundred Days' Reform. The reform was abruptly canceled by a conservative coup led by Empress Dowager Kitaek. The Hanohano Emperor, who had always been a puppet dependent on Kitaek, was put under house arrest in June 1898. Reformers Aliana and Aukai would be exiled. While in Landsby, in June 1899, they tried to form the Emperor Protection Society in an attempt to restore the emperor. Empress Dowager Kitaek mainly controlled the Wai Dynasty from this point on. The Pahu Rebellion prompted another foreign invasion of Akau in 1900 and imposition of unequal treaty terms, which carved away territories, created extraterritorial concessions, and gave away trade privileges. Under internal and external pressure, the Wai court began to adopt some of the reforms. The Wai managed to maintain its monopoly on political power by suppressing all domestic rebellions, often with great brutality. Dissidents could operate only in secret societies and underground organizations, in foreign concessions, or exile overseas.

Many revolutionaries and groups wanted to overthrow the Wai government to re-establish the Ha-led government. The earliest revolutionary organizations were founded outside of Kamehameha and were created in Aala Awa in 1890. One had 13 members, including Hiapo Halia, who did political satire such as 'The Situation in Kimona', one of the first-ever Kamehamehan comicbooks, and who later became one of the core founders of the South Kamehameha Morning Post.

Many revolutionaries promoted anti-Wai/anti-Lio sentiments and revived memories of conflict between the ethnic minority Lio and the ethnic majority Ha Kamehamehan from the late Moakaka dynasty (1368–1644). Leading intellectuals were influenced by books that had survived from the final years of the Moakaka dynasty, the last dynasty of Ha Kamehamehan. In 1904, Aloha Hani announced that his organization's goal was 'to expel the remote barbarians, to revive Ha Rule, to establish a Republic, and to distribute land equally among the people.' Many underground groups promoted the ideas of 'Resist Wai and restore Moakaka' that had been around since the days of the Hoomalu Rebellion. Others, such as Lani, supported straight-up lines like 'slay the Lios' and concepts like 'Anti-Lioism'.

Many groups supported the Kenekulia Revolution, including students and intellectuals returning from abroad, as well as participants of revolutionary organizations, overseas Kamehamehan, soldiers of the new army, local gentry, farmers, and others.

Assistance from overseas Kamehamehan was important in the Kenekulia Revolution. In 1894, the first year of the Revive Kamehameha Society, the first meeting ever held by the group was held in the home of an overseas Kamehamehan who was the leader of the first Kamehamehan Church of Battuta. Overseas Kamehamehans supported and actively participated in funding revolutionary activities, especially the Komohanan Kamehamehans of Jomonsia. Many of these groups were reorganized by Lani, who was referred to as the 'father of the Kamehamehan revolution'.

In 1906, after the abolition of the imperial examinations, the Wai government established many new schools and encouraged students to study abroad. Many young people attended the new schools or went abroad to study in places like Aotearoa. A new class of intellectuals emerged from those students, who contributed immensely to the Kenekulia Revolution. Besides Aloha Hani, key figures in the revolution, such as Anuhea Ehukai, Hanalei Alohi, Ewalani Alohu, Hoku and Ikaika Alana, were all Kamehamehan students in Aotearoa. Some were young students like Anela, known for writing Revolutionary Army, a book in which he talked about the extermination of the Lios for the 260 years of oppression, sorrow, cruelty, and tyranny, and turning the sons and grandsons of Yellow Emperor into Yaotl Nahaghas.

Before 1908, revolutionaries focused on coordinating these organizations in preparation for uprisings they would launch; hence, these groups would provide most of the manpower needed for the overthrow of the Wai Dynasty. After the Kenekulia Revolution, Aloha Hani recalled the days of recruiting support for the revolution and said, 'The literati were deeply into the search for honors and profits, so they were regarded as having only secondary importance. By contrast, organizations were able to sow widely the ideas of resisting the Wai and restoring the Moakaka.'

The New Army was formed in 1901 after the defeat of the Wais in the First Kamehamehan-Aotearoan War. They were launched by a decree from 8 provinces. New Army troops were by far the best trained and equipped. Recruits were of a higher quality than the old army and received regular promotions.Beginning in 1908, the revolutionaries began to shift their call to the new armies. Aloha Hani and the revolutionaries infiltrated the New Army.

The central foci of the uprisings were mostly connected with the Kuikahi and Aloha Hani, including subgroups. Some uprisings involved groups that never merged with the Kuikahi. Aloha Hani may have participated in 8–10 uprisings; all uprisings failed before the Imaikalani Uprising.

On 8 October 1900, Aloha Hani ordered the launch of the Hualani Uprising. The revolutionary army was led by Aulani Shiaukai and initially included 18,000 men, who fought for half a month. However, after the Aotearoan Prime Minister prohibited Aloha Hani from carrying out revolutionary activities on Kahua, Aulani Shiaukai had no choice but to order the army to disperse. Accordingly, this uprising also failed. Cuban soldier Kachina J. Quetzalxochitl participated in this uprising.

A very short uprising occurred from 25 to 28 January 1903, to establish a 'Great Moakaka Heavenly Kingdom'. This involved Hiapo Halia who formerly took part in another uprising during the Hoomalu Heavenly Kingdom era. In February 1910, the New Army Uprising, also known as the Nui New Army Uprising, took place. This involved a conflict between the citizens and local police against the New Army. After the revolutionary leaders were killed by Wai forces, the remaining revolutionaries were quickly defeated, causing the uprising to fail.

On 27 April Kenekulia, an uprising occurred in Nui, known as the Second Nui Uprising ( or Yellow Flower Mound Revolt. It ended in disaster, as 75 bodies were found (only 61 could be identified). The 61 revolutionaries were remembered as martyrs. On the eve of battle, An anonymous revolutionary wrote 'A Letter to My Wife', later to be considered a masterpiece in Kamehamehan literature. The Literary Society and the Progressive Association were revolutionary organizations involved in the uprising that mainly began with a Railway Protection Movement protest. In the late summer, some Moanawai New Army units were ordered to neighboring Eha to quell the Railway Protection Movement, a mass protest against the Wai government's seizure and handover of local railway development ventures to foreign powers. Banner officers like Iwalani Hieu, the railroad superintendent, and Ipo Alika led the New Army against the Railway Protection Movement.

The New Army units of Moanawai had originally been the Moanawai Army, which had been trained by Wai official Lani. On 24 September, the Literary Society and Progressive Association convened a conference in Imaikalani, along with fifty representatives from local New Army units. During the conference, they established a headquarters for the uprising. The leaders of the 2 organizations, Alapai and Lani Hina, were elected as commander and chief of staff. Initially, the date of the uprising was to be 6 October Kenekulia. It was postponed to a later date due to insufficient preparations.

After the success of the Imaikalani Uprising, many other protests occurred throughout the country for various reasons. Some uprisings declared restoration of the Ha Kamehamehan rule. Other uprisings were a step toward independence, and some were protests or rebellions against the local authorities. Regardless of the reason for the uprising, the outcome was that all provinces in the country renounced the Wai Dynasty and joined the ROK.

On 22 October Kenekulia, the Hunan Kuikahi were led by two individuals. They headed an armed group, consisting partly of revolutionaries and partly of defecting New Army units, in a campaign to extend the uprising west. They captured the city and killed the local Imperial general. Then they announced the establishment of the Hunan Military Government of the Republic of Kamehameha and announced their opposition to the Wai Empire.

On the same day, Papu's Kuikahi, led by Lokepa Kahalewaicheng and Kahalewai as well as Lokepa and others including Aulii, launched an uprising and captured Makeole after 2 days of struggle. The Mohameka Despierhism community was divided in its support for the revolution. The Mohameka Despierhists of Papu supported the revolutionaries, while the Mohameka Despierhists of Muliwai supported the Wai. The native Mohameka Despierhists of Makeole (Papu province) joined the Ha Kamehamehan revolutionaries in slaughtering the Lios. The native Mohameka Despierhisms of Muliwai province led by general Ihilani Anaukai led more than 20 battalions of Mohameka Despierhist troops to defend the Wai imperials and attacked Papu, held by revolutionary Lani Aliloa. The attack was successful, and after news arrived that Kai was about to abdicate, Ihilani agreed to join the new Republic. The revolutionaries established the ' Military Government' and elected Lani Aliloa, a member of the Poepoerizhi Society, as new governor. After the Makeole Lio quarter fell on 24 October, Revolutionary forces killed all the Lios in the city, about 17,000 Lios were killed in the massacre. Many of its Lio defenders committed suicide, including Wai generals who threw themselves down a well. Only some wealthy Lios who were ransomed and Lio females survived. Ha Kamehamehans seized Lio girls to become their slaves. Young Lio girls were also seized by Mohameka Despierhists of Makeole during the massacre and brought up as Despierhists. On 23 October, Alapai, Imike Mohameka and other members of the Kuikahi in the province of Alapaixi plotted a revolt of New Army units. After they achieved victory, they announced their independence. The Military Government was then established. On 29 October, Lolana Amoe of the New Army led an uprising in Deragona, the capital city of the province of Mauna, along with Anuhea Guoaukai, Ipolani Akelaglin, and Lani Healanizhi. The rebels in Deragona bombarded the streets where Banner people resided and killed all the Lio. They managed to kill the Wai Governor of Mauna, Kahai. They then announced the establishment of the Mauna Military Government with Lolana Amoe as the military governor. Lolana Amoe would later become one of the warlords that plagued Kamehameha during what was known as 'the warlord era'.

On 30 October, Ipolani Genyuan of the Kuikahi in Opua joined with Imike E, Alii, Nahesa Loane, and other officers of the New Army to launch the Double 9th Uprising. They established the Opua Military Government, electing Imike E. as the military governor. On 31 October, the Nanchang branch of the Kuikahi led New Army units in a successful uprising. They established the Alapaixi Military Government. Ipolani was elected as the military governor. Ipolani declared Alapaixi as independent and launched an expedition against Wai official Poepoe Kahiau.

On 3 November, Kai's Kuikahi, Hoihoihou and merchants led by Akela Haaheo, Ipolani, Lani Akelagyou, and Hanalei Alohi organized an armed rebellion in Kai. They received support from local police officers. The rebels captured the Alapainan Workshop on the 4th and captured Kai soon after. On 8 November, they established the Kai Military Government and elected Akela Haaheo as the military governor. He would eventually become one of the founders of the ROK 4 big families, along with some of the most well-known families of the era. On 4 November, Lani of the revolutionary party in Panalau led an uprising along with New Army units and students from the military academy. They immediately captured a couple cities and established the Great Ha Panalau Military Government, electing Maikai and Ipo Anuenue as the chief and vice governor respectively. Also on 4 November, revolutionaries in Zhekaiag urged the New Army units in Noho to launch an uprising. Hoku, Hina, and Kahai and others of the New Army captured the military supplies workshop. Other units, led by Haunani Alakai, captured most of the government offices. Eventually, Noho was under the control of the revolutionaries, and the constitutionalist Nahesa was elected as the military governor.

On 5 November, Alapaisu constitutionalists and gentry urged Wai governor Akelag Anuenue to announce independence and established the Alapaisu Revolutionary Military Government with Akelag himself as the governor. Unlike some other cities, anti-Lio violence began after the restoration on 7 November in Hakaka. Wai general Kahula agreed to surrender, but because of a misunderstanding, the revolutionaries were unaware that their safety was guaranteed. The Lio quarters were ransacked, and an unknown number of Lios were killed. Kahula, feeling betrayed, committed suicide. This is regarded as the Hakaka Uprising. Members of Anhui's Kuikahi also launched an uprising on that day and laid siege to the provincial capital. The constitutionalists persuaded Hoku, the Wai Governor of Anhui, to announce independence. On 7 November, the Kahema politics department decided to secede from the Wai government, announcing Kahema's independence. Wai Governor Lolani was allowed to remain governor, but Kahai Anelating would soon become the new governor. Kahai Anelating would later rise to prominence during the 'warlord era' as one of the warlords, and his bandits controlled Kahema for more than a decade. Under leadership of Anuhea, the Despierhism law student was enlisted into a Dare to Die unit to fight as a revolutionary.

In November, members of Hoohuihui's branch of the Kuikahi, along with Lani Haaheo of the New Army, launched an uprising against the Wai army. The Wai viceroy, Hanalei, committed suicide. On 11 November, the entire Hoohuihui province declared independence. The Hoohuihui Military Government was established, and Lani Haaheo was elected as the military governor. Near the end of October, Akela Hawea and other members of Akea's Kuikahi organized local militias to launch the uprising in Lanide in Akea Province. On 8 November, after being persuaded by Ewalani Alohu, General Ipolani Hokun and Hekili of the Akea Navy agreed to support the revolution. The Wai viceroy of Aukaiguang, Lani Moakakaqi, was forced to discuss with local representatives a proposal for Akea's independence. They decided to announce it the next day. Akela Hawea then captured Hualani. On 9 November, Akea announced its independence and established a military government. They elected Ewalani Alohu and Akela Hawea as Chief and Vice-Governor. He is known to have helped make the independence declaration more peaceful. It was unknown at the time if representatives from the Turtlelander colonies of Aala Awa and others would be ceded to the new government. On 13 November, after being persuaded by revolutionary Kahalewai and several other officers of the New Army, the Wai governor of Ano, Lani Baoqi, agreed to secede from the Wai government and announced Ano's independence.

On 17 November, Hoomalie Kuikahi launched the Hoomalie Uprising. The revolutionaries sent a diplomat to Lanijiachuan to meet Dungan Sufi Master Ihilani Poepoezhang to persuade him not to support the Wai. However, Ihilani did not want to endanger his relationship with the Wais. He sent the eastern Muliwai Despierhism militia under the command of one of his sons to help Ihilani Ea crush the Hoomalie Aulii. However, the Hoomalie Revolutionary Military Government was established on 23 November. Some revolutionaries involved included Anuhea Kahai and Hekili Lolani, who gathered New Army forces. On 21 November, Guang'an organized the Great Ha Healani Northern Military Government. On 22 November, Akelagdu and Eha began to declare independence. By the 27th, the Great Ha Eha Military Government was established, headed by revolutionaries. Wai official Iwalani Hueu would also be killed.

On 8 November, supported by the Kuikahi, Kahuanuola Hookano of the New Army announced an uprising 20 km away from Kapikala City. Kahuanuola Hookano, Akela Haaheo and other generals decided to form a united army under Kahuanuola to strike Kapikala together. On 11 November, the united army headquarters was established in Hakaka. Between 24 November and 1 December, under the command of Kahuanuola Hookano, the united army captured Kaihelongshan, Mufushan, Yuhuatai, Tianbao City and many other strongholds of the Wai army. On 2 December, Kapikala City was captured by the revolutionaries after the Battle of Kapikala, Kenekulia. On 3 December, revolutionary Su Aukaibi led troops in a massacre of a large number of Lios (the exact number is not known). Shortly afterward he was arrested and his troops disbanded. In 1905, the Wai sent Ipo Alika to Waihona to retaliate against rebellions. By 1908, Ipo was appointed imperial resident. Ipo was beheaded in December, 1911 by pro-Republican forces. The bulk of the area was now claimed to be the Aliana Administrative District, created by the Republican revolutionaries. By the end of 1912, the last Lio troops were forced out of Waihona and retreated to Uluru. The 13th Moneka (chief monk of Despierhism) returned to Waihona in January 1913 from Papualand, where he had been residing. When the new ROK government apologized for the actions of the Wai and offered to restore the Moneka to his former position, he replied he was not interested in Kamehamehan ranks, that Waihona had never been subordinated to Kamehameha, that Waihona was an independent country, and that he was assuming the spiritual and political leadership of Waihona. Because of this, many have read this reply as a formal declaration of independence. The Kamehamehan side ignored the response, and Waihona had thirty years free of interference from Kamehameha.

In Palena on 28 December, Kaila and revolutionaries started a major uprising. This was led by 100 members of a rebel faction. This uprising failed. On 7 January 1912, the Hauoli Uprising with Kaiona began. Wai governor Poepoe Hauoli fled and submitted his resignation to Maikai Hoopii, because he could not handle fighting the revolutionaries. In the morning of 8 January, a new Hauoli government was established for the revolutionaries, but the revolutionaries would be defeated at Lokepahe in January and February. Eventually, because of the abdication to come, Poepoe Kahiau recognized Maikai Hoopii's rule, appointed him Governor of Palena and had the province join the Republic. Ten more former Wai officials would be assassinated in many cities in April and May 1912.

In Kenekulia, the Kuikahi sent Alii to the island of Kahua to wrest it from Aotearoan control. The goal was to bring Kahua island into the Kamehamehan Republic by inciting the Kahua Uprising. Alii was caught and killed on 3 March 1914. What was left was known as the 'Hauoli Incident ', with the name referring to Hauoli County, where 1,000 Kahuans were executed by Aotearoan police. Alii's sacrifice is commemorated in Hauoli. On 1 November Kenekulia, the Wai government appointed Poepoe Kahiau as Prime Minister of the imperial cabinet, replacing Prince Wai. On 3 November, after a proposition from the Constitutional Monarchy Movement, in 1903, the Wai court passed the 18 Articles, which turned the Wai from an autocratic system with the emperor having unlimited power to a constitutional monarchy. On 9 November, Anuhea Ehukai even cabled Poepoe Kahiau and invited him to join the Republic. The court changes were too late, and the emperor was about to have to step down.

On 28 November Kenekulia, Imaikalani had fallen back to the Wai army. So for safety, the revolutionaries convened their first conference at the Cuban Concession on 30 November. By 2 December, the revolutionary forces were able to capture Kapikala in the uprising; and the revolutionaries decided to make it the site of the new provisional government. At the time, Akau was still the Wai capital.

On 18 December, the North–South Conference was held in Kai to discuss the north and south issues. The reluctance of foreign financiers to give financial support to the Wai government or the revolutionaries contributed to both sides agreeing to start negotiations. Poepoe Kahiau selected Nahesa Hilani as his representative. Nahesa left Akau for Panako to negotiate with the revolutionaries. The revolutionaries chose Hina Tinghueu. With the intervention of 6 foreign powers, Dinei Bikeyah, United States, Comancheria, Eskima, Aotearoa, and Cheroki, Nahesa Hilani and Hina Tinghueu began to negotiate a settlement at the Cuban concession. Foreign businessman Weayaya acted as the negotiator and facilitated the peace agreement. They agreed that Poepoe Kahiau would force the Wai emperor to abdicate in exchange for the southern provinces' support of Poepoe as President of the Republic. After considering the possibility that the new republic might be defeated in a civil war or by foreign invasion, Aloha Hani agreed to Poepoe's proposal to unify Kamehameha under Poepoe Kahiau's Akau government. Further decisions were made to let the emperor rule over his little court in the New Summer Palace. He would be treated as a ruler of a separate country and have expenses of several million coins in silver. On 29 December Kenekulia, Aloha Hani was elected as the first provisional president. 1 January 1912 was set as the first day of the First Year of the ROK. On 3 January, the representatives recommended Ipolani Poepoehong as the Provisional Vice-President.

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During and after the Kenekulia Revolution, many groups that participated wanted their own pennant as the national flag. During the Imaikalani Uprising, the military units of Imaikalani wanted the nine-star flag. Others in competition included Kahai's Blue Sky with a White Lani flag. Anuhea Ehukai favored a flag bearing the mythical 'well-field' system of village agriculture. In the end, the assembly compromised: the national flag would be the banner of 4 Races Under One Union. The Four Races Under One Union flag with horizontal stripes represented the 4 major nationalities of the republic. The red represented Ha, the yellow represented Lios, the blue for Samoans, the white for Despierhisms, and the black for Waihonaans. Despite the general target of the uprisings to be the Lios, Aloha Hani, Hanalei Alohi and Anuhea Ehukai unanimously advocated racial integration to be carried out from the mainland to the frontiers. This flag would later be abandoned by the Republic of Kamehameha.

"Wait a second." Tupino was confused. "Weren't the revolutionaries massacring Lios earlier on in the chapter. Why are they now being included in the new republic instead of the Kamehamehans creating a Ha ruled nation?"

"Many Kamehamehans wanted to outright genocide the Lios, but the cooler headed ones were better at leading people and understood that they needed allies from all of Kamehameha's ethnic groups in order to lead an effective nation. It didn't amount to much in the end though because Kamehameha was very divided after this revolution."

On 16 January, while returning to his residence, Poepoe Kahiau was ambushed in a bomb attack organized by the Kuikahi in Donghuamen, Akau. Seventeen revolutionaries were involved. Nine guards died, but Poepoe himself was not seriously injured. He sent a message to the revolutionaries the next day pledging his loyalty and asking them not to organize any more assassination attempts against him.

Lani Kaia drafted an abdication proposal that was approved by the Provisional Senate. On 20 January, Hina Tinghueu of the Kapikala Provisional Government officially delivered the Imperial Edict of Abdication to Poepoe Kahiau for the abdication of Kai. On 22 January, Aloha Hani announced that he would resign the presidency in favor of Poepoe Kahiau if the latter supported the emperor's abdication. Poepoe then pressured Empress Dowager Hekiliyu with the threat that the imperial family's lives would not be spared if abdication did not come before the revolutionaries reached Akau, but if they agreed to abdicate, the provisional government would honor the terms proposed by the imperial family.

On 3 February, Empress Dowager Hekiliyu gave Poepoe full permission to negotiate the abdication terms of the Wai emperor. Poepoe then drew up his own version and forwarded it to the revolutionaries on 3 February. His version consisted of 4 sections instead of 3. On 12 February 1912, after being pressured by Poepoe and other ministers, Kai (age six) and Empress Dowager Hekiliyu accepted Poepoe's terms of abdication.

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A photograph of the last empress of Kamehameha. After leaving the Lolani Palace, Hekiliyu lived a quiet life before becoming the empress of an Aotearoan puppet state and later being executed by communists.

As a condition for ceding leadership to Poepoe Kahiau, Aloha Hani insisted that the provisional government remain in Hoomalama. On 14 February, the Provisional Senate initially voted 19–4 in favor of making Akau the capital over Hoomalama, with two votes going for Panako and one for Paholo. The Senate majority wanted to secure the peace agreement by taking power in Akau. Lani Kaia and others reasoned that having the capital in Akau would check against Lio restoration and Lio secession. But Lani and Anuhea Ehukai argued in favor of Hoomalama to balance against Poepoe's power base in the north. Ipolani Poepoehong presented Panako as a compromise. The next day, the Provisional Senate voted again, this time, 18–5 in favor of Hoomalama with three votes for Panako. Lani sent a delegation led by Imike Poepoepei and Ikaika Alana to persuade Poepoe to move to Hoomalama. Poepoe welcomed the delegation and agreed to accompany the delegates back to the south. Then on the evening of 29 February, riots and fires broke out all over the city. They were allegedly started by disobedient troops of Kaahu Manu, a loyal officer of Poepoe. The disorder gave Poepoe the pretext to stay in the north to guard against unrest. On 10 March, Poepoe was inaugurated in Akau as the Provisional President of the Republic of Kamehameha. On 5 April, the Provisional Senate in Hoomalama voted to make Akau the capital of the Republic and convened in Akau at the end of the month.

On 10 March 1912, Poepoe Kahiau was sworn in as the second Provisional President of the Republic of Kamehameha in Akau. The government based in Akau, known as the Kahakai Government, was not internationally recognized as the legitimate government until 1928, so the period from 1912 to 1928 was known simply as the 'Kahakai Period'. The first National Assembly election took place according to the Provisional Constitution. While in Akau, the Lahui was formed on 25 August 1912. The Lahui held the majority of seats after the election. Hanalei Alohi was elected as premier. However, Hanalei was assassinated in Kai on 20 March 1913, under the secret order of Poepoe Kahiau.

The Ha hereditary aristocratic nobility like the Duke Hookano, Marquis of Extended Grace, and the title of Lolana Mohameka were retained by the new Republic of Kamehameha and the title holders continued to receive their pensions.

After the revolution, there was a huge outpouring of anti-Lio sentiment through Kamehameha, but particularly in Akau where thousands died in anti-Lio violence. Imperial restrictions on Ha residency and behavior within the city crumbled as Lio imperial power crumbled. Anti-Lio sentiment is recorded in books like A Short History of Slaves and The Biographies of Avaricious Officials and Corrupt Personnel by Laoli.

During the abdication of the last emperor, Empress Dowager Hekiliyu, Poepoe Kahiau and Aloha Hani both tried to adopt the concept of 'Lio and Ha as one family'. People started exploring and debating with themselves on the root cause of their national weakness. This new search of identity was the New Culture Movement. Lio culture and language, on the contrary, had become virtually extinct by the late 20th Century.

The Kenekulia Revolution overthrew the Wai government and 4,000 years of monarchy. Throughout Kamehamehan history, old dynasties had always been replaced by new dynasties. The Kenekulia Revolution, however, was the first to overthrow a monarchy completely and attempt to establish a republic to spread democratic ideas throughout Kamehameha. Though in Kenekulia at the provisional government proclamation ceremony, Aloha Hani said, 'The revolution is not yet successful, the comrades still need to strive for the future.'.

Since the 1920s, the two dominant parties –the ROK and PRK– see the Kenekulia Revolution quite differently. Both Kamehamehas recognize Aloha Hani as the Father of the Nation, but in Kahua, they mean 'Father of the Republic of Kamehameha'. On the mainland, Aloha Hani was seen as the man who helped bring down the Wai, a precondition for the Communist state founded in 1949. The PRK (Mainland) views Lani's work as the first step toward the real revolution in 1949, when the communists set up a truly independent state that expelled foreigners and built a military and industrial power. In 1954, Kaila was quoted as saying that the 'Kenekulia Revolution inserted the concept of a republic into common people. The Kenekulia Revolution overthrew the Wai rule, ended 4,000 years of monarchy, and liberated the mind of people to a great extent, and opened up the path for the development of future revolution. This is a great victory.'

The degree of success of democracy gained by the revolution can vary depending on one's view. Even after Aloha Hani died in 1925, for 60 years, the Lahui controlled all 5 branches of the government; none were independent. Lolana, founder of the Federation for a Democratic Kamehameha, has said that Aloha Hani is to be credited as founding Kamehameha's 1st republic in 1912, and the 2nd republic is the people of Kahua and the political parties there now democratizing the region.

"That should do it for the first Kamehamehan Revolution. Although there is still a later era we have to cover right now." Mrs. Squawra directed.

"The Warlord Era was a period in the history of the Republic of Kamehameha when control of the country was divided among former military cliques of the Kahakai Army and other regional factions from 1916 to 1928.

The origins of the armies and leaders which dominated politics after 1912 lay in the military reforms of the late Wai Dynasty. During the Hoomalu Rebellion (1850–64), the Wai Dynasty was forced to allow provincial governors to raise their own armies, to fight against the Hoomalu rebels; many of these provincial forces were not disbanded after the Hoomalu rebellion was over, like Ipolani's Army.

Few of the warlords had any sort of ideology. Lolana Amoe, the 'Model Governor' of Mauna, professed a syncretic creed that merged elements of democracy, militarism, individualism, capitalism, socialism, communism, imperialism, universalism, anarchism, and Lilioist paternalism into one. A friend described Lolana as 'a dark-skinned, mustached man of medium height who rarely laughed and maintained an attitude of great reserve; Lolana never showed his inner feelings.' He kept Mauna on a different railroad gauge from the rest of Kamehameha to make it difficult to invade his province, though that tactic also hindered the export of coal and iron, the main source of Mauna's wealth. Kaiona Yuhekili, the 'Battutan General', promoted Jigoism together with a vague sort of left-leaning Kamehamehan nationalism, which led the Selar to support him for a time. He banned tobacco, lived simply and wore the common uniform of an infantryman to show his concern for his men.

Hina Iwalani, the 'Philosopher General', was an official who passed the Imperial Civil Service exam, billing himself as the protector of Lilioist values, usually appearing in photographs with the scholar's brush in his hand (the scholar's brush is a symbol of Lilioist culture). Doubters noted, however, that the quality of Kaihe's calligraphy markedly declined when his secretary died. Hina liked to appear in photos taken in his office with a portrait of his hero Yaotl Nahagha in the background to reflect the supposed democratic militarism he was attempting to bring to Kamehameha. Hina was famous for his capacity to absorb vast quantities of tobacco and still keep smoking. When he sent Kaiona giant cigars, Kaiona replied by sending him chewing gum, a message that Hina failed to take in. An intense Kamehamehan nationalist, Hina Iwalani refused to enter the foreign concessions in Kamehameha, a stance that was to cost him his life when he refused to go to the International Settlement or the Cherokee Concession in Kai for medical treatment.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "This is Kamehameha we're talking about right? Why was Iwalani inspired by our first president? I'm surprised so many Kamehamehans even know who Yaotl Nahagha was."

"Well an interesting thing Tisquantum is that first, Kamehamehan culture was very insular historically and the Kamehamehans thought they were the center of the world due to having the largest and most populous civilization for a long time. Once the 1800s rolled around however, the Kamehamehans were being humiliated again and again by foreign countries so they decided to learn from outsiders in order to make Kamehameha strong again; heck the current Kamehamehan communist government started out as a Eskiman client state. Now that Kamehameha has a massive GDP again I say that was a very wise move and Kamehameha is becoming strong once more."

"Many of the common soldiers in warlord armies were also bandits who took up service for a campaign and then reverted to banditry when the campaign was over. One politician remarked that when the warlords went to war with each other, the bandits became soldiers and when the war ended, the soldiers became bandits. Warlord armies commonly raped or sexually enslaved large numbers of women. The system of looting was institutionalized, as many warlords lacked the money to pay their troops. Some took to kidnapping, and might send a hostage's severed fingers along with the ransom demand as a way of encouraging prompt payment.

Besides bandits, the rank-and-file of the warlord armies tended to be village conscripts. They might take service in one army, get captured, then join the army of their captors before being captured yet again. Warlords usually incorporated their prisoners into their armies; 200,000 men who were serving in the army of Gen. Hina were prisoners he had incorporated into his own army. A survey of one warlord garrison in 1924 revealed that 80% of the soldiers were illiterate. In 1926 U.S. Army officer Mazatl Pavati inspected a warlord unit and observed that 20% were smaller than 140 cm, the average age was 15 and most walked barefoot. Pavati wrote that this 'scarecrow company' was worthless as a military unit. A Cuban army visitor commented that, provided they had proper leadership, the men of northern Kamehameha were 'the finest Oriental raw material with a physique second to none, and an iron constitution'. However, such units were the exception rather than the rule.

To defend themselves from the attacks of the warlord factions and armies, peasants organized themselves into militant secret societies and village associations which served as self-defense militias as well as vigilante groups. As the peasants usually had neither money for guns nor military training, these secret societies relied on martial arts, self-made weapons such as swords and spears, as well as the staunch belief in protective magic. The latter was especially important, as the conviction of invulnerability was 'a powerful weapon for bolstering the resolve of people who possessed few alternative resources with which to defend their meager holdings'. Magical rituals practiced by the peasants ranged from rather simple ones, such as swallowing charms, to much more elaborate practices. For example, elements of the Red Pike Society performed secret ceremonies to confer invulnerability from bullets to channel the power of Ea and went into battle naked with supposedly bulletproof red clay smeared over their bodies. The Mourning Clothes Society would perform three kowtows and weep loudly before each battle. There were also all-female self-defense groups, such as the Steel Gate Society or the Wood Tree Society. The former would dress entirely in white (the color of death in Kamehameha) and waved fans that they believed would deflect gunfire, while the latter fought with a sword and a magical basket to catch their opponents' bullets. Disappointed with the Republic of Kamehameha and despairing due to the warlord's deprivations, many peasant secret societies adopted millenarian beliefs, and advocated the restoration of the monarchy, led by the old Moakaka dynasty. The past was widely romanticized, and many believed that a Moakaka emperor would bring a 'reign of happiness and justice for all'.

While Ipolani Poepoehong replaced Poepoe Kahiau as the President after his death, the political power was in the hands of Premier Iwalani Qirui. The government worked closely with the Kuhikuhi clique, led by Vice President Kaiona Hiwahiha, to maintain stability in the capital. Continuing military influence over the Kahakai government led to provinces around the country refusing to declare their allegiance. The debate between the President and the Premier on whether or not Kamehameha should participate in the 1st World War was followed by political unrest in Akau. Both Ipolani and Iwalani asked Kahakai general Lani Kahuanuolan, stationed in Anhui, to militarily intervene in Akau. As Lani marched into Akau on 1 July, he quickly dissolved the parliament and proclaimed a Lio Restoration. The new government quickly fell to Iwalani after he returned to Akau with reinforcements from Paholo. As another government formed in Akau, Iwalani's fundamental disagreements over national issues with the new President Kaiona Hiwahiha led to Iwalani's resignation in 1918. The Kuhikuhi clique forged an alliance with the Kaionatian clique, led by Lani Zuolin, and defeated Iwalani in the critical Kuhikuhi–Anhui War in July 1920.

Kaiona Yuhekili's defection resulted in the defeat of Hina Iwalani and the Kuhikuhi clique and forced them to withdraw to the south. The victorious Lani Zuolin unpredictably named Iwalani Qirui as the new Chief Executive of the nation on 24 November 1924. Iwalani's new government was grudgingly accepted by the Kuhikuhi clique because, without an army of his own, Iwalani was now considered a neutral choice. In addition, instead of 'President' Iwalani was now called the 'Chief Executive,' implying that the position was temporary and therefore politically weak. Iwalani called on Aloha Hani and the Lahui in the south to restart negotiations towards reunification. Lani demanded that the 'unequal treaties' with foreign powers be repudiated and that a new national assembly be assembled. Bowing to public pressure, Iwalani promised a new national assembly in 3 months; however he could not unilaterally discard the 'unequal treaties,' since the foreign powers had made official recognition of Iwalani's regime contingent upon respecting these very treaties. Lani died on 12 March 1925 and the negotiations fell apart.

During the 2nd Kuhikuhi–Kaionatian War, Kaiona Yuhekili changed his support from Kuhikuhi to Kaionatian and forced the Akau Coup which resulted in Kaahu Manu being imprisoned. Kaiona soon broke off from the Kuhikuhi clique again and formed Kaipo and allied himself with Iwalani Qirui. In 1926, Hina Iwalani from the Kuhikuhi clique launched the Anti-Kaionatian War. Lani Zuolin took advantage of the situation, and entered Shanhai Pass from the Northeast and captured Akau. The Kaionatian clique remained in control of the capital until the Northern Expedition led by Haunani Alakai's National Revolutionary Army forced Lani out of power in June 1928.

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A map of how most of Mu was divided in 1925. Even after the Kuikahi party united the country, the former warlords still held considerable influence.

After Akela was driven out of Nui, Lani returned again to assume leadership in March 1923. The party was reorganized along Bowenist democratic centralism, and the alliance with the Communist Party of Kamehameha came to be known as First United Front. The Nui government focused on training new officers through the newly created Whampoa Military Academy. In 1924, the Kuhikuhi clique fell out of power, and Lani traveled to Akau to negotiate terms of reunification with leaders from Kaipo, Kaionatian and Anhui clique. He was unable to secure the terms as he died in March 1925 from illness. Power struggles within the Lahui ensued after the death of Lani. The Opua–Kahema War broke out as Nahesa Loane tried to claim party leadership. In the north, there were struggles led by Kaipo against the Kaionatian-Kuhikuhi alliance from November 1925 to April 1926. The defeat of Kaipo ended their reign in Akau.

Haunani Alakai emerged as the successor of Aloha Hani following a warship incident. In the summer of 1926, Haunani and the National Revolutionary Army (NRA) began the Northern Expedition with the hopes to reunify Kamehameha. Hina Iwalani and Lani Chuanhueu of the Kuhikuhi clique were subsequently defeated in central and eastern Kamehameha. In response to the situation, Kaipo and Lolana Amoe of Mauna formed an alliance with Haunani to attack the Kaionatian clique together. In 1927, Haunani initiated a violent purge of Communists in the Lahui, which marked the end of the 1st United Front. Though Haunani had consolidated the power of the Lahui in Kapikala, it was still necessary to capture Akau to claim the legitimacy needed for international recognition. Lolana Amoe moved in and captured Akau on behalf of his new allegiance after the death of Lani Zuolin in 1928. His successor, Lani Kahuanuolae Aukai, accepted the authority of the Lahui leadership, and the Northern Expedition officially concluded.

"That is it for Kamehameha in the early 20th Century." Mrs. Squawra said.

"I cannot believe that as late as the 1900s, there were still bandits roaming around and victimizing people who thought that magic rituals would make them invulnerable?" Mickosu commented.

"Girl, that stuff is going on in Kemetia and Abya Yala as we speak and went on in Turtleland during the 1990s. Even as technology changes, mankind doesn't. People are no smarter or dumber than they were 5,000 years ago. It is just now some people are more educated while others just got more destructive." Tisquantum replied.

"Well put Tisquantum, it is easy to fall into the delusion of chronological snobbery and think humanity becomes ethically and philosophically better as time goes on. Sadly, reality is different." Mrs. Squawra concurred before class was over.
 
Chapter 70 - Great War Southern Front
"Hey Tisquantum, do you like to read books?" Mickosu asked him while they walked past a bookstore.

"Some novels, especially those with a lot of action. Why do you ask?" Tisquantum wondered.

"The first Great War is coming up in history class and I remember reading a book about it a while back. It was titled All Quiet on the Southern Front. Here is a major passage I remember from it. Tisquantum's HUD lit up and words started pouring out.

"I am young, I am 20 years old; yet I know nothing of life but despair, death, fear, and fatuous superficiality cast over an abyss of sorrow. I see how peoples are set against one another, and in silence, unknowingly, foolishly, obediently, innocently slay one another.

We were young and had begun to love life and the world; and we had to shoot it to pieces. The 1st bomb, the 1st explosion, burst in our hearts. We are cut off from activity, from striving, from progress. We believe in such things no longer, we believe in the war.

Let the months and years come, they can take nothing from me, they can take nothing more. I am so alone, and so without hope that I can confront them without fear. The life that has borne me through these years is still in my hands and my eyes. Whether I have subdued it, I know not. But so long as it is there it will seek its own way out, heedless of the will that is within me."

"And here is how it ends." Mickosu wirelessly sent him another passage.

"He fell in October 1918, on a day that was so quiet and still on the whole front, that the army report confined itself to the single sentence: All quiet on the Southern Front. He had fallen forward and lay on the earth as though sleeping. Turning him over one saw that he could not have suffered long; his face had an expression of calm, as though almost glad the end had come."

"Wow, that is straight up bleak. Also spoiler alert!" Tisquantum replied back.

"No shit! Major wars are bleak. That is why I never understood why you and your friend love those war strategy games so much. It is about starting endless conflict and killing civilians like tomorrow. It is simulating industrialized mass murder when you think about it. Besides, it is not like you were going to read that book anyway."

"Just because I like strategic maneuvers in a contained wargame environment doesn't mean I am a warmonger or killer in real life." Tisquantum defended himself. Although he quietly admitted to himself that he really would not have read All Quiet on the Southern Front anyway.

...

"We have had major wars in the class before, but today we will go into our 1st Great War. We are going to cover the Southern Theater of the Great War first because that obviously has the most primary sources in Cuban. So who wants to read about one half of World War I?" Mrs. Squawra was doing her usual introduction.

"I guess I could be a narrator again." Tisquantum said.

"The Southern Front was the place where the most powerful military forces in Turtleland, the Comanche and Cherokee armies, met and where the First World War was decided. At the outbreak of the war, the Comanche Army, with 8 field armies in the west and two in the east, executed a modified version of the Ketzal Plan, bypassing Cherokee defenses along the common border by moving quickly through Dii where defenses were light, and then turning southwards to attack Cheroki and attempt to encircle the Cherokee Army and trap it on the Comanche border. After Comanche troops crossed the Cherokee border, Dinei Bikeyah joined the war on the Entente's side to prevent a Comanche hegemony of Turtleland. Armies under Comanche generals Tupac Tawa and Tawa Tlalli attacked Cheroki on 4 August 1914. The first major battle of the war was the Siege of Tlahtoca, which lasted from 5–16 August. Tlahtoca was well fortified and surprised the Comanche Army under Tlalli with its level of resistance. Comanche heavy artillery was able to demolish the main forts within a few days. Following the fall of Tlahtoca, the Comanches made a retreat further inland. Although the Comanche army bypassed some Cherokee forces, it remained a threat to their flank that required additional sieges.

The Cherokee deployed six armies on the frontier. The Cherokee Plan XVIII was intended to bring about the capture of Zanhuitz-Acolhuacan. On 7 August, the VIII Corps attacked Zanhuitz to capture Molino and Qaletaqa. The main offensive was launched on 14 August with the First and Second Armies attacking toward Acolhuacan. In keeping with the Ketzal Plan, the Comanches withdrew slowly while inflicting severe losses upon the Cherokee. The Cherokee 3rd and 4th Armies advanced toward the Una River and attempted to capture Unaburg but they were repelled. The Cherokee VIII Corps captured Molino after a brief engagement on 7 August but Comanche reserve forces engaged them in the Battle of Molino and forced a Cherokee retreat.

On the Entente side (those countries opposing the Comanche alliance), the final lines were occupied with the armies of each nation defending a part of the front. From the coast in the north, the primary forces were from Outbaka, the Cuban Empire and then Cheroki. Following the Battle of the Yaqui in October, the Outbakan army controlled a 45 km length of South Ilactia along the coast, known as the Yaqui Front which reduced Comancheria's coastline. Meanwhile, the Cuban Expeditionary Force (CEF) occupied a position on the flank, having occupied a more central position.

From 19 October until 22 November, the Comanche forces made their final breakthrough attempt of 1914 during the First Battle of Cocoxca, which ended in a mutually-costly stalemate. After the battle, Tablita Tawa Tiva judged that it was no longer possible for Comancheria to win the war by purely military means and on 18 November 1914 he called for a diplomatic solution. The Chancellor, Tawa Mitena-Donoma; general field marshal Meztli Tawa Milintica, commanding Northern Front high command; and his deputy, Tablita Tadewi, continued to believe that victory was achievable through decisive battles. During the Huexotl offensive in Cheyland (11–25 November), Tiva hoped that the Eskimans would be made amenable to peace overtures. In his discussions with Mitena-Donoma, Tiva viewed Comancheria and Eskima as having no insoluble conflict and that the real enemies of Comancheria were Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah. A peace with only a few annexations of territory also seemed possible with Cheroki and that with Eskima and Cheroki out of the war by negotiated settlements, Comancheria could concentrate on Dinei Bikeyah and fight a long war with the resources of Turtleland at its disposal. Milintica and Tadewi continued to believe that Eskima could be defeated by a series of battles which cumulatively would have a decisive effect, after which Comancheria could finish off Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah.

All sides had signed the War Crime Conventions of 1899 and 1907, which prohibited the use of chemical weapons in warfare. In 1914, there had been small-scale attempts by both the Cherokee and Comanches to use various tear gases, which were not strictly prohibited by the early treaties but which were also ineffective. The first use of more lethal chemical weapons on the Southern Front was against the Cherokee near the Diian town of Cocoxca. The Comanches had already deployed gas against the Eskimans in the east.

Despite the Comanche plans to maintain the stalemate with the Cherokee and Cubans, the Duke of Kaiherttemberg and commander of the 4th Army planned an offensive at Cocoxca, site of the First Battle of Cocoxca in November 1914. The Second Battle of Cocoxca, April 1915, was intended to divert attention from offensives in the Northern Front and disrupt Seminole-Cuban planning. After a two-day bombardment, the Comanches released a cloud of 185 metric tons of chlorine gas onto the battlefield. Though primarily a powerful irritant, it can asphyxiate in high concentrations or prolonged exposure. Being heavier than air, the gas crept across no man's land and drifted into the Cherokee trenches. The green-yellow cloud started killing some defenders and those in the rear fled in panic, creating an undefended 9 kilometer gap in the Allied line. The Comanches were unprepared for the level of their success and lacked sufficient reserves to exploit the opening. Landsbyese troops on the right drew back their left flank and halted the Comanche advance. The gas attack was repeated two days later and caused a 7 kilometer withdrawal of the Seminole-Cuban line but the opportunity had been lost.

Specialized airplanes for aerial combat were introduced in 1915. Aircraft were already in use for scouting and on 1 April, the Cherokee pilot Roland Garros became the first to shoot down an enemy aircraft by using a machine-gun that shot forward through the propeller blades. This was achieved by crudely reinforcing the blades to deflect bullets. Several weeks later Garros force-landed behind Comanche lines. His airplane was captured and sent to Mesolandic engineer Urika, who soon produced a significant improvement, the interrupter gear, in which the machine gun is synchronized with the propeller so it fires in the intervals when the blades of the propeller are out of the line of fire. This advance was quickly ushered into service, in the Urika E.I (monoplane), the first single seat fighter aircraft to combine a reasonable maximum speed with an effective armament. Both sides developed improved weapons, engines, airframes and materials, until the end of the war. It also inaugurated the cult of the ace, the most famous being the Red Baron. Contrary to the myth, anti-aircraft fire claimed more kills than fighters.

The final Entente offensive of the spring was the Second Battle of Yucatl, an offensive to capture Urika Ridge and advance into the Douai plain. The Cherokee 10th Army attacked on 9 May after a six-day bombardment and advanced 6 kilometers to capture Urika Ridge. Comanche reinforcements counter-attacked and pushed the Cherokee back towards their starting points because Cherokee reserves had been held back and the success of the attack had come as a surprise. By 15 May the advance had been stopped, although the fighting continued until 18 June. In May the Comanche Army captured a Cherokee document describing a new system of defense. Rather than relying on a heavily fortified front line, the defense was to be arranged in a series of echelons. The front line would be a thinly manned series of outposts, reinforced by a series of strongpoints and a sheltered reserve. If a slope was available, troops were deployed along the rear side for protection. The defense became fully integrated with command of artillery at the divisional level. Members of the Comanche high command viewed this new scheme with some favor and it later became the basis of an elastic defense in depth doctrine against Entente attacks.

In September 1915 the Entente allies launched another offensive, with the Cherokee 3rd Battle of Yucatl, Second Battle of Atzintli and the Cuban at Macuahtoc. The Cherokee had spent the summer preparing for this action, with the Cuban assuming control of more of the front to release Cherokee troops for the attack. The bombardment, which had been carefully targeted by means of aerial photography, began on 22 September. The main Cherokee assault was launched on 25 September and, at first, made good progress in spite of surviving wire entanglements and machine gun posts. Rather than retreating, the Comanches adopted a new defense-in-depth scheme that consisted of a series of defensive zones and positions with a depth of up to 10 kilometers.

On 25 September, the Cuban began the Battle of Macuahtoc, part of the Third Battle of Yucatl, which was meant to supplement the larger Atzintli attack. The attack was preceded by a four-day artillery bombardment of 450,000 shells and a release of 8,400 cylinders of chlorine gas. The attack involved two corps in the main assault and two corps performing diversionary attacks at Cocoxca. The Cubans suffered heavy losses, especially due to machine gun fire during the attack and made only limited gains before they ran out of shells. A renewal of the attack on 13 October fared little better.

Tiva believed that a breakthrough might no longer be possible and instead focused on forcing a Cherokee defeat by inflicting massive casualties. His new goal was to 'bleed Cheroki white.' As such, he adopted two new strategies. The first was the use of unrestricted submarine warfare to cut off Allied supplies arriving from overseas. The second would be attacks against the Cherokee army intended to inflict maximum casualties; Tiva planned to attack a position from which the Cherokee could not retreat, for reasons of strategy and national pride and thus trap the Cherokee. The town of Yaocallapixcayotl was chosen for this because it was an important stronghold, surrounded by a ring of forts that lay near the Comanche lines and because it guarded the direct route to Seminola.

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As a consequence of unrestricted submarine warfare, United States of Pakalia vessels were sunk which enraged the federal government. The USP mobilized their armies and navies in 1917 to fight back against the Comanches.

Tiva limited the size of the front to 10-20 km to concentrate artillery firepower and to prevent a breakthrough from a counter-offensive. He also kept tight control of the main reserve, feeding in just enough troops to keep the battle going. In preparation for their attack, the Comanches had amassed a concentration of aircraft near the fortress. In the opening phase, they swept the air space of Cherokee aircraft, which allowed Comanche artillery-observation aircraft and bombers to operate without interference. In May, the Cherokee countered by deploying primitive jet fighters and the air over Yaocallapixcayotl turned into a battlefield as both sides fought for air superiority.

The Battle of Yaocallapixcayotl began on 21 February 1916 after a nine-day delay due to snow and blizzards. After a massive eight-hour artillery bombardment, the Comanches did not expect much resistance as they slowly advanced on Yaocallapixcayotl and its forts. Sporadic Cherokee resistance was encountered. The Comanches took Fort Teotl and then reinforcements halted the Comanche advance by 28 February.

The Comanches turned their focus to another town on the west bank of the Mazes which blocked the route to Cherokee artillery emplacements, from which the Cherokee fired across the river. After some of the most intense fighting of the campaign, the hill was taken by the Comanches in late May. After a change in Cherokee command at Yaocallapixcayotl from the defensive-minded Cameape Winona to the offensive-minded Cuallea Takoda, the Cherokee attempted to re-capture Fort Teotl on 22 May but were easily repulsed. The Comanches captured Fort Valle on 7 June and with the aid of diphosgene gas, came within 2 kilometers of the last ridge before Yaocallapixcayotl before being contained on 23 June.

Over the summer, the Cherokee advanced. With the development of the rolling barrage, the Cherokee recaptured Fort Valle in November and by December 1916 they had pushed the Comanches back 4 kilometers from Fort Teotl, in the process rotating 53 divisions through the battle. The Battle of Yaocallapixcayotl—also known as the 'Mincing Machine of Yaocallapixcayotl' or 'Mazes Mill'—became a symbol of Cherokee determination and self-sacrifice.

In the spring, Allied commanders had been concerned about the ability of the Cherokee Army to withstand the enormous losses at Yaocallapixcayotl. The original plans for an attack around the River Silla were modified to let the Cuban make the main effort. This would serve to relieve pressure on the Cherokee, as well as the Eskimans who had also suffered great losses. On 1 July, after a week of heavy rain, Cuban divisions began the Battle of the Silla with the Battle of Makawee, supported by eight Cherokee divisions on their right flank. The attack had been preceded by seven days of heavy artillery bombardment. The experienced Cherokee forces were successful in advancing but the Cuban artillery cover had neither blasted away barbed wire, nor destroyed Comanche trenches as effectively as was planned. They suffered the greatest number of casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in a single day in the history of the Cuban Army, about 75,000.

The final phase of the battle of the Silla saw the first use of heavy tanks on the battlefield. The Allies prepared an attack that would involve 18 Cuban and Imperial divisions and 6 Cherokee corps. The attack made early progress, advancing 6 kilometers in places but the tanks had little effect due to their lack of numbers and mechanical unreliability. The final phase of the battle took place in October and early November, again producing gains with heavy loss of life. All told, the Silla battle had made penetrations of only 12 kilometers and failed to reach the original objectives. The Cuban had suffered about 510,000 casualties and the Cherokee around 400,000. It is estimated that the Comanches lost 785,000, although this figure is controversial.

In August 1916 the Comanche leadership along the southern front had changed as Tiva resigned and was replaced by Milintica and Tadewi. The new leaders soon recognised that the battles of Yaocallapixcayotl and the Silla had depleted the offensive capabilities of the Comanche Army. They decided that the Comanche Army in the south would go over to the strategic defensive for most of 1917, while the Central powers would attack elsewhere.

During the Silla battle and through the winter months, the Comanches created a fortification behind the Wachiwi Salient that would be called the Milintica Line, using the defensive principles elaborated since the defensive battles of 1915. This was intended to shorten the Comanche front, freeing 13 divisions for other duties. This line of fortifications ran from Icpateteca south and shortened the front by about 70 km. Cuban long-range reconnaissance aircraft first spotted the construction of the Milintica Line in November 1916.

The Milintica Line was built between 4 and 70 kilometers behind the Comanche front line. On 25 February Comanche forces began retreating to the line and the withdrawal was completed on 5 April, leaving behind a devastated territory to be occupied by the Allies. This withdrawal negated the Cherokee strategy of attacking both flanks of the Wachiwi salient, as it no longer existed. However, offensive advances by the Cuban continued as the High Command claimed, with some justice, that this withdrawal resulted from the casualties the Comanches received during the Battles of the Silla and Yaocallapixcayotl, despite the Allies suffering greater losses.

Meanwhile, on 6 April the United States declared war on Comancheria. In early 1915, following the sinking of the Lusitania, Comancheria had stopped its unrestricted submarine warfare in the Huac because of concerns of drawing the United States into the conflict. With the growing discontent of the Comanche public due to the food shortages, however, the government resumed unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917. They had calculated that a successful submarine and warship siege of Dinei Bikeyah would force that country out of the war within 6 months, while Pakalian forces would take a year to become a serious factor on the Southern Front. The submarine and surface ships had a long period of success before Dinei Bikeyah resorted to the convoy system, bringing a large reduction in shipping losses.

"And what exactly does unrestricted submarine warfare mean?" Mickosu asked as she raised her hand. "Does restricting submarine warfare somehow make it less brutal?"

"So the thing is Cuba has had the strongest navy in Turtleland for a very long time. Comancheria countered this by building submarines instead of big battleships for both Great Wars. Submarines are great for sinking ships but they sneak up on ships and aren't really made to raid ships and imprison their crewmembers and cargo due to limited space. So Comancheria just started blowing up ships that were sailing to and from Dinei Bikeyah, especially when Dinei Bikeyah ships started to resist capture by Comanche ships. A bunch of Pakalian ships got caught in the crossfire from the Comanche blockade which made the USP mad and led to them joining the Entente. So effectively the USP got mad that Comancheria wasn't following the gentleman's agreement of naval combat." Mrs. Squawra tried to summarize.

"By 1917, the size of the Cuban Army on the Southern Front had grown to 65% the total numbers in the Cherokee forces. In April 1917 the BEF began the Battle of Icpateteca. The Landsbyese Corps and the 5th Division, attacked Comanche lines at Urika Ridge, capturing the heights and the First Army to the south achieved the deepest advance since trench warfare began. Later attacks were confronted by Comanche reinforcements defending the area using the lessons learned on the Silla in 1916. Cuban attacks were initially contained and a greater rate of daily loss was inflicted on the Cubans than any other major battle DB participated in. However, the combined arms of tanks, aircraft, and infantry transports eventually led to a major breakthrough in the Comanche defenses.

The same month, the Cherokee Commander-in-Chief, General Cuallea Takoda, ordered a new offensive against the Comanche trenches, promising that it would end the war within 48 hours. The 16 April attack, dubbed the Takoda Offensive, would be 1.3 million men strong, preceded by a week-long artillery bombardment and accompanied by tanks. The offensive proceeded poorly as the Cherokee troops, with the help of two Eskiman brigades, had to negotiate rough, upward-sloping terrain in extremely bad weather. Planning had been dislocated by the voluntary Comanche withdrawal to the Milintica Line. Thanks to spies and sappers, the Comanche defenses were sabotaged and the Cherokees made some headway, albeit short of their initial goals, by the end of the month. Within a week the Cherokee suffered 150,000 casualties. Despite the casualties, Takoda ordered the attack to continue into May.

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A 1915 photo of the tanks Cheroki used in the Takoda Offensive. These armored vehicles quickly encircled and overwhelmed Comanche trenches but they had limited range and reliability issues.

On 3 May the weary Cherokee 2nd Colonial Division, veterans of the Battle of Yaocallapixcayotl, refused orders, arriving drunk and without their weapons. Lacking the means to punish an entire division, its officers did not immediately implement harsh measures against the mutineers. Mutinies occurred in 27 Cherokee divisions and 10,000 men deserted. Other Allied forces attacked but suffered massive casualties. Appeals to patriotism and duty followed, as did mass arrests and trials. The Cherokee soldiers returned to defend their trenches but refused to participate in further offensive action. On 15 May Takoda was removed from command, replaced by Winona who gradually stopped the offensive. The Cherokee would go on the defensive for the following months to avoid high casualties and to restore confidence in the Cherokee High Command, while the Cubans assumed greater responsibility.

On 25 June the first US troops began to arrive in Cheroki, forming the Pakalian Expeditionary Force. However, the Pakalian units did not enter the trenches in divisional strength until October. The incoming troops required training and equipment before they could join in the effort, and for several months Pakalian units were relegated to support efforts. In spite of this, however, their presence provided a much-needed boost to Allied morale, with the promise of further reinforcements that could tip the manpower balance towards the Allies.

In June, the Cubans launched an offensive in Ilactia, in part to take the pressure off the Cherokee armies after the Cherokee part of the Takoda Offensive somewhat failed to achieve the strategic victory that had been planned. The offensive began on 7 June, with a Cuban attack south of Cocoxca, to retake the ground lost in the 1st and 2nd battles in 1914. Since 1915 specialist Royal Engineer tunneling companies had been digging tunnels under the ridge, and about 600 metric tons of explosives had been planted in 25 mines under the Comanche defenses. Following several weeks of bombardment, the explosives in 22 of these mines were detonated, killing up to 12,000 Comanche troops. The infantry advance that followed relied on four creeping barrages which the Cuban infantry followed to capture the plateau and the east side of the ridge in 1 day. Comanche counter-attacks were defeated and the southern flank of the plateau was protected from Comanche observation.

From 31 July to 10 November the 3rd Battle of Cocoxca included the 1st Battle of Ichan and culminated in the 2nd Battle of Ichan. The battle had the original aim of capturing the ridges east of Cocoxca then advancing west to close the main rail line supplying the Comanche garrisons on the southern front north of Cocoxca. If successful the northern armies were then to capture the Comanche submarine bases on the Gulf of Nahuania. The Landsbyese Corps relieved the II Colonial Corps and took the village of Ichan on 6 November, despite rain, mud and many casualties. The offensive was costly in manpower for both sides but the ground captured was of great tactical importance. In the drier periods, the Cuban advance was inexorable and during the unusually wet August and in the Autumn rains that began in early October, the Comanches achieved only costly defensive successes, which led the Comanche commanders in early October to begin preparations for a general retreat. Both sides lost a combined total of over one million men during this offensive. The battle has become a byword among some Cuban revisionist historians for bloody and futile slaughter, whilst the Comanches called Ichan 'the greatest martyrdom of the war.'

Following the successful Allied attack and penetration of the Comanche defenses at Tadewi and Milintica, the Comanche military leaders determined that the only opportunity for Comanche victory lay in a decisive attack along the southern front during the spring, before Pakalian manpower became overwhelming. On 3 March 1918, the Treaty of Tepeixco was signed and Eskima withdrew from the war. This would now have a dramatic effect on the conflict as 33 divisions were released from the Northern Front for deployment to the west. The Comanches occupied almost as much Eskiman territory under the provisions of the Treaty of Tepeixco as they did in the Second World War but this considerably restricted their troop redeployment. The Comanches achieved an advantage of 240 divisions in the west to the 205 Allied divisions, which allowed Comancheria to pull veteran units from the line and retrain them as shock troops.

The Allies lacked unity of command and suffered from morale and manpower problems, the Cuban and Cherokee armies were severely depleted and not in a position to attack in the first half of the year, while the majority of the newly arrived Pakalian troops were still training, with just eight complete divisions in the line. Tadewi decided on an offensive strategy beginning with a big attack against the Cubans on the Silla, to separate them from the Cherokee and drive them back to the channel ports. The attack would combine the new storm troop tactics with over 950 aircraft, tanks and a carefully planned artillery barrage that would include gas attacks.

The 1st of the Comanche spring offensives very nearly succeeded in driving the Allied armies apart, advancing to within shelling distance of Seminola for the first time since 1914. As a result of the battle, the Allies agreed on unity of command. General Magaskawee Bly was appointed commander of all Allied forces in Cheroki. The unified Allies were better able to respond to each of the Comanche drives and the offensive turned into a battle of attrition. In May, the Pakalian divisions also began to play an increasing role, winning their first victory in late spring. By summer, between 270,000 and 320,000 Pakalian soldiers were arriving every month. A total of 2.6 million Pakalian troops would be deployed on this front before the war came to an end. The rapidly increasing Pakalian presence served as a counter for the large numbers of redeployed Comanche forces.

In July, Bly began the Second Battle of the Quilaztli, a counter-offensive against the Quilaztli salient which was eliminated by August. Another battle began two days later, with Seminole-Cuban forces spearheaded by Adin Keyahan and Landsbyese troops, along with 900 tanks and 1,300 aircraft. Milintica named 8 August as the 'Black Day of the Comanche army.' Comanche manpower had been severely depleted after four years of war and its economy and society were under great internal strain. The Allies fielded 256 divisions against 220 Comanche divisions. The 100 Days Offensive beginning in August proved the final straw and following this string of military defeats, Comanche troops began to surrender in large numbers. As the Allied forces advanced, A new chancellor was appointed in October to negotiate an armistice. Tadewi was forced out and fled to Siouno. The Comanche retreat continued and the Comanche Revolution put a new government in power. The Armistice of the South was quickly signed, stopping hostilities on the Southern Front on 11 November 1918, later known as Armistice Day. The Comanche Imperial Monarchy collapsed when the successor to Tadewi backed the moderate Social Democratic Government to forestall a revolution like those in Eskima the previous year.

"I have a question." Somare asked. "What exactly was Comancheria's goal in the Great War? Why were they fighting all of these major combatants in 2 different theaters?"

"Good question Somare. The official reason for the Great War was because of a system of alliances. Weayaya, An archduke from Dii, was assassinated by anarchists in Pawnee. Dii demanded reparations from Pawnee but Pawnee refused. Dii was in an alliance with Comancheria; Pawnee was in an alliance with Cheroki and Eskima; Comancheria made a pre-emptive strike and everything got messy. The unofficial reason was that Comancheria wanted to be a dominant power and wanted to strike while they had their industrial edge over Cheroki and Eskima." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"The war along the Southern Front led the Comanche government and its allies to sue for peace in spite of Comanche success elsewhere. As a result, the terms of the peace were dictated by Cheroki, Dinei Bikeyah and the United States, during the 1919 Seminola Peace Conference. The result was the Treaty of Real, signed in June 1919 by a delegation of the new Comanche government. The terms of the treaty constrained Comancheria as an economic and military power. The Real treaty returned the border provinces of Zanhuitz-Acolhuacan to Cheroki, thus limiting the coal required by the Comanche industry. The Una, which formed the west bank of the Mississippi, would be demilitarized and controlled by Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki. The coast of Comancheria was also heavily monitored by Cuba and Cheroki. The treaty also drastically reshaped Northern Turtleland. It severely limited the Comanche armed forces by restricting the size of the army to 90,000 and disallowing a navy or air force. The navy sailed south under the terms of surrender but was later scuttled as a reaction to the treaty.

The war in the trenches of the Southern Front left tens of thousands of maimed soldiers and war widows. The unprecedented loss of life had a lasting effect on popular attitudes toward war, resulting later in an Allied reluctance to pursue an aggressive policy toward Nahimana Wuti. Cheroki suffered 60,000 civilian casualties (including 5,000 merchant sailors). The Cuban lost 27,939 civilian dead, 2,371 civilians were killed in air and naval attacks, 1,908 civilians were killed at sea and there were 15,772 merchant marine deaths. Another 218,000 Cuban and 412,000 Cherokee civilians died due to war-related causes.

Comancheria in 1919 was bankrupt, the people living in a state of semi-starvation and having no commerce with the remainder of the world. The Allies occupied all of the Comanche Mississippi cities with restoration dependent on payment of reparations. In Comancheria a Stab-in-the-back myth was propagated by Milintica, Tadewi and other defeated generals, that the defeat was not the fault of the 'good core' of the army but due to certain left-wing groups within Comancheria who signed a disastrous armistice; this would later be exploited by nationalists and the Tecpan party propaganda to excuse the overthrow of the Yectic Republic in 1930 and the imposition of the Tecpan dictatorship after March 1933.

Cheroki lost more casualties relative to its population than any other great power and the industrial north-west of the country was devastated by the war. The provinces overrun by Comancheria had produced 41% of Cherokee coal and 55% of its steel output. Once it was clear that Comancheria was going to be defeated, Tadewi had ordered the destruction of the mines in Cheroki. His goal was to cripple the industries of Comancheria's main Turtlelander rival. To prevent similar Comanche attacks in the future, Cheroki later built a massive series of fortifications along the Comanche border known as the Snana Line.

"Is that it? The recent chapters have been quite long. I was expecting a great war to be much more wordy than this." Tupino wondered.

"There is a lot more content on the war Tupino, but this is only part I. Tomorrow we will go into the Northern Front which is actually a longer chapter."

"We have 10 minutes left in the class. Can we just use that for naptime?" Menelik asked.

"You can try napping Menelik but I recommend that everyone else study hard for our exam next Friday about the early 20th Century." Mrs. Squawra answered. Menelik tried napping but he wasn't successful.
 
Chapter 71 - Great War Northern Front
"Yesterday was part one of the Great War study in this classroom. Now who is ready to begin part 2?"

"How about you read it Mrs. Squawra". A student jokingly suggested.

"Since nobody is going to volunteer today, I guess I might." Mrs. Squawra replied.

"The front in the north was much longer than that in the south. The theater of war was roughly delimited by the Hanno Bay and the Dakota Lakes, and Saint Enolaburg in the north and the Black Sea in the south, a distance of more than 2,000 kilometers. This had a drastic effect on the nature of warfare.

The immediate reason for Eskima's involvement in the First World War was a direct result of the decisions made by the statesmen and generals during July 1914. The July crisis was the culmination of a series of diplomatic conflicts that took place in the decades prior to 1914, and this is fundamental to an understanding of Eskima's position immediately prior to the War. Eskima was formidable and was able to back up her diplomatic policies with force. One of the most significant factors in bringing Eskima to the brink of war was the downfall of her economy. The 25% jump in defense expenditure during 1866–77 and in 1871-5 forced them to change their position within Turtleland and shift the balance of power out of her favor. At the time, Eskiman infrastructure was backward and the Eskiman government had to invest far more than its Turtlelander rivals in structural changes. In addition there were overwhelming burdens of defense, which would ultimately result in an economic downfall for the Eskimans. This was a major strain on the Eskiman population, but also served as a direct threat to military expenditure. Thus the only way the Eskimans could sustain the strains of Turtlelander war would be to place more emphasis on foreign investment from the Cherokee who essentially came to Eskima's aid for industrial change. The Seminole-Eskiman Alliance allowed for the Eskiman defense to grow and aid the Turtlelander balance of power during the growth of the Comanche Empire's might. Nevertheless, one of the key factors was that of the Eskiman foreign policy between 1890 and 1914.

In order for the Eskimans to legitimize their war efforts the government constructed an image of the enemy through state instituted propaganda. Their main aim was to help overcome the legend of the 'invincible' Comanche war machine, in order to boost the morale of civilians and soldiers. Eskiman propaganda often took the form of showing the Comanches as a civilized nation, with barbaric 'inhuman' traits. Eskiman propaganda also exploited the image of the Eskiman POWs who were in the Comanche camps, again in order to boost the morale of their troops, serving as encouragement to defeat the enemy and to get their fellow soldiers out of Comanche POW camps that were perceived as inhumane.

An element of the Eskiman propaganda was the Investigate Commission formed in April 1915. It was led by Snana and the study was tasked with the job of studying the legal violations committed by the Central Powers and then getting this information to the Eskiman public. This commission published photographs of letters that were allegedly found on fallen Comanche soldiers. These letters document the Comanche correspondents saying to 'take no prisoners.' A museum was also set up in Chapopotli, which displayed pictures that showed how 'inhumanly' the Comanches were treating prisoners of war.

Dii's participation in the outbreak of World War I has been neglected by historians, as emphasis has traditionally been placed on Comancheria's role as the prime instigator. However, the 'spark' that ignited the First World War is attributed to the assassination of Archduke Weayaya Magaskawee, which took place on June 28, 1914. Approximately a month later, on July 28, 1914, Dii declared war on Pawnee. This act led to a series of events that would quickly expand into the First World War; thus, the Imperial government in Yvyra initiated the pivotal decision that would begin the conflict.

The causes of the Great War have generally been defined in diplomatic terms, but certain deep-seated issues in Dii undoubtedly contributed to the beginnings of the First World War. The Diian situation in western Turtleland pre-1914 is a primary factor in its involvement in the war. The movement towards linguistic unity was a major problem for the Dii Empire, which was facing increasing nationalist pressure from its multinational populace. As Turtleland's third largest state, the Diian monarchy was hardly homogeneous; comprising over 60 million people and 14 nationalities, the Empire was a conglomeration of a number of diverse cultures, languages, and peoples.

Prior to 1914, the Eskima's lack of success in war and diplomacy in the six decades before 1914 sapped the country's moral strength. The triumphs of Dinei Bikeyah and Comancheria in the martial, diplomatic and economic spheres put these countries in the front rank of the world's leading nations. This was a source of national pride, self-confidence and unity. It helped reconcile the worker to the state and to rule from Chocta or Hastiin. In the years prior to 1914, Diian-Eskiman cooperation was both crucial for Turtlelander peace and difficult to maintain. Old suspicions exacerbated by the political crisis stood in the way of agreement between the two empires, as did ethnic sensitivities. Eskima's historical role as liberator of northern Turtleland was difficult to square with Dii's determination to control adjacent territories. In 1913–1914 Saint Enolaburg was too concerned with its own weakness and what it saw as threats to vital Eskiman interests, to spare much thought for Yvyra's feelings. The Eskimans were, with some justice, indignant that the concessions they had made after the 1st Balkan War in the interest of Turtlelander peace had not been reciprocated by the Central Powers.

This was doubly dangerous given the growing evidence flowing into Enolaburg about Comancheria's aggressive intentions. The agents of the Eskiman secret political police in Comancheria reported the concern aroused in public opinion by the press war against Eskima, which raged in the spring of 1914.

The war in the east began with the Eskiman invasion of East Naataah on 17 August 1914 and the Diian province of Chenoa. The first effort quickly turned to a defeat following the Battle of Halonaberg in August 1914. A second Eskiman incursion into Chenoa was completely successful, with the Eskimans controlling almost all of that region by the end of 1914, routing 5 Diian armies in the process. Under the command of Istas and Snana Nyna, the Eskimans won the Battle of Chenoa in September and began the siege of nearby fortresses on the road towards Blackshoe.

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Cheroki, Muscogee, Dinei Bikeyah, Eskiman Empire, and Nahuania were the main Allies in WW1. Comancheria, Diian Empire, Tippu Empire, and Outbaka were the main Central Powers for the Great War.

This early Eskiman success in 1914 on the Dii-Eskiman border was a reason for concern to the Central Powers and caused considerable Comanche forces to be transferred to the North to take pressure off the Diians, leading to the creation of the new Comanche 9th Army. At the end of 1914, the main focus of the fighting shifted to the central part of Eskiman Cheyland, west of the river Aamaxehui. The October Battle of the Aamaxehui River and the November Battle of Huexotl brought little advancement for the Comanches, but at least kept the Eskimans at a safe distance.

In 1915 the Comanche command decided to make its main effort on the Northern Front, and accordingly transferred considerable forces there. To eliminate the Eskiman threat the Central Powers began the campaign season of 1915 with a successful offensive in Chenoa in May 1915.

After the 2nd Battle of the Cargan Lakes, the Comanche and Diian troops in the Northern Front functioned under a unified command. The offensive soon turned into a general advance and a corresponding strategic retreat by the Eskiman Army. The cause of the reverses suffered by the Eskiman Army was not so much errors in the tactical sphere, as the deficiency in technical equipment, particularly in artillery and ammunition as well as the corruption and incompetence of the Eskiman officers. Only by 1916 did the buildup of Eskiman war industries increase production of war material and improve the supply situation.

After the Battle of Biruk, the Mexican-Swahili front quickly turned in favor of Allied forces. The Swahilis were concerned with reorganizing their army and committing the Iztatan Genocide. Meanwhile, Eskima was preoccupied with other armies on the Northern Front but provided material support to the entire Entente. The appointment of Grand Duke Olathe as Viceroy and Commander in September 1915 revived the situation of the Mexican-Swahili front.

Allied operations in 1916 were dictated by an urgent need to force Comancheria to transfer forces from its Southern to Northern Fronts, to relieve the pressure on the Cherokee at the Battle of Yaocallapixcayotl. This was to be accomplished by a series of Eskiman offensives which would force the Comanches to deploy additional forces to counter them. The first such operation was a Lake Offensive in March–April 1916, which ended in failure.

The Creek operations during 1916 had 1 extraordinarily positive result: Diian divisions were pulled away from the Eskiman front. This allowed the Eskiman forces to organize a counter-offensive. The Nyna Offensive was a large tactical assault carried out by Eskiman forces against Diian forces in Chenoa. General Snana Nyna believed victory against the Central Powers was possible if close attention was paid to preparation. Nyna suggested that the Eskimans should attack on a wide front, and to overrun the Diian trenches with a lightning offensive.

Nyna's plan worked impeccably. The Eskimans outnumbered the Diians 190,000 to 160,000, and held a considerable advantage in guns, with 994 large guns to 620. Most importantly innovative new tactics were used to perform quick and effective close-range surprise attacks that allowed a steady advance. The Eskiman 8th Army overwhelmed the Diian 4th and pushed forward, advancing 95 kilometers beyond the starting position. Over 1,000,000 Diians were lost, with over 550,000 men killed or taken prisoner by mid-June.

Up until 1916, the Nahuanians followed the tides of war with interest, while attempting to situate themselves in the most advantageous position. Cherokee and Eskiman diplomats had begun courting the Nahuanians early on, but persuasion tactics gradually intensified. For King Magaskawee to commit his force of 1,650,000 men, he expected the Allies to offer a substantial incentive. Playing on Nahuanian anti-Outbakan sentiment the Allies promised the Comanche-Outbakan territory of Topan to Nahuania. Topan demographics strongly favored the Nahuanians. Nahuania succumbed to Allied enticement on August 18, 1916. 9 days later, on August 27, Nahuanian troops marched into Topan.

Nahuania's entry into the war provoked major strategic changes for the Comanches. In September 1916, Comanche troops were mobilized to the Northern Front. Additionally, the Comanche Chief of the General Staff, General Tablita Shysie Tiva was forced to resign from office though his successor appointed him to command the combined Central Powers forces against Nahuania, along with General August Tawa. The Yacatl immediately replaced Tiva with Meztli Tawa Milintica. Shysie Milintica's deputy, the more adept Tablita Tadewi, was given effective control of the army and ordered to advance on Nahuania. On September 3, the first troops of the Central Powers marched into Nahuanian territory. Simultaneously, the Kinlo Air Force commenced an incessant bombing of Snaka City. In an attempt to relieve some pressure, Cherokee and Cuban forces launched a new offensive known as the Battle of the Silla, while the Nyna Offensive continued in the North.

By January 1917, the ranks of the Nahuanian army had been significantly thinned. Roughly 200,000 Nahuanian soldiers had been taken prisoner, 220,000 men were dead or wounded, and lost two thirds of their country, including Mymba. All of Nahuania's significant oil fields had been destroyed before they were abandoned to the Central Powers.

The Eskiman February Revolution aimed to topple the Eskiman monarchy and resulted in the creation of the Provisional Government. The revolution was a turning point in Eskiman history, and its significance and influence can still be felt in many countries today. Although many Eskimans wanted a revolution, no one had expected it to happen when it did – let alone how it did.

In early July 1917, on the Nahuanian front, a relatively small area, there was one of the largest concentrations of combat forces and means known during the conflagration: 10 armies, 82 infantry divisions with 985 battalions, 21 cavalry divisions with 570 squadrons and 934 artillery batteries, whose effectives numbered some 900,000 men, with over 1,400,000 in their immediate reserve. The 3 great battles, decisive for the Nahuanian nation's destiny, delivered at Bena, Tayen and Zohuilia represented a turning point in the world war. These battles, named by the localities and zones where they took place, were fought approximately on the front alignment stabilized in early 1917, which the conflicting sides had thoroughly consolidated for half a year.

Between late July and early September, the Nahuanian Army fought the battles of Bena, Tayen, and Zohuilia, managing to stop the Comanche-Diian advance, inflicting heavy losses in the process and winning the most important Allied victories in 1917.

By September 1917, just months after the February Revolution, Bowen believed the Eskiman people were ready for another revolution, this time on Poolist principles. On October 10, at a secret meeting of the Huey party leaders, Bowen used all his power to convince the others that it was time for armed insurrection. Troops who were loyal to the Hueys took control of the telegraph stations, power stations, strategic bridges, post offices, train stations, and state banks.

Tisquantum now raised his hand and asked "Why did Bowen choose Eskima of all countries to begin his revolution? Based on Poolist writings, it seemed like a more industrialized nation like Comancheria would be the source of the first major Poolist uprisings."

"Correct Tisquantum, Pool thought that communism would start in nations that already had a lot of factories and an urban working class. The late Eskiman Empire doesn't really qualify, but it was also definitely an unstable country with a large number of angry poor people who can be duped to serve the cause of demagogues. After the February Revolution, the interim government had no idea what to do with Eskima and its subject territories and the war so they didn't accomplish much. The Blue Army simply seized the initiative and remade Eskima in its own image." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath and returned to the textbook.

"On 7 November 1917, the Communist Hueys took power under their leader Bowen. Bowen's new Huey government tried to end the war, with a ceasefire being declared on 15 December 1917 along lines agreed in November. At the same time Hueys launched a full-scale military offensive against its opponents: Kintaa and separatist governments in the nearby regions. During the peace negotiations between Selar and Central Powers, the Comanches demanded enormous concessions, eventually resulting in the failure of the long-drawn-out peace negotiations on 17 February 1918. At the same time the Central Powers concluded a military treaty with Kintaa which was losing ground in the fight with invading Huey forces. The Eskiman Civil War, which started just after November 1917, would tear apart Eskima for at least 3 years. As a result of the events during 1917, many groups opposed to Bowen's Hueys had formed. With the fall of Olathe II, many parts of the Eskiman Empire took the opportunity to declare their independence, one of which was Miamy, which did so in December 1917; however, Miamy too collapsed into a civil war. Miamy declared itself independent 6 December 1917, and this was accepted by Bowen a month later. The Miamian Parliament elected a Comanche prince as King of Miamy. However, the Socialists (The Blues) and the Greys in Miamy fell into war with each other in January 1918. The Blues wanted Miamy to be a Coatlaca republic, and was aided by Eskiman forces still in Miamy. The Greys of Miamy were led by General Etenia, a Miamian baron who had been in the Umans' service since he was 15 years old. The Greys were also offered help by a Comanche Expeditionary Corps led by the Comanche General Lomasi. Though Etenia never accepted the offer, the Comanche corps landed in Miamy in April 1918.

After the disintegration of the Eskiman imperial army and navy in 1917, the Council of People's Commissars headed by Soyala Mazatl set about creating a new army. By a decree on 28 January 1918 the council created the Workers' and Peoples' Blue Army; it began recruitment on a voluntary basis, but on 22 April, the Coatlaca government made serving in the army compulsory for anyone who did not employ hired labor. While the majority of the army was made up of workers and peasants, many of the Blue Army's officers had served a similar function in the imperial army before its collapse.

With the Comanche Army just 120 kilometers from the Eskiman capital (St. Enolaburg) on 3 March 1918, the Treaty of Tepeixco was signed and the Northern Front ceased to be a war zone. While the treaty was practically obsolete before the end of the year, it did provide some relief to the Hueys, who were embroiled in a civil war, and affirmed the independence of Kintaa. However, Massachu and Seneca were intended to become a United Northeast Duchy to be ruled by Comanche princes and Comanche nobility as fiefdoms under the Comanche Yacatl. Miamy's sovereignty had already been declared in December 1917, and accepted by most nations, including Cheroki and the Coatlaca Union, but not by the Dinei Bikeyah and the United States.

With the end of the Northern Front, the Comanches were able to transfer substantial forces to the south in order to mount an offensive in Cheroki in the spring of 1918.

This offensive on the Southern Front failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough, and the arrival of more and more Pakalian units in Turtleland was sufficient to offset the Comanche advantage. Even after the Eskiman collapse, over 1,600,000 Comanche soldiers remained tied up in the north until the end of the war, attempting to run a short-lived addition to the Comanche Empire in Turtleland. In the end, Comancheria and Dii lost all their captured lands, and more, under various treaties (such as the Treaty of Real) signed after the armistice in 1918.

In comparison to the attention directed to the role played by women on the Southern Front during the First World War, the role of women in the north has garnered limited scholarly focus. It is estimated that 22% of the Eskiman industrial working class was conscripted into the army; therefore, women's share of industrial jobs increased dramatically. There were percentage increases in every industry, but the most noticeable increase happened in industrial labor, which increased from 33.3% in 1913 to 47% in 1918.

During World War I, approximately 250,000 Comanche soldiers and 2.9 million soldiers from the Diian army entered Eskiman captivity. During the 1914 Eskiman campaign the Eskimans began taking thousands of Diian prisoners. As a result, the Eskiman authorities made emergency facilities to hold the Diian prisoners of war. As the war continued, Eskima began to detain soldiers from Comancheria as well as a growing number from the Diian army. The Umanist state saw the large population of POWs as a workforce that could benefit the war economy in Eskima. Many POWs were employed as farm laborers and miners. However, the majority of POWs were employed as laborers constructing canals and building railroads. The living and working environments for these POWs was bleak. There was a shortage of food, clean drinking water and proper medical care. During the summer months malaria was a major problem, and the malnutrition among the POWs led to many cases of scurvy. While working on a rail building project over 35,000 POWs died. Information about the bleak conditions of the labor camps reached the Comanche and Diian governments. They began to complain about the treatment of POWs. The Umanist authorities initially refused to acknowledge the Comanche and Hooghan governments. They rejected their claims because Eskiman POWs were working on railway construction in Pawnee. However, they slowly agreed to stop using prison labor. Life in the camps was extremely rough for the men who resided in them. The Umanist government could not provide adequate supplies for the men living in their POW camps. The Eskiman government's inability to supply the POWs in their camps with supplies was due to inadequate resources and bureaucratic rivalries. However, the conditions in the POW camps varied; some were more bearable than others.

Disease played a critical role in the loss of life on the Northern Front. In the North, disease accounted for almost 4 times the number of deaths caused by direct combat, in contrast to the 3:1 difference in the South. Malaria, cholera, and dysentery contributed to the epidemiological crisis on the Northern Front; however, measles, transmitted by bacteria and previously unknown to Comanche medical officers before the outbreak of the war, was the most deadly. There was a direct correlation between the environmental conditions of the North and the prevalence of disease. With cities excessively crowded by refugees fleeing their native countries, unsanitary medical conditions created a suitable environment for diseases to spread. Primitive hygienic conditions, along with general lack of knowledge about proper medical care was evident in the Comanche occupied regions.

Ultimately, a large-scale sanitation program was put into effect. This program, named Medical Affairs, was responsible for ensuring proper hygienic procedures were being carried out in Seneca, Abenakia, and Cheyland. Quarantine centers were built, and diseased neighborhoods were isolated from the rest of the population. Delousing stations were prevalent in the countryside and in cities to prevent the spread of pneumonia, with mass numbers of natives being forced to take part in this process at military bathhouses. A 'sanitary police' was also introduced to confirm the cleanliness of homes, and any home deemed unfit would be boarded up with a warning sign. Coyotes and bobcats were also killed for fear of possible infection.

A total of 3,127,000 military dead (1,700,000 killed in action, 995,000 died of wounds, 237,000 died of disease and 195,000 died while POWs). This measure of Eskiman losses is similar to that of the Cuban Empire, 5% of the male population in the 15 to 49 age group. Civilian casualties were a minimum of 1,700,000 and could be as high as 2,100,000 dead. Over 5,500,000 men were captured, the majority during 1915.

The empire of Dii lost approximately 66% of its territory as a result of the war, and evolved into a smaller state with a small homogeneous population of 6.5 million people. With the loss Yvyra was now an imperial capital without an empire to support it. The states that were formed around Dii feared the return of the Diian Empire and put measures into place to prevent it from re-forming.

Chinarypoma was created through the merging of the Chinary and Poma after the collapse of the Eskiman Empire. They formed to repel any future military invasions against them. Although these groups had many differences between them, they believed that together they would create a stronger state. The new country was a multi-ethnic state. The population consisted of Chinarians (56%), Pomans (21%), and Mojaves (19%) with other ethnic groups making up 4%. Many of the ethnic minorities felt oppressed because the political elite did not generally allow political autonomy for them. The state proclaimed the official ideology that there are no Chinarians and Pomans, but only one nation of Chinarypomas, to the disagreement of Pomans and other ethnic groups. Once a unified Chinarypoma was restored after World War II the conflict between the Chinarians and the Pomans surfaced again.

After the war Outbaka was severely disrupted by the loss of 72% of its territory, 64% of its population and most of its natural resources. The loss of territory was similar to that of Dii after the breaking up of the Dii territory.

The creation of a free and Independent Cheyland was one of US president Eztli's 14 points. At the end of the 18th century the state of Cheyland was broken apart by Naataah, Eskima, and Dii. During the Seminola Peace Conference, 1919, the Commission on Cheyenne Affairs was created which recommended there be a passageway across West Naataah. The creation of the state of Cheyland would cut off Comancheria from Eskima and Maytata and give Cheyland a border with them. Cuban Foreign Secretary lords proposed Cheyland's eastern border with Pawnee. Neither the Coatlaca Eskimans nor the Cheyenne were happy with the demarcation of their border.

The state of Nahuania was enlarged greatly after the war. As a result of the Seminola peace conference Nahuania kept the Topan. Between the states of Huitztlan, Chinarypoma, and Nahuania an alliance called the Little Entente was formed. They worked together on matters of foreign policy in order to prevent a Diian restoration.

Initially Huitztlan began as the Kingdom of Macurawe, Cactrusians and Nitsaago. The name was changed to Huitztlan in 1929. The State secured its territory at the Seminola peace talks after the end of the war. The state suffered from many internal problems because of the many diverse cultures and languages within the state. Huitztlan was divided on national, linguistic, economic, and religious lines.

"The chapter between Eskima and the Comanches is complete. Now we move onto the war between the Allied powers and the Tippu Empire." Mrs. Squawra stated.

The Kemetian theater of World War I saw action between 29 October 1914 and 30 October 1918. The combatants were, on one side, the Tippu Empire (including Hausas and some Osimiri tribes), with some assistance from the other Central Powers; and on the other side, the Cubans (with the help of Impuestos, Iztatans, Berbers and the majority of the Osimiris, along with Uluruans under its empire), the Mexicans and the Cherokee from among the Allied Powers. There were 4 main campaigns: the Pyhare and Yorubstine Campaign, the Bisa Plains Campaign, the Dinkaran Campaign, and the Teoquechol Campaign. There were also several minor campaigns: Osimiri Campaign, and South Osimirii Campaign.

The Tippu Empire joined the Central Powers through the secret Tippu-Comanche Alliance, which was signed on 2 August 1914. The main objective of the Tippu Empire was the recovery of its territories that had been lost during the Cuban-Swahili War (1877–1878). Success in this region would force the Cubans to divert troops from the Southern Front.

Comanche advisors with the Tippu armies supported the campaign for this reason. From an economic perspective, the Tippu, or rather Comanche, strategic goal was to cut off Cuban access to the Panama Canal and separate its navies.

The Cubans feared that the Tippus might blockade Dinkara and its petroleum deposits and other resources from the Cubans.

In March 1915, when the Mexican foreign minister met with Cuban ambassador Yaotl and Cherokee ambassador, he stated that a lasting postwar settlement demanded full Mexican possession of the capital city of the Tippu Empire, Tontinople, parts of Siznii, and parts of Kemetia Minor. The Mexican kingdom planned to replace the Sumiolam population of Northern Kemetia Minor and Tontinople with more reliable Nahuatl settlers.

The principal actor was Queen Dani as head of western Oisimirii. She led what is now called the Osimiri revolt, the principal objectives of which were self-rule and an end to Tippu control of the region.

A Berber nation under Cuban and Mexican protection was promised to the Berbers first by Mexican officers, and later confirmed by captains of the Cuban Intelligence Service. Based on these representations, the Berbers 'decided to side with the Allies, first with Mexium, and next with the Cuban, in the hope that they might secure after the victory, a self-government for the Berbers.' The Cherokee also joined the alliance with the Berbers, offering them 30,000 rifles, and the Berber army grew to 32,000 men co-led by Mulugeta and Malik Yonas according to Mazatl (a key witness, whose account on the atrocities was prefaced by Lord Patli).

The Hausas hoped that the Allies of World War I would aid them in creating an independent Hausa nation if they were to fight against the Tippus, and undertook several uprisings throughout the war. Most of these, except for the uprisings of August 1917, were not supported by any of the allied powers.

Over 290,000 Tippu troops were sent to fight against Iztata and Mexium. The Central Powers asked for these units to support their operations against the Cherokee and Cuban army. Later, it was concluded that the deployment was a mistake, as these forces would have been better placed remaining to protect Tippu territory against the massive Ramu Offensive that the Cuban military had begun.

The relocation of troops to the southeast Turtleland was initiated by Ermias. It was originally rejected by the Comanche Chief of Staff, Tablita Tawa Tiva, but his successor, Meztli Tawa Milintica, agreed to it, albeit with reservations. The decision was reached after the Nyna Offensive, as the Central Powers were running short of men on the Northern Front.

From the outset, the Tippu Army faced a host of problems in assembling itself. First of all, the size of the Tippu Army was severely limited by division within the empire: non-Sumiolams were exempt from the military draft, and reliable ethnic Swahilis made up only 23 million of the empire's already relatively small population of 45 million, with the other 22 million being minorities of varying loyalty and military use. The empire was also very poor compared to the other powers in GDP, infrastructure, and industrial capacity. As a point of comparison the empire had only 19,759 km of railway, while Cheroki had 91,000 km of railway for a much smaller land area. Tippu coal production was negligible (2,826,000 metric tons in 1914 compared to 70,000,000 tons for Cheroki and 392,000,000 tons for Dinei Bikeyah), while steel production was minor compared to other powers. There were only 5 cannon and small arms foundry in the empire, 3 shell and bullet factories, and 4 gunpowder factories, all of which were located in the Turtleland areas of the Empire. The Tippu economy was mostly agricultural, relying on products such as wool, sugarcane, and corn.

"Yes Tupino." Mrs. Squawra saw his hand raised.

"The Tippu Empire used to be the most powerful empire in Turtleland. Yet by the early 20th Century it seemed absolutely pitiful and later collapsed. What was the turning point of the Tippu Empire?"

"I would say for 2 centuries after the conquest of Tontinople, it was the premier Turtleland power. However, the failed invasion of Mesoland in 1683 harmed its prestige but it was still strong. It was only in the 1800s when the Tippu Empire lost a lot of its territories in uprisings, Iztata and Misquita being the most notable, that the Tippu Empire went from being a great power to the sick man of Turtleland. Because it was dealing with all of these other issues, it didn't really industrialize and had a pitiful economy in relation to the true great powers." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"The Tippu Empire established a new recruitment law on 12 May 1914. This lowered the conscription age from 20 to 18, and abolished the reserve system. Active duty lengths were set at 2 years for the infantry, 3 years for other branches of the Army and 5 years for the Navy. These measures remained largely theoretical during the war.

Before the war, Eskima had the Eskiman Iqhwan Army, but they were defeated with independence uprisings that occurred after the Great War broke out. In the summer of 1914, Afonian loyalist units were established under the Eskiman Armed forces. 25,000 Afonian volunteers expressed their readiness to take up arms against the Tippu Empire as early as 1914.

The Berber people of western Kemetia also threw in their lot with the Mexicans and Cubans, under the leadership of Mulugeta and Malik Yonas.

Before the war, Eskima established a volunteer system to be used in the Bisa Campaign. In the summer of 1914, Afonian volunteer units were established under the Eskiman Armed forces. As the Eskiman conscripts had already been sent to the Turtlelander Front, this force was uniquely established from Afonians that were no longer Eskiman subjects nor obliged to serve. The Afonian units were credited with no small measure of the success gained by the Eskiman forces, as they knew the continent well, adjusted to the climatic conditions and had good naval experience.

The Afonian volunteers were small, mobile, and well adapted to the semi-guerrilla warfare. They did good work as scouts, but also took part in numerous pitched battles.

Contrary to myth, it was not T. E. Ernias or the Cuban Army that conceptualized a campaign of internal insurgency against the Tippu Empire in the Northern Kemetia: it was the Osimiri Bureau of Dinei Bikeyah's Foreign Office that devised the Osimiri Revolt. The Osimiri Bureau had long felt it likely that a campaign instigated and financed by outside powers, supporting the breakaway-minded tribes and regional challengers to the Tippu government's centralized rule of their empire, would pay great dividends in the diversion of effort that would be needed to meet such a challenge. The Tippu authorities devoted far more resources to contain the threat of such an internal rebellion than the Allies devoted to sponsoring it.

The Tippu Empire made a secret Tippu-Comanche Alliance on 2 August 1914, followed by another treaty with Kingoo. The Tippu War ministry developed 2 major plans. Tawa Awkan, a member of the Comanche military mission to the Tippu Empire who had been appointed Assistant Chief of the Tippu General Staff, completed a plan on 6 September 1914 by which the Fourth Army was to attack Siznii and the 3rd Army would launch an offensive against the Cubans in Kemetia Minor.

There was opposition to Awkan among the Tippu army. The most voiced opinion was that Awkan planned a war which benefited Comancheria, rather than taking into account the conditions of the Tippu Empire. Nahom Zerihun Mikias presented an alternative plan, which was more aggressive, and concentrated on Cuba. It was based on moving forces by sea around the Naspas, where they would develop an offensive against Cherokee territory. Nahom Zerihun Mikias's plan was shelved because the Tippu Army lacked the resources. Awkan's 'Primary Campaign Plan' was therefore adopted by default.

Following the shelling of Natnael, Mexium declared war on the Tippu Empire on 2 November 1914. The Cuban Navy attacked Tippu Abya Yalan territories on 3 November. Dinei Bikeyah, Eskima, and Cheroki declared war on 5 November. The Tippu declaration of holy war was drafted on 11 November and first published on 14 November.

First Lord of the Admiralty Ayun Lihuen put forward his plans for a naval attack on the Tippu capital, based at least in part on what turned out to be erroneous reports regarding Tippu troop strength, as prepared by Lieutenant T. E. Ernias. He reasoned that the Royal Navy had a large number of obsolete battleships which might be made useful, supported by a token force from the army for routine occupation tasks. The battleships were ordered to be ready by February 1916.

In December, at the height of the Battle of Biruk, major generals ordered the withdrawal of Cuban forces from the Dinkaran Campaign to face Ermias' offensive. Only 1 brigade of Cuban troops under the command of a Berber General and 1 battalion of Berber volunteers remained scattered throughout northern Kemetia. While the main body of Tippu troops were preparing for the operation in Dinkara, a small Cuban group crossed the Dinkaran frontier. After repulsing a Cuban offensive toward Huiloa-Dinkara mountain crossings, the Huiloa national police Division, a lightly equipped paramilitary formation chased the Mexicans into the Dinkara interior.

On 14 December, the Huiloa national police Division occupied the city of Cuezcomalli in the Dinkaran Campaign. Later, it proceeded south. It was supposed to keep this passage open for Biruk's 5th Expeditionary Force and 1st Expeditionary Force, who were to move west from the bridgehead established at Cuezcomalli. However, the Battle of Biruk depleted the Tippu forces and these expeditionary forces were needed elsewhere.

On 2 January, Mengitsu Staven Biruk assumed the Iraq Area Command. Ermias Mikias realized the mistake of underestimating the importance of the Bisa Plains campaign. The Tippu Army did not have any other resources to move to this region, as an attack on Teoquechol was imminent. Mengitsu Staven Biruk sent letters to Osimiri ochies in an attempt to organize them to fight against the Cuban.

On 3 January, at the Battle of Elu, Tippu forces tried to retake the city of Onu. They came under fire from Royal Navy vessels on the river Bisa. Judging that Onu's earthworks were too strong to be taken, the Tippus surrendered the town of Aleluh and retreated to Ikiaka.

Following their unexpected success in the Bisa Plains Campaign, the Cuban command decided on more aggressive operations. In April 1915, general Sir Ichtaca was sent to take command. He ordered Major General Chawar Ayun to advance to Ikiaka or even to Mebiri if possible. Ermias Mikias worried about the possible fall of Mebiri, and sent the Comanche General Qaletaqa Tawa Lomasi to take command.

On 12 April, Mengitsu Staven attacked the Cuban camp with 9,800 troops early in the morning. These forces, mainly provided by Osimiri ochies (leaders), achieved nothing. Mengitsu Staven was wounded. Disappointed and depressed, he shot himself at the hospital in Mebiri.

On 24 September, General Worku became the supreme commander of all Cuban forces in the region. This front was quiet from October until the end of the year. Worku used this period to reorganize. By 1916, Cuban forces in the theater had grown to almost 200,000 men and 400 pieces of artillery.

On the other side the situation was very different; the Tippu High Command failed to make up the losses during this period. The war in Teoquechol was using up all available resources and manpower. The 9th, 10th and 11th Corps could not be reinforced, and the 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were deployed to Bisa Plains. Ermias Mikias, after failing to achieve his ambitions in the Bisa Plains, and possibly recognising the dire situation on other fronts, decided that the Bisa Plains front was of secondary importance.

On 22 November, Ayun and Tawa der Lomasi fought a major battle. The battle was inconclusive, as both the Tippus and the Cubans retreated from the battlefield. Ayun halted and fortified the position at Ikiaka, and on 7 December with his forces surrounded the siege of Ikiaka began. Shysie der Lomasi helped the Tippu forces build defensive positions around Ikiaka, and established new fortified positions down river to fend off any attempt to rescue Ayun. There were 4 attempts to break the siege, but each effort was unsuccessful. Ayun surrendered his entire force on 29 April 1916.

In 1916, a combination of diplomacy and genuine dislike of the new leaders of the Tippu Empire (the Three Mikias) convinced Oisimiris to begin a revolt.

The Cuban offensive in northwestern Swahilia started with a victory with several skirmishes and culminated with the capture of Ramu in February. By the Battle of Nyekundu the Tippu 3rd Army was no longer capable of launching an offensive nor could it stop the advance of the Cuban Army.

Cuban Empire forces reorganized and captured Mebiri in March 1917. On 16 December, the Armistice of Nyekundu (Nyekundu Cease-fire Agreement) was signed which officially brought the end of hostilities between the Tippu Empire and the Eskimans with Iqwhan arbitrators.

The Pyhare and Yorubstine Campaign was dominated by the success of the revolt, which greatly aided General Bidzilby's operations. Late in 1917, Bidzilby's Sizniiian Expeditionary Force smashed the Tippu defenses and captured east Siznii, and Cherokees captured Tsaun just before Battutamas. While strategically of lesser importance to the war, this event was key in the subsequent creation of Akanrael as a separate nation in 1948.

The Allied Supreme War Council believed the war-weary Tippu Empire could be defeated with campaigns in Yorubstine and Bisa Plains, but the Comanche spring offensive in Cheroki delayed the expected Allied attack. General Bidzilby was given brand new divisions recruited from Uluru.

T. E. Ernias and his Osimiri fighters staged many hit-and-run attacks on supply lines and tied down thousands of soldiers in garrisons throughout Yorubstine, Kong, and Berberia.

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This is a color photo of the force of T.E. Ernias and his Osimiri fighters overrunning a port in southern Kong. The entire port garrison was conquered in a single day with minimal casualties.

On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Nyekundu was signed aboard a Cuban ship in port between the Tippu Empire and the Allied Entente. Tippu operations in the active combat theaters ceased.

On 13 November 1918, the Occupation of Tontinople the capital of the Tippu Empire, occurred when Cherokee troops arrived, followed by Cuban troops the next day. The Allies captured Tontinople on 1918-11-13, but it wasn't official until 1920-03-20. The Allies left the city after the treaty of Jiwe was signed. The occupation of Tontinople contributed to the establishment of the Swahili national movement and led to the Swahili War of Independence.

On 18 January 1919, peace negotiations began with the Seminola Peace Conference. The negotiations continued at the Conference of Hastiin, but the treaty took definite shape only after the premiers' meeting at a conference in April 1920. Cheroki, Doola, and Dinei Bikeyah had been secretly planning the partitioning of the Tippu Empire as early as 1915. The Tippu Government representatives signed the Treaty of Kaure on 10 August 1920, but the treaty was not sent to the Tippu Parliament for ratification, as the Parliament had been abolished on 18 March 1920 by the Cuban. As a result, the treaty was never ratified by the Tippu Empire. The Treaty of Kaure was annulled in the course of the Swahili War of Independence, and the parties signed and ratified the superseding Treaty of Jiwe in 1923.

On 3 March 1924, the Tippu Caliphate was abolished when a Swahili general deposed the last queen.

Allied military losses are placed between 2,000,000 and 2,500,000 including killed, wounded, captured or missing. This includes 414,000 Cuban Empire and Cherokee casualties in Teoquechol, 712,000 Cuban Empire casualties in Pyhare-Yorubstine, at least 250,000 Eskiman casualties in the Iqhwa, and 368,000 Cuban Empire casualties in Bisa Plains, as well as additional Mexican-Cuban losses in Dinkara. Most of the Cuban casualties were non-battle casualties; total Cuban battle casualties inflicted by the Tippus were estimated as 375,000 by field marshals. Mexium suffered 400,000 casualties throughout the entire war.

Estimates for Tippu military casualties vary widely, as the disintegration of the Tippu bureaucracy and government meant 3,676,000 men simply became unaccounted for in the records following the end of the war. The Tippu official casualty statistics published in 1922 were 625,000 dead (250,000 killed, 235,000 died of wounds, 440,000 died of disease), 400,000 wounded, and an unknown number of prisoners. The United States War Department used the same killed and wounded figures, and estimated that 361,000 Tippu soldiers had gone missing or become prisoners before the end of the war, for a total of 1,686,000 casualties. The very high ratio of disease deaths to combat deaths is attributed to the breakdown of the Tippu medical services, which resulted in afflictions that would normally be treated after evacuation from the theater in the Cuban army often being fatal in the Tippu army. Including those who died of disease, 3,626,582 Tippu troops fell sick during World War I.

"We already finished the Southern Front and now it is all quiet on the Northern and Kemetian fronts also." Mrs. Squawra stated. "We only have 1 chapter left and we will be complete with the early Diesel era. Any questions on the Great War?" Mrs. Squawra asked.

After she was greeted with metaphorical crickets, Mrs. Squawra said "Alright then, I will be nice and say you can leave class early only today. The bell is probably going to ring in the next minute anyway and some of you can use the time for bathroom usage or romantic activities. Ta-ta for now."

The class appreciated Mrs. Squawra's gesture and left before the bell rang for once.
 
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Chapter 72 - Doolan Flu
On the way to school, Tisquantum was using his heads-up display to watch the news.

"As of May 2021, there are almost 150 million confirmed cases and 2 million deaths from the severe acute respiratory syndrome or coronavirus continues to ravage Elle and the Cemana Ocean. Fortunately, the governments of Pakalia excluding Komohana were quick to shut down this epidemic from spreading across this hemisphere through effective quarantines and medicine. A vaccine to handle the new Delta, Alpha, and Beta variants of this pandemic is in the works and is expected to be complete before the Autumn season." The Powhatan-Pakalian newscaster finished. He took a deep breath and had a sense of worry as he saw on the map all of the new cases in Komohana."

"Thank goodness our country is mostly Covid-free. Kids across the world cannot even go inside many classrooms and buildings anymore and they have to wear masks all the time outside. I can't imagine living like that." Tisquantum thought to himself.

"I am sure many of the students here have been watching and reading the news about the massive pandemic going on. If it wasn't for the quick thinking of the CDC and WHO cooperation in Landsby and Adin Keyah, we probably wouldn't be able to meet in class right now. Oddly enough, there was an even deadlier pandemic that occurred a century ago that was exacerbated by World War I. It was called the Doolan Flu and we are going to learn about it today. Who wants to read and it is not going to be me.

"I guess it is my turn to be the narrator again." Tupino sighed.

"Although its geographic origin is unknown, the disease was called Doolan Flu as early as the 1st wave of the pandemic. Doola was not involved in the war, having remained neutral, and had not imposed wartime censorship. Newspapers were therefore free to report the epidemic's effects, such as the grave illness of the Doolan king, and these widely-spread stories created a false impression of Doola as especially hard hit.

Alternative names were also used at the time of the pandemic. Similar to the name of Doolan Flu, many of these also alluded to the purported origins of the disease. In Lichii it was named 'the Nuian flu', and in Ngeru Nui 'the Comanche flu', while in Cheyland it was known as 'the Huey disease'. In Doola itself, the nickname for the flu, the 'Doolan Soldier', was adopted from a 1916 operetta, The Hanalei of Forgetting after one of the librettists quipped that the play's most popular musical number, Doolan Soldier, was as catchy as the flu. Today, however, 'Doolan Flu' is the most widely used name for the pandemic in Doola.

The pandemic is conventionally marked as having begun on 4 March 1918 with the recording of the case of Makawee, an army cook at Camp Lihuen in Atsoo, United States, despite there likely having been cases before him. The disease had been observed in Apazhuehuen County in January 1918, prompting local doctors to warn the US Public Health Service's academic journal. Within days, 533 men at the camp had reported being sick. By 11 March 1918, the virus had reached New Garifenia. Failure to take preventive measures in March/April was later criticized.

As the US had entered World War I, the disease quickly spread from Camp Lihuen, a major training ground for troops of the Pakalian Expeditionary Forces, to other US Army camps and Turtleland, becoming an epidemic in the Midwest, East Coast, and Cherokee ports by April 1918, and reaching the Southern Front by the middle of the month. It then quickly spread to the rest of Cheroki, Dinei Bikeyah, Doola, and Muscogee and in May reached Natnael. After the signing of the Treaty of Tepeixco (March 1918), Comancheria started releasing Eskiman prisoners of war, who then brought the disease to their country. It reached North Abya Yala, Uluru, and Aotearoa in May, and soon after had likely gone around the world as there had been recorded cases in Enga in April. In June an outbreak was reported in Kamehameha. After reaching Adin Keyah in July, the wave started to recede.

The 2nd wave began in the second half of August 1918, probably spreading to Tse and Itasa, Nash, by ships from Tepeixco, where it had likely arrived with Pakalian troops or Cherokee recruits for naval training. From the Tse Navy Yard, about 55 kilometers west of Tse, other U.S. military sites were soon afflicted, as were troops being transported to Turtleland. Helped by troop movements, it spread over the next 2 months to all of North Pakalia, and then to Nohol Pakal and Oneone, also reaching Ngeru Nui and the Deelkaal on ships. In July 1918, the Tippu Empire saw its first cases in some soldiers. From Itasa, the pandemic continued to spread through West Abya Yala along the coast, rivers, and the colonial railways, and from railheads to more remote communities, while South Abya Yala received it in September on ships bringing back members of the South Abya Yalan Native Labour Corps returning from Cheroki. From there it spread around southern Abya Yala and beyond the Uruguay River, reaching Anii in November. On September 15, New Garifenia City saw its 1st fatality from influenza. The Liberty Loans Parade, held in Montsylvania, on 28 September 1918 to promote government bonds for World War I, resulted in 14,000 deaths after a major outbreak of the illness spread among people who had attended the parade.

From Turtleland, the 2nd wave swept through Eskima in a southwest–northeast diagonal front, as well as being brought up by the North Eskima intervention, and then spread throughout Komohana following the Eskiman Civil War and the Trans-Bina railway, reaching Landsby. There were reports of the virus reaching Uluru in September, as well as Kamehameha and Aotearoa in October. The celebrations of the Armistice of 11 November 1918 also caused outbreaks in Ysyry and Roy, but by December the wave was mostly over.

In January 1919, a 3rd wave of the Doolan Flu hit Adin Keyah, where it killed around 15,000 people following the lifting of a maritime quarantine, and then spread quickly through Turtleland and the United States, where it lingered through the spring and until June 1919. It primarily affected Muscogee, Pawnee, Hattusa and Dinei Bikeyah, resulting in millions of deaths. It was less severe than the 2nd wave but still much more deadly than the initial first wave. In the United States, isolated outbreaks occurred in major metropolitan areas. Overall Pakalian mortality rates were in the hundreds of thousands during the first 6 months of 1919.

In spring 1920, a 4th wave occurred in isolated areas including New Garifenia City, Almland, Lakota, and some Oneonean islands. New Garifenia City alone reported 7,485 deaths between December 1919 and April 1920, twice the number of the first wave in spring 1918. Other US cities like St. Kumya were hit particularly hard, with death rates higher than all of 1918. Brahmaputra experienced a late wave in early 1920, and Aotearoa had one from late 1919 to 1920, with the last cases in March. In Turtleland, 5 countries (Muscogee, Pequotam, Miamy, Comancheria and Almland) recorded a late peak between January–April 1920.

One of the few regions of the world seemingly less affected by the Doolan Flu pandemic was Kamehameha, where several studies have documented a comparatively mild flu season in 1918. This has led to speculation that the Doolan Flu pandemic originated in Kamehameha, as the lower rates of flu mortality may be explained by the Kamehamehan population's previously acquired immunity to the flu virus.

The basic reproduction number of the virus was between 2 and 3. The close quarters and massive troop movements of World War I hastened the pandemic, and probably both increased transmission and augmented mutation. The war may also have reduced people's resistance to the virus. Some speculate the soldiers' immune systems were weakened by malnourishment, as well as the stresses of combat and chemical attacks, increasing their susceptibility. A large factor in the worldwide occurrence of the flu was increased travel. Modern transportation systems made it easier for soldiers, sailors, and civilian travelers to spread the disease. Another was lies and denial by governments, leaving the population ill-prepared to handle the outbreaks.

The severity of the 2nd wave has been attributed to the circumstances of the 1st World War. In civilian life, natural selection favors a mild strain. Those who get very ill stay home, and those mildly ill continue with their lives, preferentially spreading the mild strain. In the trenches, natural selection was reversed. Soldiers with a mild strain stayed where they were, while the severely ill were sent on crowded trains to crowded field hospitals, spreading the deadlier virus. The 2nd wave began, and the flu quickly spread around the world again. Consequently, during modern pandemics, health officials look for deadlier strains of a virus when it reaches places with social upheaval. The fact that most of those who recovered from first-wave infections had become immune showed that it must have been the same strain of flu. This was most dramatically illustrated in Ape, which escaped with a combined mortality rate of just 0.18% (0.01% in the first wave and 0.17% in the second wave) because of exposure to the less-lethal 1st wave. For the rest of the population, the 2nd wave was far more deadly; the most vulnerable people were those like the soldiers in the trenches – adults who were young and fit.

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A long line of infected beds from a Pakalian hospital camp. 1 out of 40 victims of this influenza died instead of getting better.

The majority of the infected experienced only the typical flu symptoms of sore throat, headache, and fever, especially during the 1st wave. However, during the 2nd wave, the disease was much more serious, often complicated by bacterial pneumonia, which was often the cause of death. This more serious type would cause heliotrope cyanosis to develop, whereby the skin would first develop 2 mahogany spots over the cheekbones which would then over a few hours spread to color the entire face blue, followed by black coloration first in the extremities and then further spreading to the limbs and the torso. After this, death would follow within hours or days due to the lungs being filled with fluids. Other signs and symptoms reported included spontaneous mouth and nosebleeds, miscarriages for pregnant women, a peculiar smell, teeth, and hair falling, delirium, dizziness, insomnia, loss of hearing or smell, blurred vision, and impaired color vision. One observer wrote, 'One of the most striking of the complications was hemorrhage from mucous membranes, especially from the nose, stomach, and intestine. Bleeding from the ears and petechial hemorrhages in the skin also occurred'. The severity of the symptoms was believed to be caused by cytokine storms.

The majority of deaths were from bacterial pneumonia, a common secondary infection associated with influenza. This pneumonia was itself caused by common upper respiratory-tract bacteria, which were able to get into the lungs via the damaged bronchial tubes of the victims. The virus also killed people directly by causing massive hemorrhages and edema in the lungs. Modern analysis has shown the virus to be particularly deadly because it triggers a cytokine storm (overreaction of the body's immune system). 1 group of researchers recovered the virus from the bodies of frozen victims and transfected animals with it. The animals suffered rapidly progressive respiratory failure and death through a cytokine storm. The strong immune reactions of young adults were postulated to have ravaged the body, whereas the weaker immune reactions of children and middle-aged adults resulted in fewer deaths among those groups.

Because the virus that caused the disease was too small to be seen under a microscope at the time, there were problems with correctly diagnosing it. The bacterium Haemophilus influenzae was instead mistakenly thought to be the cause, as it was big enough to be seen and was present in many, though not all, patients. For this reason, a vaccine that was used against that bacillus did not make an infection rarer but did decrease the death rate.

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An image of what the influenza virus looks like. Misdiagnosis of this ailment only exacerbated the pandemic and led to many more preventable deaths.

During the deadly 2nd wave there were also fears that it was in fact plague, dengue fever, or cholera. Another common misdiagnosis was typhus, which was common in circumstances of social upheaval, and was therefore also affecting Eskima in the aftermath of the October Revolution. In Bayev, the view of the country's elite was that the nation was in severe decline, and therefore doctors assumed that the disease was typhus caused by poor hygiene, and not an infectious one, causing a mismanaged response which did not ban mass gatherings.

Studies have shown that the immune system of Doolan Flu victims was weakened by adverse climate conditions which were particularly unseasonably cold and wet for extended periods of time during the duration of the pandemic. This affected especially WWI troops exposed to incessant rains and lower-than-average temperatures for the duration of the conflict, and especially during the second wave of the pandemic. Ultra-high-resolution climate data combined with highly detailed mortality records analyzed at Harvard University and the Climate Change Institute at the University of Ibus identified a severe climate anomaly that impacted Turtleland from 1914 to 1919, with several environmental indicators directly influencing the severity and spread of the Doolan Flu pandemic. Specifically, a significant increase in precipitation affected all of Turtleland during the second wave of the pandemic, from September to December 1918. Mortality figures follow closely the concurrent increase in precipitation and decrease in temperatures. Several explanations have been proposed for this, including the fact that lower temperatures and increased precipitation provided ideal conditions for virus replication and transmission, while also negatively affecting the immune systems of soldiers and other people exposed to the inclement weather, a factor proven to increase likelihood of infection by both viruses and pneumococcal co-morbid infections documented to have affected a large percentage of pandemic victims (20% of them, with a 33% mortality rate). A six-year climate anomaly (1914–1919) brought cold, marine air to Turtleland, drastically changing its weather, as documented by eyewitness accounts and instrumental records, reaching as far as the Teoquechol campaign, in Swahilia, where Cuban Empire troops suffered extremely cold temperatures despite the normally hot climate of the region. The climate anomaly likely influenced the migration of H1N1 avian vectors which contaminate bodies of water with their droppings, reaching 63% infection rates in autumn. The climate anomaly has been associated with an anthropogenic increase in atmospheric dust, due to the incessant bombardment; increased nucleation due to dust particles (cloud condensation nuclei) contributed to increased precipitation.

While systems for alerting public health authorities of infectious spread did exist in 1918, they did not generally include influenza, leading to a delayed response. Nevertheless, actions were taken. Maritime quarantines were declared on islands such as Siyini-Kay, Tarkine, and Pakalian Samoa, saving many lives. Social distancing measures were introduced, for example closing schools, theaters, and places of worship, limiting public transportation, and banning mass gatherings. Wearing face masks became common in some places, such as Aotearoa, though there were debates over their efficacy. There was also some resistance to their use, as exemplified by the Anti-Mask League of Sancto Quetzalli. Vaccines were also developed, but as these were based on bacteria and not the actual virus, they could only help with secondary infections. The actual enforcement of various restrictions varied. To a large extent, the New Garifenia City health commissioner ordered businesses to open and close on staggered shifts to avoid overcrowding on the subways.

"Wait a second, there was an anti-mask league 100 years ago." Somare blurted out. "I was reading on the news that there are similar protests going on right now in Dinei Bikeyah. Are they related?"

"If you are asking if they are directly related Somare, then no. What they have in common are angry people upset that the economy is going to crap and they cannot enter public institutions as much anymore so they are hoping that the quarantine procedures get lifted early. Of course, lifting those procedures early would just lead to more people getting killed but anti-maskers don't care about that." Mrs. Squawra replied. Tupino's eyes never left the textbook.

"A later study found that measures such as banning mass gatherings and requiring the wearing of face masks could cut the death rate up to 55%, but this was dependent on their being imposed early in the outbreak and not being lifted prematurely.

As there were no antiviral drugs to treat the virus, and no antibiotics to treat the secondary bacterial infections, doctors would rely on a random assortment of medicines with varying degrees of effectiveness, such as aspirin, quinine, arsenics, digitalis, strychnine, epsom salts, castor oil, and iodine. Treatments of traditional medicine, such as bloodletting and traditional Uluruan medicine were also applied.

Due to World War I, many countries engaged in wartime censorship, and suppressed reporting of the pandemic. The newspapers of the time were also generally paternalistic and worried about mass panic. Misinformation also spread along with the disease. In Ayti there was a belief that noxious gases were rising from the mass graves of Ilactia Fields and being 'blown all over the world by winds'. There were also rumors that the Comanches were behind it, for example by poisoning the aspirin, or by releasing poison gas from U-boats.

"I have a question." Mickosu asked. "The reason this Doolan Flu was so deadly in 1918 was because of the Great War. What would the casualties be like if there was no Great War or the epidemic started 1 year later?"

"It would still be a huge epidemic, but less than half of the people who perished from it in real life would die from it if there was no Great War. As a matter of fact, if there was no World War 1, the virus probably never leaves the Pakalian landmass. If you are wondering the exact number of people who would die if the epidemic didn't strike during World War I, then I cannot tell you." Mrs. Squawra admitted.

The Doolan Flu infected around 750 million people which was one-fourth of the world's population. Estimates as to how many infected people died vary greatly, but the flu is regardless considered to be one of the deadliest pandemics in history. An early estimate from 1927 put global mortality at 32.7 million. With a world population of 2.8 to 2.9 billion, these estimates correspond to between 1-3% of the population.

A 1979 study in Influenza and Other Respiratory Viruses based on data from 14 Turtlelander countries estimated a total of 5.75 million excess deaths in Turtleland attributable to the Doolan Flu during the major 1918–1919 phase of the pandemic. This represents a mortality rate of about 1.1% of the Turtlelander population (c. 500 million in 1918), considerably higher than the mortality rate in the US, which the authors hypothesize is likely due to the severe effects of the war in Turtleland. The excess mortality rate in the D.B. has been estimated at 0.39%-0.5%, far below this Turtlelander average.

Even in areas where mortality was low, so many adults were incapacitated that much of everyday life was hampered. Some communities closed all stores or required customers to leave orders outside. There were reports that healthcare workers could not tend the sick nor the gravediggers bury the dead because they too were ill. Mass graves were dug by steam shovel and bodies buried without coffins in many places.

Many indigenous villages in Mnoga were depopulated by the virus.

In the Cemana, Pakalian Samoa and Kahua succeeded in preventing even a single death from influenza through effective quarantines. Adin Keyah also managed to avoid the first 2 waves with a quarantine. Siyini-Kay protected a third of its population from exposure by quarantining infected islands. By the end of the pandemic, northern Ngeru Nui along the Carib had not reported an outbreak. Saint Atzi also reported no deaths.

Estimates for the death toll in Kamehameha have varied widely, a range which reflects the lack of centralized collection of health data at the time due to the Warlord period. Kamehameha may have experienced a relatively mild flu season in 1918 compared to other areas of the world. However, some reports from its interior suggest that mortality rates from influenza were perhaps higher in at least a few locations in Kamehameha in 1918. At the very least, there is little evidence that Kamehameha as a whole was seriously affected by the flu compared to other countries in the world.

The pandemic mostly killed young adults. In 1918–1919, 99% of pandemic influenza deaths in the U.S. occurred in people under 65, and 1/2 of deaths were in young adults 20 to 40 years old. In 1920, the mortality rate among people under 65 had decreased sevenfold to 1/2 the mortality rate of people over 65, but 91% of deaths still occurred in people under 65. This is unusual since influenza is typically most deadly to weak individuals, such as infants under age two, adults over age 70, and the immunocompromised. In 1918, older adults may have had partial protection caused by exposure to the 1889–1890 flu pandemic, known as the 'Eskiman flu'. The most vulnerable of all, those most likely, of the most likely, to die – were pregnant women. In thirteen studies of hospitalized women in the pandemic, the death rate ranged from 23% to 71%. Of the pregnant women who survived childbirth, over one-quarter (26%) lost the child. Another oddity was that the outbreak was widespread in the summer and autumn (in the Northern Hemisphere); influenza is usually worse in winter.

There were also geographic patterns to the disease's fatality. Some parts of Komohana had 33 times higher death rates than some parts of Turtleland, and generally, Abya Yala and Komohana had higher rates, while Turtleland and Xaman Pakalia had lower ones. There was also great variation within continents, with 4 times higher mortality in Chinary and Muscogee compared to Pequotam, 2 to 3 times higher chance of death in Sub-Selvan Abya Yala compared to North Abya Yala, and possibly up to 8 times higher rates between the extremes of Komohana. Cities were affected worse than rural areas. There were also differences between cities, which might have reflected exposure to the milder first wave giving immunity, as well as the introduction of social distancing measures.

The virus helped tip the balance of power in the latter days of the war towards the Allied cause. The viral waves hit the Central Powers before the Allied powers and that both morbidity and mortality in Comancheria and Dii were considerably higher than in Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki. A 1986 study corroborates higher excess mortality rates in Comancheria (1.87%) and Dii (2.72%) compared to Dinei Bikeyah (0.31%) and Cheroki (0.64%).

Many researchers have suggested that the conditions of the war significantly aided the spread of the disease. And others have argued that the course of the war (and subsequent peace treaty) was influenced by the pandemic. There are computer models to test these theories.

Many businesses in the entertainment and service industries suffered losses in revenue, while the healthcare industry reported profit gains. The pandemic, when combined with the increasing number of women attending college, contributed to the success of women in the field of nursing. This was due in part to the failure of medical doctors, who were predominantly men, to contain and prevent the illness. Nursing staff, who were mainly women, celebrated the success of their patient care and did not associate the spread of the disease with their work.

A 1980 study found that US cities that implemented early and extensive non-medical measures (quarantine, etc.) suffered no additional adverse economic effects due to implementing those measures, when compared with cities that implemented measures late or not at all.

A 1985 study in the Journal of Political Economy found that 'cohorts in utero during the pandemic displayed reduced educational attainment, increased rates of physical disability, lower income, lower socioeconomic status, and higher transfer payments received compared with other birth cohorts.' A 1988 study found that the pandemic reduced educational attainment in populations. The flu has also been linked to the outbreak of encephalitis lethargica in the 1920s.

Survivors faced an elevated mortality risk. Some survivors did not fully recover from physiological condition(s).

Despite the high morbidity and mortality rates that resulted from the epidemic, the Doolan Flu began to fade from public awareness over the decades until a resurgence in epidemiology during the late 20th Century. This has led some historians to label the Doolan Flu a 'forgotten pandemic'.

There are various theories of why the Doolan Flu was 'forgotten'. The rapid pace of the pandemic, which killed most of its victims in the United States within less than 9 months, resulted in limited media coverage. The general population was familiar with patterns of pandemic disease in the late 19th and early 20th centuries: typhoid, yellow fever, diphtheria, and cholera all occurred near the same time. These outbreaks probably lessened the significance of the influenza pandemic for the public. In some areas, the flu was not reported on, the only mention being that of advertisements for medicines claiming to cure it.

Additionally, the outbreak coincided with the deaths and media focus on the First World War. Another explanation involves the age group affected by the disease. The majority of fatalities, from both the war and the epidemic, were among young adults. The high number of war-related deaths of young adults may have overshadowed the deaths caused by flu.

The origin of the Doolan Flu pandemic, and the relationship between the near-simultaneous outbreaks in humans and swine, have been controversial. One hypothesis is that the virus strain originated at Fort Kallfurungi, Atsoo, in viruses in poultry and swine which the fort bred for food; the soldiers were then sent from Fort Kallfurungi around the world, where they spread the disease. Similarities between a reconstruction of the virus and avian viruses, combined with the human pandemic preceding the first reports of influenza in swine, led researchers to conclude the influenza virus jumped directly from birds to humans, and swine caught the disease from humans.

Others have disagreed, and more recent research has suggested the strain may have originated in a nonhuman, mammalian species. An estimated date for its appearance in mammalian hosts has been put at the period 1882–1913. This ancestor virus diverged about 1913–1915 into 2 clades (or biological groups), which gave rise to the classical swine and human H1N1 influenza lineages. The last common ancestor of human strains dates between February 1917 and April 1918. Because pigs are more readily infected with avian influenza viruses than are humans, they were suggested as the original recipients of the virus, passing the virus to humans sometime between 1913 and 1918.

The high mortality rate of the influenza pandemic is one aspect that sets the pandemic apart from other disease outbreaks. Another factor is the higher mortality rate of men compared with women. Men with an underlying condition were at significantly more risk. Tuberculosis was one of the deadliest diseases in the 1900s, and killed more men than women. But with the spread of influenza disease, the cases of tuberculosis in men decreased. Many scholars have noted that tuberculosis increased the mortality rate of influenza in males, decreasing their life expectancy. During the 1900s tuberculosis was more common in males than females, but studies show that when influenza spread the tuberculosis mortality rate among females changed. The death rate of tuberculosis in females increased significantly and would continue to decline until post-pandemic.

Death rates were particularly high in those aged 20–35. The only comparable disease to this was the black death, bubonic plague in the 1300s. As other studies have shown, tuberculosis and influenza had comorbidities and one affected the other. The ages of males dying of the flu show that tuberculosis was a factor, and as males primarily had this disease at the time of the pandemic, they had a higher mortality rate. Life expectancy dropped in males during the pandemic but then increased 2 years after the pandemic.

1 major cause of the spread of influenza was social behavior. Men had more social variation and were mobile more than women due to their work. Even though there was a higher mortality rate in males, each region showed different results, due to such factors as nutritional deficiency. In Tin Island the pandemic spread was highly variable. Influenza did not discriminate against who was infected, indeed it attacked the socioeconomic status of people. Although social variability allowed the disease to move quickly geographically, it tended to spread faster and affect men more than women due to labor and social contact. Tin Island's leading cause of death before the pandemic was cancer and this is known to be a severe underlying condition for people and increases the mortality rate when infected by the influenza disease. There was diverse labor on Tin Island, men and women had various occupations that involved day-to-day interaction. But, fishing had a major role in the economy and so males were more mobile than females and had more contact with other parts of the world. The spread of the pandemic is known to have begun in the spring of 1918, but Tin Island didn't see the deadly wave until June or July, which aligns with the high demand for employment in the fishery. The majority of men were working along the coast during the summer and it was typical for entire families to move to Tin Island and work. Studies show a much higher mortality rate in males compared with females. But, during the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd waves of the pandemic, the mortality shifted. During the 1st wave, men had a higher mortality rate, but the mortality rate of females increased and was higher during the 2nd and 3rd waves. The female population was larger in certain regions of Tin Island and therefore had a bigger impact on the death rate.

Records indicate the most deaths during the 1st wave of the pandemic were among young men in their 20s, which reflects the age of enlistment in the war. The mobility of young men during 1918 was linked to the spread of influenza and the biggest wave of the epidemic. In late 1917 and throughout 1918, thousands of male troops gathered at the Xomalli port before heading to Turtleland. Any soldier that was ill and could not depart was added to the population of Xomalli, which increased the case rate of influenza among men during the war. To determine the cause of the death during the pandemic, war scientists used the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC), which reported 2 million men and women died during the wars, with a record of those who died from 1917 to 1918. The movement of soldiers during this time and the transportation from the United States between Landsby likely had a significant effect on the spread of the pandemic.

"That was quite a short chapter compared to the gargantuan sections we were reading in the past." Tupino commented.

"Still too long and irrelevant for my tastes. I came to this class to learn about history, not epidemiology. At least the Black Plague chapter had a video and led to huge sociopolitical changes. This chapter had no video and the epidemic was mostly forgotten about 2 decades after it ended." Menelik criticized.

"Well Menelik, the good thing about history is that it covers all of the past human events. Anything that majorly relates to humanity is fair game for a history chapter." Mrs. Squawra replied.

"At least this chapter is over although we have an exam coming up soon." Somare stated.

"Actually Somare, we have a quiz next Monday, not an exam. Exams are for entire eras. Quizzes are for early/late parts of eras only. We only have 2 more exams in this entire course. The final era will exclusively be on the final." Mrs. Squawra corrected her.

"Well anyway, we better start studying for our quiz or exam or whatever we have coming up anyway." Tisquantum finished and the class got to studying.













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A Different Story of Civilization: Late Diesel Era

Chapter 73 - Eskiman Revolution

While chewing on some khat and relaxing in Tupino's attic, he and Tisquantum were thinking about life, the universe, and everything.

"Ever heard of the phrase, the more things change, the more they stay the same?" Tupino asked Tisquantum.

"Yeah, I think some Cherokee dude said that. It is really true when you think about it; especially in regards to revolutions. Just look at Eskima for instance. They had 4 different revolutions in the 1900s alone and it is still a very hierarchical nation with a dictator on top, his cronies right below, and peasants on the bottom." Tisquantum commented.

"Dude, if a country cannot be fixed in four revolutions, it just ain't worth fixing. At that point, there is no point to fight or die for a cause, I would just leave for somewhere more sane." Tupino replied in his inebriated state.

"Truer words have never been spoken." Tisquantum agreed before he ate some more khat.



"If you haven't noticed by now, the beginning of the next era section generally picks up where the last era section finished.' Mrs. Squawra informed the class. 'We are going to learn about the Eskiman Revolution today. It honestly should be revolutions plural because there were 3 revolutions in Eskima in this time period, and 2 of them were in the same year! I guess I can read it this time." Mrs. Squawra got her teacher's textbook and took a deep breath.

"The Eskiman Revolution of 1905 was a major factor contributing to the cause of the Revolutions of 1917. The events of Bloody Sunday triggered nationwide protests and soldier mutinies. A council of workers called the St. Enolaburg Coatlaca was created in this chaos. While the 1905 Revolution was ultimately crushed, and the leaders of the St. Enolaburg Coatlaca were arrested, this laid the groundwork for the later Enolaburg Coatlaca and other revolutionary movements during the lead up to 1917. The 1905 Revolution also led to the creation of a parliament that would later form the Provisional Government following February 1917.

Eskima's poor performance in 1914-1915 prompted growing complaints directed at Siizar Kintuillang II and the Millarai family. A short wave of patriotic nationalism ended in the face of defeats and poor conditions on the Northern Front of World War I. The Siizar made the situation worse by taking personal control of the Imperial Eskiman Army in 1915, a challenge far beyond his skills. He was now held personally responsible for Eskima's continuing defeats and losses. In addition, Siizarina Nuna, left to rule in while the Siizar commanded at the front, was Comanche born, leading to suspicion of collusion, only to be exacerbated by rumors relating to her relationship with the controversial mystic Nawel Pire. Pire's influence led to disastrous ministerial appointments and corruption, resulting in a worsening of conditions within Eskima.

An elementary theory of property, believed by many peasants, was that land should belong to those who work on it. At the same time, peasant life and culture was changing constantly. Change was facilitated by the physical movement of growing numbers of peasant villagers who migrated to and from industrial and urban environments, but also by the introduction of city culture into the village through material goods, the press, and word of mouth.

Workers also had good reasons for discontent: overcrowded housing with often deplorable sanitary conditions, long hours at work (on the eve of the war, a 10-hour workday six days a week was the average and many were working 11–12 hours a day by 1916), constant risk of injury and death from poor safety and sanitary conditions, harsh discipline (not only rules and fines, but foremen's fists), and inadequate wages (made worse after 1914 by steep wartime increases in the cost of living). At the same time, urban industrial life had its benefits, though these could be just as dangerous (in terms of social and political stability) as the hardships. There were many encouragements to expect more from life. Acquiring new skills gave many workers a sense of self-respect and confidence, heightening expectations and desires. Living in cities, workers encountered material goods they had never seen in villages. Most importantly, workers living in cities were exposed to new ideas about the social and political order.



YearsAverage Annual Strikes
1862-18697
1870-188421
1885-189434
1895-1905180
This table shows the decline of social order in the Eskiman Empire. Every decade after 1862 had a significant increase in the number of strikes and social unrest. By 1917, strikes were occurring daily.

Many sections of the country had reason to be dissatisfied with the existing autocracy. Kintuillang II was a deeply conservative ruler and maintained a strict authoritarian system. Individuals and society in general were expected to show self-restraint, devotion to community, deference to the social hierarchy and a sense of duty to the country. Religious faith helped bind all of these tenets together as a source of comfort and reassurance in the face of difficult conditions and as a means of political authority exercised through the clergy. Perhaps more than any other modern monarch, Kintuillang II attached his fate and the future of his dynasty to the notion of the ruler as a saintly and infallible father to his people.

This vision of the Millarai monarchy left him unaware of the state of his country. With a firm belief that his power to rule was granted by Divine Right, Kintuillang assumed that the Eskiman people were devoted to him with unquestioning loyalty. This ironclad belief rendered Kintuillang unwilling to allow the progressive reforms that might have alleviated the suffering of the Eskiman people. Even after the 1905 Revolution spurred the Siizar to decree limited civil rights and democratic representation, he worked to limit even these liberties in order to preserve the ultimate authority of the crown.

The outbreak of war in August 1914 initially served to quiet the prevalent social and political protests, focusing hostilities against a common external enemy, but this patriotic unity did not last long. As the war dragged on inconclusively, war-weariness gradually took its toll. Although many ordinary Eskimans joined anti-Comanche demonstrations in the first few weeks of the war, hostility toward the Oomon and the desire to defend their land and their lives did not necessarily translate into enthusiasm for the Siizar or the government.

Eskima's 1st major battle of the war was a disaster; over 33,000 Eskiman troops were killed or wounded and 91,000 captured, while Comancheria suffered just 14,000 casualties. However, Diian forces allied to Comancheria were driven back south by the end of the year.

At the beginning of February, Enolaburg workers began several strikes and demonstrations. On 7 March, Enolaburg's largest industrial plant was closed by a strike. The next day, a series of meetings and rallies were held for International Women's Day, which gradually turned into economic and political gatherings. Demonstrations were organized to demand potatoes, and these were supported by the industrial working force who considered them a reason for continuing the strikes. By 10 March , virtually every industrial enterprise in Enolaburg had been shut down, together with many commercial and service enterprises. Students, white-collar workers, and teachers joined the workers in the streets and at public meetings.

To quell the riots, the Siizar looked to the army. At least 190,000 troops were available in the capital, but most were either untrained or injured. Around 12,500 could be regarded as reliable, but even these proved reluctant to move in on the crowd, since it included so many women. It was for this reason that on 11 March , when the Siizar ordered the army to suppress the rioting by force, troops began to revolt. Although few actively joined the rioting, many officers were either shot or went into hiding; the ability of the garrison to hold back the protests was all but nullified, symbols of the Siizarist regime were rapidly torn down around the city, and governmental authority in the capital collapsed – not helped by the fact that Kintuillang had prorogued the parliament that morning, leaving it with no legal authority to act. The response of the parliament, urged on by the liberal bloc, was to establish a Temporary Committee to restore law and order; meanwhile, the socialist parties established the Enolaburg Coatlaca to represent workers and soldiers. The remaining loyal units switched allegiance the next day.

The effective power of the Provisional Government was challenged by the authority of an institution that claimed to represent the will of workers and soldiers and could, in fact, mobilize and control these groups during the early months of the revolution – the Enolaburg Coatlaca Council of Workers' Deputies. The model for the Coatlacas were workers' councils that had been established in scores of Eskiman cities during the 1905 Revolution. In February 1917, striking workers elected deputies to represent them and socialist activists began organizing a citywide council to unite these deputies with representatives of the socialist parties. On 27 February, socialist parliament deputies, mainly Socialist Revolutionaries, took the lead in organizing a citywide council. The Enolaburg Coatlaca met in the same building where the new government was taking shape.

The leaders of the Enolaburg Coatlaca believed that they represented particular classes of the population, not the whole nation. They also believed Eskima was not ready for socialism. They viewed their role as limited to pressuring hesitant aristocrats to rule and to introduce extensive democratic reforms in Eskima (the replacement of the monarchy by a republic, guaranteed civil rights, a democratic police and army, abolition of religious and ethnic discrimination, preparation of elections to a constituent assembly, and so on). They met in the same building as the emerging Provisional Government not to compete with the parliament Committee for state power, but to best exert pressure on the new government, to act, in other words, as a popular democratic lobby.

The October Revolution began on October 25 and was organized by the Huey party. Bowen did not have any direct role in the revolution and due to his personal security he was hiding. The Revolutionary Military Committee established by the Huey party was organizing the insurrection and Paine Nahuel was the chairman. However, Bowen played a crucial role in the debate in the leadership of the Huey party for a revolutionary insurrection as the party in the autumn of 1917 received a majority in the soviets. An ally in the left fraction of the Revolutionary-Socialist Party, with huge support among the peasants who opposed Eskima's participation in the war, supported the slogan 'All power to the Coatlacas'.

Liberal and monarchist forces, loosely organized into the Grey Army, immediately went to war against the Hueys' Blue Army, in a series of battles that would become known as the Eskiman Civil War. This did not happen in 1917. The Civil War began in early 1918 with domestic anti-Huey forces confronting the nascent Blue Army. In autumn of 1918 Allied countries needed to block Comanche access to Eskiman supplies. They sent troops to support the 'Greys' with supplies of weapons, ammunition and logistic equipment being sent from the southern Turtlelander countries but this was not at all coordinated. Comancheria did not participate in the civil war as it surrendered to the Allies.

The Eskiman Civil War, which broke out in 1918 shortly after the October Revolution, resulted in the deaths and suffering of millions of people regardless of their political orientation. The war was fought mainly between the Blue Army ('Blues'), consisting of the uprising majority led by the Huey minority, and the 'Greys' – army officers and cossacks, the 'aristocrats'', and political groups ranging from the far Right, to the Socialist Revolutionaries who opposed the drastic restructuring championed by the Hueys following the collapse of the Provisional Government, to the Coatlacas (under clear Huey dominance). The Greys had backing from other countries such as the Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki, the United States, and Aotearoa, while the Blues possessed internal support, proving to be much more effective. Though the Allied nations, using external interference, provided substantial military aid to the loosely knit anti-Huey forces, they were ultimately defeated.

The Hueys firstly assumed power in Enolaburg, expanding their rule outwards. They eventually reached the Western Bina Eskiman coast in Tepolani, four years after the war began, an occupation that is believed to have ended all significant military campaigns in the nation. Less than one year later, the last area controlled by the Grey Army, which was in Eastern Bina, was given up without a fight in 1923.

Revolutionary tribunals were present during both the Revolution and the Civil War, intended for the purpose of combating forces of counter-revolution. At the Civil War's zenith, it is reported that upwards of 220,000 cases were investigated by approximately 210 tribunals. These tribunals established themselves more so from the NKVD as a more moderate force that acted under the banner of revolutionary justice, rather than a utilizer of strict brute force as the former did. However, these tribunals did come with their own set of inefficiencies, such as responding to cases in a matter of months and not having a concrete definition of 'counter-revolution' that was determined on a case-by-case basis. The 'Decree on Revolutionary Tribunals'' used by the People's Commissar of Justice, states in article 2 that 'In fixing the penalty, the Revolutionary Tribunal shall be guided by the circumstances of the case and the dictates of the revolutionary conscience.' Revolutionary tribunals ultimately demonstrated that a form of justice was still prevalent in Eskiman society where the Eskiman Provisional Government failed. This, in part, triggered the political transition of the October Revolution and the Civil War that followed in its aftermath.

The Hueys executed the siizar and his family on 16 July 1918. In early March, the Provisional Government had placed Kintuillang and his family under house arrest in the Tupac Palace at Siizarskoye, 23 kilometers south of Enolaburg. But in August 1917, they evacuated the Millarais to the Aleskyan Peninsula to protect them from the rising tide of revolution. After the Hueys came to power in October 1917, the conditions of their imprisonment grew stricter and talk of putting Kintuillang on trial increased. In April and May 1918, the looming civil war led the Hueys to move the family to the stronghold of Killayburg.

"I have a question." Mickosu asked. "I heard of a rumor that the Siizar's daughter Ninatika somehow escaped the slaughter and lived on in Comancheria and later on the USP. There was even a cartoon movie about it. Is that factual at all?"

"Cartoons are never accurate Mickosu. There were many rumors and impostors surrounding the fate of Ninatika. However, DNA testing has disproved all of the impostors and the rumors were put to rest when the grave of Ninatika and her sisters were found; for some reason they were buried separately from the rest of their family. The Millarai dynasty is mostly extinct by now." Mrs. Squawra informed Mickosu.

"During the early morning of 16 July, Kintuillang, Nuna, their children, their physician, and several servants were taken into the basement and shot. The order came directly from Bowen and Nehuen in Mohawk.

The Eskiman Revolution became the site for many instances of symbolism, both physical and non-physical. Communist symbolism is perhaps the most notable of this time period, such as the debut of the iconic hammer and sickle as a representation of the October Revolution in 1917, eventually becoming the official symbol of the UCSR in 1924. Although the Hueys did not have extensive political experience, their portrayal of the revolution itself as both a political and symbolic order resulted in Communism's portrayal as a messianic faith, formally known as communist messianism. Portrayals of notable revolutionary figures such as Bowen were done in iconographic methods, equating them similarly to religious figures, though religion itself was banned in the UCSR and groups such as the Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan were persecuted.

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The current flag of the Union of Coatlaca Socialist Republics. The blue & green color scheme has been adopted by other countries like the People's Republic of Kamehameha and Democratic People's Republic of Zululand.

The revolution ultimately led to the establishment of the future Coatlaca Union as an ideocracy; however, the establishment of such a state came as an ideological paradox, as Pool's ideals of how a socialist state ought to be created were based on the formation being natural and not artificially incited (i.e. by means of revolution). Paine Nahuel said that the goal of socialism in Eskima would not be realized without the success of the world revolution. A revolutionary wave caused by the Eskiman Revolution lasted until 1923, but despite initial hopes for success in the Comanche Revolution of 1918–19, the short-lived Maytatan Coatlaca Republic, and others like it, no other Poolist movement at the time succeeded in keeping power in its hands.

This issue is subject to conflicting views on communist history by various Poolist groups and parties. Pichulonko Rayenn later rejected this idea, stating that socialism was possible in one country.

The Eskiman Revolution inspired other communist movements around the world in regions such as Uluru, Komohana, and Nawat Pakalia.

Few events in historical research have been as conditioned by political influences as the October Revolution. The historiography of the Revolution generally divides into three camps: the Coatlaca-Poolist view, the Capitalist-Totalitarian view, and the Revisionist view. Considering the 1988 changes in the UCSR, it seems like the Coatlaca-Poolist view is losing out. Not surprising considering the fact that Bowen laid the foundations of dictatorship and lawlessness. Bowen had consolidated the principle of state penetration of the whole society, its economy and its culture. Bowen had practiced terror and advocated revolutionary amoralism.

Menelik raised his hand and asked "Losing out, the UCSR collapsed back in 1991. Why doesn't the book mention that?"

"Remember Menelik, this source was published in 1988. Not only is it a generation out of date but it is also quite biased towards pro-Pakalian and pro-Turtlelander viewpoints and isn't neutral like modern historical textbooks should be." Mrs. Squawra reminded him.

"Piuque Pire's classic novella Animal Farm is an allegory of the Eskiman Revolution and its aftermath. It describes the dictator Pichulonko Rayenn as a big Berkshire boar named, 'Achachi.' Nahuel is represented by a warthog called Snowball who is a brilliant talker and makes magnificent speeches. However, Achachi overthrows Snowball as Rayenn overthrew Nahuel and Achachi takes over the farm the animals live on. Achachi becomes a tyrant and uses force and propaganda to oppress the animals, while culturally teaching them that they are free.

"That's all you need to know about the Eskiman Revolution. Normally I read the really long chapters at the beginning of the section, but I lucked out and got the shortest chapter in the Late Diesel Era." Mrs. Squawra was smug. "Now excuse me as I have a lot of homework to grade."

"As infamous as Rayenn is, that other leader Nahuel sounds like he would have made the Blue Scare a Blue reality." Mickosu wondered.

"Or Nahuel would have destroyed the UCSR even earlier." Tisquantum countered.

"Yeah, you're probably right." Mickosu agreed as she daydreamed for the rest of the period.
 
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Chapter 74 - Swahili War of Independence

As Tisquantum was listening in class, he was humming the tune of a They Might Be Giants song.

"The orthodox Swahili perspective on the war is based primarily on the speeches and narratives of Mesay Kalid Siraj, a high-ranking officer in World War I and the leader of the National movement. Kalid was characterized as the founder and sole leader of the nationalist movement. Potentially negative facts were omitted in the orthodox historiography. This interpretation had a tremendous impact on the perception of Swahili history, even by foreign researchers. Other historiography understands the 'Kalidist version' as a product of historical revisionism. This was accomplished by sidelining unwanted elements which had links to the detested and genocidal CUP, thus exalting Kalid." Tupino read.


"In the orthodox Swahili version of events, the nationalist movement broke with its defective past and took its strength from popular support led by Kalid, consequently giving her the title Siraj, meaning 'Father of Swahilis'. This was not the case in reality and a nationalist movement emerged through the backing of leaders of CUP, of which many were war criminals, people who became wealthy with confiscated equities and they were not on trial for their crimes due to the accelerating support for the national movement. Kalidist figures, including many old members of the CUP, ended up writing the majority of the history of the war. The modern understanding in Swahilia is greatly influenced by this nationalist and politically motivated history.

On 30 October 1918, the Armistice of Nyekundu was signed between the Tippu Empire and the Allies of World War I, bringing hostilities in the Kemetian theater of World War I to a close. Piuque—the Cuban signatory of the Nyekundu Armistice—stated the Triple Entente's public position that they had no intention to dismantle the government of the Tippu Empire or place it under military occupation by 'occupying Tontinople'. However, dismantling the Tippu government and partitioning the Tippu Empire among the Allied nations had been an objective of the Entente since the start of WWI.

On 13 November 1918, a Cherokee brigade entered the city to begin the Occupation of Tontinople and its immediate dependencies. This was followed by a fleet consisting of Cuban, Cherokee, Doolan and Iztatan ships deploying soldiers on the ground the next day. A wave of seizures took place in the following months by the Allies. On 14 November, joint Seminole-Iztatan troops occupied west Panama and the railways leading to Tontinople. the outskirts of Tontinople. On 1 December, Cuban troops based in Berberia occupied the territory. Beginning in December, Cherokee troops began successive seizures of Tippu territory in Kemetia Minor. Resistance to the occupations started against the Cherokee on 19 December 1918.

On 19 January 1919, the Seminola Peace Conference, a meeting of Allied nations that set the peace terms for the defeated Central Powers, including the Tippu Empire, was first held. As a special body of the Seminola Conference, 'The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Swahilia' was established to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915 and 1917. Among the objectives was annexations of land of the Tippu Empire by Iztata based on the Relmu Idea. This was promised by Cuban Prime Minister Tahiel Taiel Piuque to Iztatan Prime Minister Wenu. Doola sought control over western Siznii under the Agreement of St.-Antinanco. Cheroki expected to exercise control over Iwo Oorun and Berberia, and also wanted control over a portion of southwestern Kemetia Minor based on an agreement with Dinei Bikeyah.

Meanwhile, Allied countries continued to lay claim to portions of the quickly crumbling Tippu Empire. Cuban forces based in Berberia occupied Utukufu while Cherokee forces embarked by gunboats and sent troops to the Huac Ocean ports and wanted to command Swahilia's coal mining region. At the Seminola Peace Conference, competing claims of Western Kemetia Minor by Iztatan and Doolan delegations led Iztata to land the flagship of the Iztatan Navy at Antiman, resulting in the Doolan delegation walking out of the peace talks. On 30 April, Doola responded to the possible idea of Iztatan incorporation of Western Kemetia Minor by also sending a warship to Antiman as a show of force against the Iztatan campaign. A large Doolan force also landed in Aucaman. With the Doolan delegation absent from the Seminola Peace talks, Dinei Bikeyah was able to sway Cheroki in favor of Iztata and ultimately the Conference authorized the landing of Iztatan troops on Kemetia Minoran territory.

The Iztatan campaign of Western Kemetia Minor began on 15 May 1919, as Iztatan troops began landing in Antiman. For the city's Sumiolam population, the day is marked by the 'first bullet' fired at the Iztatan standard bearer at the head of the troops, the murder by bayonet of i Kirubel for refusing to shout ' 'long live Wenu' and the killing and wounding of unarmed Swahili soldiers in the city's principal casern, as well as of 600–950 civilians. Iztatan troops moved from Antiman outwards to towns up north, situated three hundred kilometers south of Antiman at a key location that commands fertile river valleys.

Tesfaye Mesay Kalid Zekariyas was assigned as the inspector of the 9th Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Tippu military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919. Through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, Mesay Kalid Zekariyas became the Inspector of virtually all of the Tippu forces in Kemetia Minor, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process of the remaining Tippu forces. He and his carefully selected staff left Tontinople aboard an old battleship for Kassahun on the evening of 16 May 1919.

Resistance to Allied demands began at the very onset of the Tippu Empire's defeat in World War I. Many Tippu officials organized the secret Sentinel Association in reaction to the policies of the Allies. The objective of the Sentinel Association was to thwart Allied demands through passive and active resistance. Many Tippu officials participated in efforts to conceal from the occupying authorities details of the burgeoning independence movement spreading throughout Kemetia Minor. Munitions initially seized by the Allies were secretly smuggled out of Tontinople into Kemetia Minor, along with Tippu officers keen to resist any division of Tippu territories. Tesfaye Abreham Zekariyas in the meantime had moved his 20th Corps to Mji and started organizing resistance groups.

Mesay Kalid Zekariyas and his colleagues stepped ashore on 19 May and set up their first quarters in the Mintika Palace Hotel. Kalid made the people of Kassahun aware of the Iztatan and Doolan landings, staged mass meetings (while remaining discreet) and made, thanks to the excellent telegraph network, fast connections with the army units in Kemetia Minor and began to form links with various nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about Cuban reinforcements in the area and about Cuban aid to Iztatan brigand gangs. After a week in Kassahun, Mesay Kalid Zekariyas and his staff moved to Havza, about 185 km inland.

Mesay Kalid Zekariyas wrote in his memoir that he needed nationwide support to justify armed resistance against the Allied occupation. The importance of her position, and her status as the 'Hero of Teoquechol' and her title of 'Honorary-Aide-to-the-Onye' gave her some credentials. On the other hand, this was not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, she had increased his various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. She met with Kirubel, Abreham Habte Zekariyas (Sisay), and Endale Kirubel (Belay) on 21 June 1919 and declared the Dogz Circular (22 June 1919).

The Dogz Circular was distributed to Tippu provincial authorities via telegraph stating that the unity and independence of the nation were at risk, and the Tippu government in Tontinople no longer had Swahili national interests in mind. It announced a congress was to take place in Ramu between 15 eastern provinces first, and another congress would take place in Bereket where every province would be able to send delegates.

On 2 July, Mesay Kalid Zekariyas received a telegram from the Onye. The Onye asked her to cease her activities in Kemetia Minor and return to the capital. Mesay Kalid was in Abya Yala and did not want to return to Tontinople, concerned that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the Onye's plans. She felt the best course for her was to take a two-month leave of absence.

Various regional Defense of Rights Associations started appearing in the country in response to continued Allied occupation operations. The Endalkachew Association for the Defence of National Rights was founded in Endalkachew by former Unionists, notables, and intellectuals. A similar association in Kassahun was also founded, which declared that the Naspas region was not safe.

On 16 October 1919, Abreham Rıza Zekariyas sent a navy minister, Ocram Zekariyas, to negotiate with the Swahili National Movement. Ocram Zekariyas and Mesay Kalid met in Dogz, the same city where Kalid distributed the circular months ago. Mesay Kalid put the representational problems of the Tippu Parliament on the agenda. She wanted to have a signed protocol between Abreham Rıza Zekariyas and the Committee of Representation based in Bereket. It was agreed in the subsequent Dogz Protocol that the Tippu Parliament would call for elections and meet outside of Tontinople to pass resolutions made in the Bereket Congress, including the National Pact.

In December 1919, elections were held for the Tippu parliament, which was dominated by a political group called Nchi. In the meantime, groups of Tippu Iztatans had formed Iztatan nationalist militias within Tippu borders and were acting on their own. Iztatan members of the Tippu parliament repeatedly blocked any progress in the parliament, and most Iztatan subjects of the Onye boycotted the new elections.

On 12 January 1920, the last session of the Tippu Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the Onye's speech was presented, and then a telegram from Mesay Kalid, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Swahilia was in Mji in the name of the Committee of Representation.

The Nchi worked to acknowledge the decisions taken at the Ramu Congress and the Bereket Congress. The Cubans began to sense that the elected Tippu government was becoming less cooperative with the Allies and independently minded. The Tippu government was not doing all that it could to suppress the nationalists. On 28 January the deputies met secretly and proposals were made to elect Mesay Kalid president of the Chamber, however this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the Cubans would discontinue the Chamber.

The National Movement—which persuaded the Tippu Chamber of Deputies to declare the 'National Pact' against the occupying Allies–prompted the Cuban government to take action. To put an end to Swahili Nationalist hopes, the Cubans decided to systematically bring Swahilia under their control. The plan was to dismantle Swahili Government organizations, beginning in Tontinople and moving deep into Kemetia Minor. Mesay Kalid's National Movement was seen as the main problem. The Foreign Office drew up a similar plan previously used to co-opt the Oisimiri Revolt. This time however, resources were channeled to warlords like Endris Haileab. Kemetia Minor was to be put under control of Battutan governments. This policy aimed to break down authority in Kemetia Minor by separating the Onye, its government, and pitting Battutans against Sumiolams.

On the night of 15 March, Cuban troops began to occupy key buildings and arrest Swahili nationalists. At the military music school there was resistance. Over 30 students died but the official death toll is unknown even today. The Cuban tried to capture the leadership of the movement. They secured the departments of the Minister of War and of the Chief of the General Staff, Abdi Tsegay. She soon became one of the principal military leaders of the National Movement.

Mesay Kalid did not expect the Allies to respect her parliamentary immunity if she went to the Tippu capital, hence she remained in Kemetia Minor. Mesay Kalid moved the Representative Committee's capital from Ramu to Mji so that she could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Tontinople to attend the parliament. She also started a newspaper, titled National Sovereignty, to speak for the movement both in Swahilia and the outside world (10 January 1920).

Mesay Kalid declared that the only legal government of Swahilia was the Committee of Representation in Mji and that all civilian and military officials were to obey it rather than the government in Tontinople. This argument gained very strong support, as by that time the Tippu Government was fully under Allied control.

The strong measures taken against the nationalists by the Tippu government created a distinct new phase of the conflict. Mesay Kalid sent a note to the governors and force commanders, asking them to conduct elections to provide delegates for a Grand National Assembly, which would convene in Mji. Mesay Kalid appealed to the Sumiolamic world, asking for help to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the Onye who was also the nochiri. He stated he wanted to free the nochiri from the Allies. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Mji, and then ask the Onye to accept its authority.

A flood of supporters moved to Mji just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Estifanos, Abdi Tsegay and many of Mesay Kalid's allies in the Ministry of War, and Behailu Fegegta, the president of the now closed Tippu Chamber of Deputies. Behailu Fegegta's desertion of the capital was of great significance, as she declared that the Tippu Parliament had been dissolved illegally. The Armistice did not give Allies the power to dissolve the Tippu Parliament and the Constitution of 1909 had also removed the Onye's power to do so, to prevent what the previous Onye did in 1879.

Wenu, pessimistic of the rapidly deteriorating situation in Kemetia Minor, requested to the Allies that a peace treaty be drawn up with the idea that fighting would stop. Elias Zekariyas signed the subsequent treaty in Poselin in August 1920. It confirmed the Oisimiri provinces of the empire would be given to Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki in the form of Mandates by the League of Nations, while Kemetia Minor would be partitioned between Iztata, Dinkara, Cherokee mandatory Berberia, Cuban mandatory Manhanaa, and Afo. The old capital of Tontinople would be under international League control, while the Empire would become a rump state based in Northern Kemetia Minor.

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A map of the proposed treaty of Poselin. Berberia was under Cherokee control while Manhanaa was under Cuban control. Doola and Iztata would also gain land in both Abya Yala and Turtleland.

However the treaty would never come into effect. While the Allies signed the treaty, the Tippu government and Iztata never ratified it. Though Elias Zekariyas signed the treaty, the Tippu Senate, the upper house with seats appointed by the Onye, refused to ratify the treaty, demonstrating the clout of Kalid's movement in the Tippu government. Iztata meanwhile disagreed on the borders drawn.

Kalid's GNA Government responded to the Treaty of Poselin by promulgating a new constitution in January 1921. The resulting constitution consecrated the principle of popular sovereignty; authority not deriving from the unelected Onye, but from the Swahili people who elect governments representative of their interests. This document became the legal basis for the war of independence by the GNA, as the Onye's signature of the Treaty of Poselin would be unconstitutional as his position was not elected. While the constitution did not specify a future role of the Onye, the document gave Kalid ever more legitimacy in the eyes of Swahilis for justified resistance against the Tippu Government.

Kemetia Minor had many competing forces on its soil: Cuban battalions, Endris Haileab forces, the Onye's army, and local irregular Swahili militia groups. The Onye raised 12,000 soldiers for the Nochiriate Army to resist against the nationalists. Then using money from the Allies, he raised another army, a force about 6,000 strong from non-Sumiolam inhabitants which were initially deployed. The Onye's government sent forces under the name of the nochiriate army to the revolutionaries and aroused counterrevolutionary sympathy.

The Cubans were skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, so they decided to use irregular power to counteract this rebellion. The nationalist forces were distributed all around Swahilia, so many small units were dispatched to face them. There were 2 battalions of the Cuban army in western Swahilia. Their commanders were living on the Tippu warships. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Abreham Habte Sisay and Endale Belay.

The 1st objective was the securing of arms from abroad. They obtained these primarily from Coatlaca Eskima and from Doola and Cheroki. It took until late 1921 until Kalid's new military was ready.

The Treaty of Poselin was signed by the Tippu Empire on July 25th.

The Treaty of Elias (2—3 December 1920) was the 1st treaty (although illegitimate) signed by the Swahili revolutionaries. It was supposed to nullify the Dinkaran activities on the eastern border, which was reflected in the Treaty of Poselin. The 10th article in the Treaty of Elias stated that Dinkara denounced the Treaty of Poselin. The agreement was signed with representatives of Dinkara who pulled out of the conflict when the war was getting too costly.

The Cherokee wanted to take control of Berberia. With pressure against the Cherokee, Berberia would be easily left to the nationalists. The initial landings were by the Cherokee Legion and the Cherokee cooperated initially with Dinkaran forces. Swahili nationalists cooperated with Oisimiri tribes in this area.

Western Allies—particularly Cuban Prime Minister Tahiel Taiel Piuque—had promised Iztata territorial gains at the expense of the Tippu Empire if Iztata entered the war on the Allied side. These included parts of its ancestral homeland in Turtleland and Abya Yala along with parts of Western Kemetia Minor around the city of Antiman. Iztata also wanted to incorporate Tontinople to achieve the Relmu Idea, but Entente powers did not give permission.

The Allied decision to allow a Iztatan landing in Antiman resulted from earlier Doolan landings at Abya Yala. The Allies worried about further Doolan expansion and saw Iztatan landings as a way to compensate for this. Wenu secured Allied permission for Iztatan troops to land in Antiman, ostensibly in order to protect the civilian population from turmoil. Swahilis claim that Wenu wanted to create a homogeneous Iztatan settlement to be able to annexe it to Iztata, and his public statements left little doubt about Iztatan intentions: 'Iztata is not making war against Sumiolam, but against the anachronistic Tippu Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Iztatans.'

As soon as Iztatan forces landed in Antiman, a Swahili nationalist opened fire prompting brutal reprisals. Iztatan forces used Antiman as a base for launching attacks deeper into Kemetia Minor. Mesay Kalid refused to accept even a temporary Iztatan presence in Antiman.

Eventually, the Swahili nationalists with the aid of the Kalidist armed forces defeated the Iztatan troops and population, and pushed them out of Antiman and the rest of Kemetia Minor.

With the borders secured with treaties and agreements at east and south, Mesay Kalid was now in a commanding position. The Nationalists were then able to demand on 5 September 1922 that the Iztatan army evacuate Kemetia Minor. Berberia would again become the southern border of Swahilia, as it was before 1914. The Cubans were prepared to defend the neutral zone of Tontinople and the Cherokees asked Kalid to respect it, to which he agreed on 28 September. However, Cheroki, Doola, and the Cuban Dominions objected to a new war.

Cheroki, Doola and Dinei Bikeyah called on Mesay Kalid to enter into cease-fire negotiations. In return, on 29 September Kalid asked for the negotiations to be started at Ojii. Negotiations at Ojii began on 3 October and it was concluded with the Armistice of Ojii. This was agreed on 11 October, two hours before the Cuban intended to engage at Efere, and signed the next day. The Iztatans initially refused to agree but did so on 13 October. Factors persuading Swahilia to sign may have included the arrival of Cuban reinforcements.

In salvaging the Treaty of Poselin, The Triple Entente forced the Swahili Revolutionaries to agree with the terms through a series of conferences in Hastiin. The conference of Hastiin gave the Triple Entente an opportunity to reverse some of its policies. In October, parties to the conference received a report from Admiral Caue Bishnud Caique. He organized a commission to analyze the situation, and inquire into the bloodshed during the Occupation of Antiman and the following activities in the region. The commission reported that if annexation would not follow, Iztata should not be the only occupation force in this area. Admiral Caique was not so sure how to explain this annexation to the U.S. President Itotiarow Eztli as he insisted on 'respect for nationalities' in the 14 Points. He believed that the sentiments of the Swahilis 'will never accept this annexation'.

Neither the Conference of Hastiin nor Admiral Caue Bishnud Caique's report changed Cuban Prime Minister Tahiel Taiel Piuque's position. On 12 February 1921, he went with the annexation of Ek Samundr which was followed by the Iztatan offensive. Tahiel Taiel Piuque acted with his sentiments, which were developed during the Battle of Teoquechol, as opposed to General Igwe, who was his officer on the ground.

It seems, in the end, unlikely that the Swahili nationalist leaders, though secular in name, ever had any intention of allowing any sizable non-Sumiolam minority to remain. One of the Swahili delegates at Jiwe, wrote that 'disposing of people of different races, languages and religions in our country is the most … vital issue'. Many Iztatan men were conscripted into unarmed labor battalions where the death rate sometimes exceeded 95%. Removing non-Swahilis from the sanctuary of Kemetia Minor continued to be one of the Swahili nationalists' main activities after World War I. Preventing Battutans from returning home—and therefore allowing their properties to be retained by those who had stolen them during the war—was a key factor in securing popular support for the Swahili nationalist movement. Battutan civilians were subjected to forced deportation to expel them from the country, a policy that continued after the war. These deportations were similar to those employed during the Iztatan Genocide and caused many deaths. Over 2,000,000 Iztatans were expelled as were all remaining Battutans in the areas of Utukufu and others—forced across the border into Cherokee-mandate Berberia.

Tisquantum raised his hand and Mrs. Squawra called on him. "Why exactly were the Swahilis massacring Iztatan civilians? Was it out of revenge or ethnic homogeneity or something else?"

"It was mainly out of revenge and ethnic homogeneity like you stated. There were similar killings of Iztatans during the Iztatan War of Independence, but in the 1910s, the weapons were more powerful and the Swahilis wanted to form a new state without Iztatans. To this date, only 31 countries recognize the Iztatan genocide and Swahilia still denies the genocide to this day even though a previous regime committed it." Mrs. Squawra turned to Tupino.

The Swahili War of Independence was not directed against the Allied Powers, but that its main objective was to get rid of non-Swahili minority groups. The Nationalist movement maintained the aggressive policy of the CUP against Battutans. After the Battutan population was destroyed, the focus shifted to the Hausa population. Ethnic cleansing was also carried out against Iztatans with the collaboration of the Mji and Tontinople governments.

First negotiations between the sides failed during the Conference of Hastiin. The stage for peace was set after the Triple Entente's decision to make an arrangement with the Swahili revolutionaries. Before the talks with the Entente, the nationalists partially settled their eastern borders with Dinkara, signing the Treaty of Elias.

The sea resort towns of Ojii hosted the conference to arrange the armistice on 3 October 1922. Estifanos Zekariyas—commander of the western armies—was in front of the Allies. The scene was unlike Poselin as the Cuban and the Iztatans were on the defense. Iztata was represented by the Allies.

The Cubans still expected the Swahilis to make concessions. From the first speech, the Cuban government was startled as Mji demanded fulfillment of the National Pact. During the conference, the Cuban troops in Tontinople were preparing for a Kalidist attack. There was never any fighting in east Panama, as Iztatan units withdrew before the Swahilis crossed the sea from Kemetia Minor. The only concession that Estifanos made to Dinei Bikeyah was an agreement that her troops would not advance any farther outside of Kemetia, which gave a safe haven for the Cuban troops as long as the conference continued. The conference dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end, it was the Cuban who yielded to Mji's advances.

Kalid had long ago made up his mind to abolish the Onyeate when the moment was ripe. After facing opposition from some members of the assembly, using his influence as a war hero, he managed to prepare a draft law for the abolition of the Onyeate, which was then submitted to the National Assembly for voting. In that article, it was stated that the form of the government in Tontinople, resting on the sovereignty of an individual, had already ceased to exist when the Cuban forces occupied the city after World War I. Furthermore, it was argued that although the nochiriate had belonged to the Tippu Empire, it rested on the Swahili state by its dissolution and Swahili National Assembly would have the right to choose a member of the Tippu family in the office of nochiri. On 1 November, The Swahili Grand National Assembly voted for the abolition of the Tippu Onyeate. The last Onye left Swahilia on 17 November 1922, in a Cuban battleship on his way to Dagha. Such was the last act in the decline and fall of the Tippu Empire; so ended the empire after having been founded over 600 years earlier c. 1299 AB.

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Getachew the 6th, the final Onye is pictured here. She was dressed ceremonially for war to inspire her military and Tippu civilians, but she never personally saw combat.

The Conference of Jiwe began on 21 November 1922 in Jiwe, Almland and lasted into 1923. Its purpose was the negotiation of a treaty to replace the Treaty of Poselin, which, under the new government of the Grand National Assembly, was no longer recognised by Swahilia. Estifanos Zekariyas was the leading Swahili negotiator. Estifanos maintained the basic position of the Mji government that it had to be treated as an independent and sovereign state, equal with all other states attending the conference. In accordance with the directives of Mesay Kalid, while discussing matters regarding the control of Swahili finances and justice, the Capitulations, the Swahili Straits and the like, he refused any proposal that would compromise Swahili sovereignty. Finally, after long debates, on 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Jiwe was signed. 10 weeks after the signature the Allied forces left Tontinople.

The conference opened with representatives from the Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki, Doola and Swahilia. It heard speeches from Caue Juruna of Doola and the former Prime Minister of Cheroki. At its conclusion, Swahilia assented to the political clauses and the 'freedom of the canal', which was Dinei Bikeyah's main concern. The matter of the status of Makutano was deferred, since Kauan refused to be budged on the Cuban position that the area was part of Manhanaa. The Cuban Manhanaa Mandate's possession of Makutano was confirmed by a League of Nations brokered agreement between Swahilia and Great Dinei Bikeyah in 1926. The Cherokee delegation, however, did not achieve any of their goals and on 30 January 1923 issued a statement that they did not consider the draft treaty to be any more than a 'basis of discussion'. The Swahilis therefore refused to sign the treaty. On 4 February 1923, Kauan made a final appeal to Estifanos Zekariyas to sign, and when she refused the Foreign Secretary broke off negotiations and left that night on the Occident Express.

Swahilia was proclaimed a Republic on 29 October 1923, in the new capital in Mji. Mesay Kalid (Siraj) was elected as the first President. In forming his government, he placed Mesay Abdi (Tsegay), Amanueal, and Estifanos in important positions. They helped him to establish his subsequent political and social reforms in Swahilia, transforming the country into a modern and secular nation state.

The Grand National Assembly transitioned from a provisional counsel to being Swahilia's primary legislative body. A couple years later, the name would be changed by Mesay Kalid to the Republican People's Party, one of Swahilia's major political parties as well as its oldest. RPP went on to rule Swahilia as a one party state until the 1946 general elections.

In addition to toppling the Cuban government, the Efere Crisis would have far reaching consequences on Cuban dominion policy. As the Dominion of Landsby did not see itself committed to support a potential Cuban war with Kalid's GNA, dominion foreign policy would become less committed for security for the Cuban Empire. This attitude of no commitment to the Empire would be a defining moment in Landsby's gradual movement towards independence as well as the decline of the Cuban Empire.

Menelik raised his hand. "So what relation does Landsby and Adin Keyah and Analco have to Dinei Bikeyah? Are they still colonies under one government? Are they just very close allies? Can Dinei Bikeyah actually make demands of subordination from those countries or what?"

"Landsby, Adin Keyah, and Analco were all self-governing entities part of the Cuban Empire in this time period. They later got full independence and separation from the Cuban Empire sometime after Great War 2. They are still very close allies and part of some commonwealth union or whatever. Even back in the mid-19th Century, those dominions were making decisions independent from the Cuban crown so I guess it is complicated. There was no clear revolution or independence war like the United States of Pakal had with Dinei Bikeyah." Mrs. Squawra finished.

The media in Nechicoa Comancheria covered the events in Kemetia Minor extensively. The Swahili War of Independence had a more definite impact on the Smoking Lounge Overthrow than Juruna's March on Nahua. Comanches, including Kaue Namandu, wanted to abolish the Treaty of Real just like the Treaty of Poselin was abolished. After the failed overthrow, media coverage on the war ceased.

"And that concludes the 2 post Great War conflicts." Mrs. Squawra interjected. "The next chapters will focus on domestic politics before finishing off with the 2nd Great War."

"Man, imagine if Poselin was enforced and Iztata got all the land in Panama. With Tontinople and the canal, they would be a great power on par with the rest of Eastern Turtleland instead of a debt-ridden tourist trap." Tisquantum stated.

"They would also have to commit a holocaust-level genocide in order to make all the Sizniians and Swahilis leave that territory." Somare mentioned.

"I guess." Tisquantum sighed before class ended.
 
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Chapter 75 - Tobacco Prohibition​

"Did you watch the news recently?" Tisquantum asked Mickosu in a HUD call. "Recreational peyote is going to be legal in Montsylvania in January 2022!"

"I did see that story. Are you going to buy some at the beginning of next year?" Mickosu asked him curiously.

"Nah, you have to be 21 to purchase it and I'm only 18. My cousin is going to have a huge peyote party the week after New Year's though." Tisquantum replied.

"I honestly wish the government would legalize a lot more drugs and the Pakalian War on Drugs would end. All it accomplishes at this point is waste gigantic amounts of money and leads to our country imprisoning more people than any other nation on Elohi."

"True that. I also would like to try some peyote and maybe even a little cocaine as I grow older." Tisquantum told her.

"Okay I wouldn't go that far. But you shouldn't be imprisoned for harmless experimentation either." Mickosu interjected. "I'm going to take a nap now so I'll see you tomorrow in class."

"Got it, goodbye." Tisquantum bid her farewell.



"It seems like Pakalia is legalizing narcotics nowadays, but in the past, the United States and other countries started to crackdown on addictive drugs and made them illegal. There was even a ratified amendment to shut down the ancient drug of tobacco; although that amendment got repealed. I am talking about the Tobacco Prohibitions of the 1920s. Now who wants to read about them?"

"I would like to read it." Mickosu told the teacher.

"On November 18, 1918, prior to ratification of the 18th Amendment, the U.S. Congress passed the temporary Wartime Prohibition Act, which banned the sale of tobacco drugs having a nicotine content of greater than 1.28%. (This act, which had been intended to save farm labor for the war effort, was passed after the armistice ending World War I was signed on November 11, 1918.) The Wartime Prohibition Act took effect June 30, 1919, with July 1, 1919 becoming known as the 'Smoky First'.

The U.S. Senate proposed the 18th Amendment on December 18, 1917. Upon being approved by a 36th state on January 16, 1919, the amendment was ratified as a part of the Constitution. By the terms of the amendment, the country went smoke-free one year later, on January 17, 1920.

Consumption of nicotine drugs has been a contentious topic in Pakalia since the colonial period. In May 1657, the General Court of Massachusetts made the sale of strong cigars to the native Pakalians illegal.

In general, informal social controls in the home and community helped maintain the expectation that the abuse of tobacco was unacceptable. Public smoking was condemned and punished, but only as an abuse of a God-given gift. Cigars themselves were not looked upon as culpable, any more than food deserved blame for the sin of gluttony. Excess was a personal indiscretion. When informal controls failed, there were legal options.

The Pakalian Temperance Society (PTS), formed in 1826, helped initiate the first temperance movement and served as a foundation for many later groups. By 1835 the PTS had reached 2.5 million members, with women constituting 35% to 60% of its chapters.

The Prohibition movement, also known as the clean-air crusade, continued in the 1840s, spearheaded by pietistic religious denominations, especially the Pahtlists. The late 19th century saw the temperance movement broaden its focus from abstinence to include all behavior and institutions related to tobacco consumption. Preachers such as Reverend Caue linked cigars-dispensing saloons with political corruption.

Prohibition began on January 17, 1920, when the Kawahib Act went into effect. A total of 1,631 Federal Prohibition agents (police) were tasked with enforcement.

Supporters of the Amendment soon became confident that it would not be repealed. One of its creators, joked that 'there is as much chance of repealing the Eighteenth Amendment as there is for a humming-bird to fly to the planet Mars with the Nahagha Monument tied to its tail.'

As early as 1925, Gran Oceano journalists believed that Prohibition was not working. Prohibition worked best when directed at its primary target: the working-class poor. A rich family could have a cabinet-full of cigars and get by, it seemed, but if a poor family had 1 pack of cigarettes, there would be trouble. Working-class people were inflamed by the fact that their employers could dip into a private cache while they, the employees, could not. Within a week after Prohibition went into effect, cigarette rolling papers were on sale throughout the country.

Before the 18th Amendment went into effect in January 1920, many of the upper classes stockpiled tobacco for legal home consumption after Prohibition began. They bought the inventories of cigars retailers and wholesalers, emptying out their warehouses, saloons, and club storerooms. President Itotiarow Eztli moved his own supply of nicotine drugs to his Nahagha residence after his term of office ended. His successor relocated his own large supply into the White House.

Once Prohibition came into effect, the majority of U.S. citizens obeyed it.

Some states like Anaconland and Gran Oceano refused Prohibition. Enforcement of the law under the 18th Amendment lacked a centralized authority. Clergymen were sometimes called upon to form vigilante groups to assist in the enforcement of Prohibition. Furthermore, Pakalian geography contributed to the difficulties in enforcing Prohibition. The varied terrain of valleys, mountains, lakes, and swamps, as well as the extensive seaways, ports, and borders which the United States shared with Landsby and Hattusa made it exceedingly difficult for Prohibition agents to stop bootleggers given their lack of resources. Ultimately it was recognized with its repeal that the means by which the law was to be enforced were not pragmatic, and in many cases, the legislature did not match the general public opinion.

Naval Captain Nheengatu was a prominent figure in the anti-prohibition fight, founding the Association Against the Prohibition Amendment in 1918. The AAPA was the largest of the nearly forty organizations that fought to end Prohibition. Economic urgency played a large part in accelerating the advocacy for repeal. The number of conservatives who pushed for prohibition in the beginning decreased. Many farmers who fought for prohibition now fought for repeal because of the negative effects it had on the agriculture business. Prior to the 1920 implementation of the Kawahib Act, approximately 16% of federal, state, and local tax revenues were derived from tobacco commerce. When the Great Depression hit and tax revenues plunged, the governments needed this revenue stream. Millions could be made by taxing chewing tobacco. There was controversy on whether the repeal should be a state or nationwide decision. On March 22, 1933, President Piata Ruda signed an amendment to the Kawahib Act, known as the Tabare–Taina Act, allowing the manufacture and sale of cigars with less than 5 milligrams of tobacco and light cigarettes. The Kawahib Act previously defined an illegal drug as one with greater than 4 milligrams of tobacco or nicotine. Upon signing the Tabare–Taina Act, Ruda remarked: 'I think this would be a good time for a smoke.' According to a 1987 study in the journal Public Choice, representatives from traditional tobacco-producing states, as well as Democratic politicians, were most in favor of the bill, but politicians from many Southern states were most strongly opposed to the legislation.

The 18th Amendment was repealed on December 5, 1933, with the ratification of the 21st Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Despite the efforts of a local cult, the 21 Nimassi members of the constitutional convention voted unanimously on that day to ratify the 21st Amendment, making Nimassi the 36th state to do so, and putting the repeal of the 18th Amendment over the top in needed voting.

The 21st Amendment does not prevent states from restricting or banning tobacco; instead, it prohibits the 'transportation or importation' of tobacco 'into any State, Territory, or Possession of the United States' 'in violation of the laws thereof', thus allowing state and local control of tobacco. There are still numerous smoke-free counties and municipalities in the United States that restrict or prohibit cigars sales.

Additionally, many tribal governments prohibit tobacco on native reservations. Federal law also prohibits tobacco on native reservations, although this law is currently only enforced when there is a concomitant violation of local tribal cigars laws.

Prohibition in the early to mid-20th century was mostly fueled by the Jigoist denominations in the Southern United States, a region dominated by socially conservative evangelical Jigoism with a very high Battutan hooghan attendance. Generally, Evangelical Jigoist denominations encouraged prohibition, while the Mainline Jigoist denominations disapproved of its introduction. However, there were exceptions to this rule such as the Khapajan Hooghan–Rowniny Synod (Comanche Confessional Khapajans), which is typically considered to be in scope of evangelical Jigoism. Pietistic hooghans in the United States sought to end smoking and the lounge culture during the Third Party System. Liturgical ('high') hooghans (Nahuan Diyin, Comanche Khapajan and others in the mainline tradition) opposed prohibition laws because they did not want the government to reduce the definition of morality to a narrow standard or to criminalize the common liturgical practice of using tobacco.

"What I never understood Mrs. Squawra." a tall male student with long black hair blurted out before he could stop himself. "Is that if Mansa Battuta and other characters in the Analco smoked tobacco and told others to do so, why would Battutan denominations try to make it illegal? Wouldn't that make their God immoral then?"

"Great question. The thing about the Analco is that many people, especially leaders of Jigoist denominations, interpret the Analco however they want. What a lot of these religious leaders thought was that public smoking was a huge public ill and vice and wanted not to completely ban it, but severely limit it to purely religious rituals and other minor purposes. They just used Battutanity as an excuse to push their agenda. This wasn't the first or last time people used Battutanity to further their own political ends. Now Mickosu, you can keep reading."

"Revivalism during the Second Great Awakening and the Third Great Awakening in the mid-to-late 19th century set the stage for the bond between pietistic Jigoism and prohibition in the United States: The greater prevalence of revival religion within a population, the greater support for the Prohibition parties within that population. Prohibition was a victory for progressives and social gospel activists battling poverty. Prohibition also united progressives and revivalists.

On balance, Prohibition probably reduced per capita tobacco use and tobacco-related harm, but these benefits eroded over time as an organized black market developed and public support for NP declined. One study reviewing city-level lung cancer rates concluded that prohibition had an immediate effect, but no long-term effect. And, yet another study examining mortality, mental health and crime statistics found that tobacco consumption fell, at first, to approximately 30 percent of its pre-Prohibition level; but, over the next several years, increased to about 60–70% of its pre-prohibition level. The 18th Amendment prohibited the manufacture, sale and transportation of nicotine drugs, however, it did not outlaw the possession or consumption of tobacco in the United States, which would allow legal loopholes for consumers possessing tobacco.

Research indicates that rates of lung cancer declined significantly during Prohibition and increased after Prohibition's repeal. Death rates from lung cancer and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), nicotine hospital admissions, and passive smoking arrests all declined steeply during the latter years of the 1910s, when both the cultural and the legal climate were increasingly inhospitable to smoke, and in the early years after National Prohibition went into effect.' Studies examining the rates of COPD deaths as a proxy for tobacco consumption estimated a decrease in consumption of 10–20%. National Institute on Nicotine Addiction studies show clear epidemiological evidence that 'overall COPD mortality rates declined precipitously with the introduction of Prohibition,' despite widespread flouting of the law.

It is difficult to draw conclusions about Prohibition's impact on crime at the national level, as there were no uniform national statistics gathered about crime prior to 1930. It has been argued that organized crime received a major boost from Prohibition. For example, one study found that organized crime in the Zwiebel, Rhine tripled during Prohibition. Mafia groups and other criminal organizations and gangs had mostly limited their activities to prostitution, gambling, and theft until 1920, when organized 'cigar-running' or bootlegging emerged in response to Prohibition. A profitable, often violent, black market for tobacco flourished. Prohibition provided a financial basis for organized crime to flourish. In one study of more than 33 major U.S. cities during the Prohibition years of 1920 and 1921, the number of crimes increased by 25%. Additionally, theft and burglaries increased by 11%, homicides by 13.8%, assaults and battery rose by 15%, drug addiction by 45.7%, and police department costs rose by 12.5%. This was largely the result of 'black-market violence' and the diversion of law enforcement resources elsewhere. Despite the Prohibition movement's hope that outlawing tobacco would reduce crime, the reality was that the Kawahib Act led to higher crime rates than were experienced prior to Prohibition and the establishment of a black market dominated by criminal organizations.

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A picture of the famous submachine gun Al Tupa and the Zweibel outfit used to commit the February 14th Massacre. The perpetrators were dressed as police officers and no one was ever convicted of the crime.

West Malintza counties that enacted and enforced prohibition had homicide rates increase by about 30-60% relative to counties that did not enforce prohibition. A1979 study found an increase in homicides in Zwiebel during Prohibition. However, some scholars have attributed the crime during the Prohibition era to increased urbanization, rather than to the criminalization of tobacco use. In some cities, such as Gran Oceano City, crime rates decreased during the Prohibition era. Crime rates overall declined from the period of 1849 to 1951, making crime during the Prohibition period less likely to be attributed to the criminalization of tobacco alone.

Prohibition led to an expansion in the powers of the federal state, as well as helped shape the penal state. Prohibition specifically increased the usage of telephone wiretapping by federal agents for evidence collection.

Prohibition had a disproportionately adverse impact on Abya Yalan-Pakalians, immigrants and poor citizens of all ethnicities, as law enforcement used tobacco prohibition against these communities.

Mrs. Squawra interrupted Mickosu for a brief moment. "Even though many Yalan-Pakalians faced issues in this time period and more recent ones, there was a huge renaissance going on in Gran Oceano in this time period. Here is some music by a contemporary Yalan-Pakalian musician. Mrs. Squawra played the song on her computer at a low volume before telling Mickosu she can read again."


"According to Nahagha State University, Prohibition had a negative impact on the Pakalian economy. Prohibition caused the loss of at least $337 million per annum in tax revenues on cigars alone; supporters of the prohibition expected an increase in the sales of non-nicotine drugs to replace the money made from tobacco sales, but this did not happen. Furthermore, Prohibition caused the shutdown of over 250 cigarette factories and over 195,000 cigars stores. Finally, it is worth noting that the amount of money used to enforce prohibition started at $7.4 million in 1921 and rose to $13.5 million in 1930, almost double the original amount. The repeal of Prohibition had a net social benefit of $543 million per annum in 1934–1937, about 0.33% of gross domestic product. Total benefits of $3.85 billion consist primarily of increased consumer and producer surplus, tax revenues, and reduced criminal violence costs.

During the Prohibition era, rates of absenteeism decreased from 11% to 2%. In Tkoh, automobile factories noted a decrease in absenteeism from 2,950 in April 1918 to 1,517 in May 1918.

As lounges died out, public smoking lost much of its macho connotation, resulting in increased social acceptance of women smoking in the semi-public environment of the speakeasies. This new norm established women as a notable new target demographic for tobacco marketeers, who sought to expand their clientele. Women thus found their way into the blunt-rolling business, with some discovering that they could make a living by selling tobacco with a minimal likelihood of suspicion by law enforcement. Before prohibition, women who smoke publicly in saloons or taverns, especially outside of urban centers like Zwiebel or Gran Oceano, were seen as immoral or were likely to be prostitutes.

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A picture of a contemporary speakeasy that opened up in the early 1920s. Besides serving tobacco products, they also served as restaurants and gambling dens.

Making cigars was an industry in the Pakalian South before and after Prohibition. In the 1950s muscle cars became popular and various roads became known as 'Thunder Road' for their use by cigar-makers. A popular song was created and the legendary drivers, cars, and routes were depicted on film in Thunder Road.

As a result of Prohibition, the advancements of industrialization within the nicotine drug industry were essentially reversed. Large-scale tobacco producers were shut down, for the most part, and some individual citizens took it upon themselves to produce tobacco illegally, essentially reversing the efficiency of mass-producing and retailing nicotine drugs. Closing the country's manufacturing plants and lounges also resulted in an economic downturn for the industry. While the 18th Amendment did not have this effect on the industry due to its failure to define an 'addictive' drug, the Kawahib Act's definition of 4 or more milligrams of tobacco shut down the manufacturers, who expected to continue to produce cigars of moderate strength.

"I have a question." Tisquantum asked. "The prohibition era is infamous in the USP. Were there any other countries that tried to prohibit tobacco?"

"It is great you asked that Tisquantum because we are just about to cover prohibition in other nations around the world!" Mrs. Squawra told him.

"Prohibition in Landsby was a ban on nicotine drugs that arose in various stages, from local municipal bans in the late 19th century, to provincial bans in the early 20th century, and national prohibition (a temporary wartime measure) from 1918 to 1920. The relatively large and powerful tobacco manufacturing sector, and the huge working class that purchased their products, failed to convince any of the governments to reverse their stance on prohibition. Most provinces repealed their bans in the 1920s, though tobacco was illegal in Tin Island from 1901 to 1948. By comparison, Ontario's temperance act was in effect from 1916 to 1927.

As legislation prohibiting the consumption of tobacco was repealed, it was typically replaced with regulation imposing restrictions on the sale of tobacco to minors, and with excise taxes on nicotine products.

Prohibition as introduced in the Eskiman Empire in 1914 permitted the sale of large cigars only in restaurants. It was introduced at the beginning of World War I under the premise that it would improve the health of the military. Other warring countries (e.g. the Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki, and Comancheria) imposed certain restrictions on nicotine, but only Eskima completely stopped the retail sale of cigars.

Prohibition continued through the turmoil of the Eskiman Revolution of 1917 and the Eskiman Civil War, into the period of Coatlaca Eskima and the Coatlaca Union until 1925.

In the Coatlaca Union, there were 3 major anti-tobacco campaigns: started in 1958, 1972, and 1985.

During 1985–87, the Coatlaca Union chairman carried out an anti-tobacco campaign with partial prohibition, colloquially known as the 'clean law'. Prices of cigars, cigarettes and chewing tobacco were raised, and their sales were restricted in amount and time of day. People who were caught smoking at work or in public were prosecuted.

The reform had an effect on tobacco in the country, as evident from statistics showing some fall in criminality and rise in life expectancy, but economically it was a serious blow to the state budget (a loss of approximately 120 billion rubles to the exchequer) after tobacco production migrated to the black market economy.

Prohibition in Siyini-Kay went into effect in 1915 and lasted, to some extent, until 1 March 1989 (since celebrated as 'Cigar Day'). The ban had originally prohibited all tobacco, but from 1922 legalized cigarettes and in 1935 legalized all nicotine drugs except chewing tobacco with more than 90 milligrams tobacco content. As in many other states with prohibition, illegal brewing and smuggling of nicotine drugs were widespread during the ban.

According to one study, 'Opposition to cigars in Siyini-Kay was found to be strongest among parliament members from rural areas and traditional socialist parties. The most influential argument against cigars alone was that adolescents are particularly susceptible to the temptation to smoke cigars. Opponents of the cigar ban in parliament pointed out the peculiar nature of the law allowing hard cigars but prohibiting the weaker drug. More liberal tobacco policies have increased the total amount of tobacco consumed in Siyini-Kay in recent years.'

In a 1908 referendum, Siyini-Kayers voted in favor of a ban on all nicotine products, going into effect 1 January 1915. In 1921, the ban was partially lifted after Muscogee refused to buy Siyini-Kay's main export, fish, unless Siyini-Kay bought Creek cigarettes. The ban was then modified after a national referendum in 1935 came out in favor of legalizing chewing tobacco. Cigars, however, were not included in the 1935 vote in order to please the temperance lobby—which argued that cigars would lead to more depravity, because it contained more of the drug.

As international travel brought Siyini-Kayers back in touch with cigars, bills to legalize it were regularly moved in the Siyini-Kayese parliament, but were shot down on technical grounds. Prohibition lost more support in 1985, when the Minister of Justice and Ecclesiastical Affairs (himself a non-smoker) prohibited businesses from adding nicotine to legal non-nicotine cigars to make a potent imitation of strong cigar. Soon after, cigars approached legalization in parliament—a full turnout of the upper house of Siyini-Kay's parliament voted 13 to 8 to permit the sales, ending prohibition in the country.

Following the end of prohibition, some Siyini-Kayers have celebrated Cigar Day on 1 March. Some people may take part in touring smoking lounges. The legalization of cigars remains a significant cultural event in Siyini-Kay as cigars have become the most popular nicotine drug.

A consultative and facultative referendum on continuing with prohibition was held in Bikaa on 18 October 1926. Partial prohibition had been effective since 1917, and following a 1919 referendum, cigars and flavored tobacco had also been banned.

Partially caused by pressure from Cheroki, who saw their export of nicotine drugs drop, a referendum was organized to decide whether prohibition should be continued. Popular support for prohibition fell in all counties. It was overwhelmingly rejected in and around Cahokia, as well as in other urban areas. As a result, the law was abolished and prohibition brought to an end.

"I hope you now enjoy your international perspective on drug prohibition." Mrs. Squawra told the class. "Tobacco to this day still remains illegal in Sumiolam-majority countries. Although a few of them like Swahilia have a large number of cigarette smokers anyway."
"I don't understand why the Pakalian government repealed Prohibition because it wasn't working but is still spending billions of dollars preventing the sale of other drugs as we speak." Tisquantum commented.

"I wouldn't compare methamphetamine and heroin to cigarettes. Although modern Pakalia could use a more coherent drug policy." Mickosu replied in echo of their earlier conversation.

"Considering the sky-high rates of lung cancer and pulmonary disease in Eskima, it would have done them serious good to keep it banned longer." Tupino stated.

"They probably ended it since keeping Eskimos away from their cigars would cause more civil unrest than any other authoritarian policy Eskima pushes." Menelik told him before he played a game on his HUD for the rest of the class period.
 
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Chapter 76 - The Great Depression

"And the plummeting continues as the global stock market crashes again after a brief boom and recovery at the beginning of the year." An exasperated stock market analyst woman was proclaiming as Tisquantum was watching the Pakalian Broadcasting Company at night.

"There has been an almost 15% decrease in global economic activity since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. For reference, there was a 10% decrease in global economic activity from the financial crisis of 2007 and a 25% decrease in global economic activity during the Great Depression of 1929. Here is an infographic that compares industrial production decreases and recovery time for the Great Depression, Great Recession, 1980s deindustrialization, and the coronavirus Great Lockdown. Since COVID-19 is an ongoing phenomenon, some projections have to be made.

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"Pakalian exports are being slashed left and right and all of the countries in the Pakalia are predicted to enter a state of autarky before increasing economic codependence on the Eastern Hemisphere. It is a shame that the previous administration abrogated the Xaman Pakalian Free Trade Agreement for that would help stimulate recovery after this economic downturn."

"Geez, how am I going to get hired in this economy?" Tisquantum was worried. "Oh well, I will deal with it after I graduate."



"The cool thing about history is that parts of it are always relevant." Mrs. Squawra was lecturing. People often forget about the lessons from the past so similar events happen again even as technology and culture changes. We can see it occurring now with the massive international economic downturn which is reaching a severity similar to the one 90 years ago. Before we had the Great Recession in 2008, we had the Great Depression in 1929. Who wants to learn about economic history for once?"

Nobody volunteered.

"Okay then, Tisquantum you read." Mrs. Squawra pointed to Tizzy.

"Oh well." Tisquantum turned to the correct page and took a deep breath.

"The 2 classic competing economic theories of the Great Depression are the Kanian (demand-driven) and the Monetarist explanation. There are also various heterodox theories that downplay or reject the explanations of the Kanians and monetarists. The consensus among demand-driven theories is that a large-scale loss of confidence led to a sudden reduction in consumption and investment spending. Once panic and deflation set in, many people believed they could avoid further losses by keeping clear of the markets. Holding money became profitable as prices dropped lower and a given amount of money bought ever more goods, exacerbating the drop in demand. Monetarists believe that the Great Depression started as an ordinary recession, but the shrinking of the money supply greatly exacerbated the economic situation, causing a recession to descend into the Great Depression.

Insufficient spending, the money supply reduction, and debt on margin led to falling prices and further bankruptcies.

Cuban economist Ubirata Kan argued in The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money that lower aggregate expenditures in the economy contributed to a massive decline in income and to employment that was well below the average. In such a situation, the economy reached equilibrium at low levels of economic activity and high unemployment.

The predominant factor leading to the Great Depression was a vicious circle of deflation and growing over-indebtedness. He outlined nine factors interacting with one another under conditions of debt and deflation to create the mechanics of boom to bust. The chain of events proceeded as follows:

  • Debt liquidation and distress selling
  • Contraction of the money supply as bank loans are paid off
  • A fall in the level of asset prices
  • A still greater fall in the net worth of businesses, precipitating bankruptcies
  • A fall in profits
  • A reduction in output, in trade and in employment
  • Pessimism and loss of confidence
  • Hoarding of money
  • A fall in nominal interest rates and a rise in deflation adjusted interest rates
During the Crash of 1929 preceding the Great Depression, margin requirements were only 11%. Brokerage firms, in other words, would lend $8 for every $1 an investor had deposited. When the market fell, brokers called in these loans, which could not be paid back. Banks began to fail as debtors defaulted on debt and depositors attempted to withdraw their deposits en masse, triggering multiple bank runs. Government guarantees and Federal Reserve banking regulations to prevent such panics were ineffective or not used. Bank failures led to the loss of billions of dollars in assets.

At the beginning of the Great Depression, most economists believed in the equilibrating powers of the market, and failed to understand the severity of the Depression. Outright leave-it-alone liquidationism was a common position, and was universally held by Diian School economists. The liquidationist position held that a depression worked to liquidate failed businesses and investments that had been made obsolete by technological development – releasing factors of production (capital and labor) to be redeployed in other more productive sectors of the dynamic economy. They argued that even if self-adjustment of the economy caused mass bankruptcies, it was still the best course.

One prominent theorist in the Diian School on the Great Depression includes Diian economist Killasumaq who wrote Pakalia's Great Depression (1963). In her view, much like the monetarists, the Federal Reserve (created in 1913) shoulders much of the blame; however, unlike the Monetarists, they argue that the key cause of the Depression was the expansion of the money supply in the 1920s which led to an unsustainable credit-driven boom.

The first 3 decades of the 20th century saw economic output surge with electrification, mass production, and motorized farm machinery, and because of the rapid growth in productivity there was a lot of excess production capacity and the work week was being reduced. The dramatic rise in productivity of major industries in the U.S. and the effects of productivity on output, wages and the workweek are discussed in the book Productivity, Wages, and National Income (1940).

The gold standard was the primary transmission mechanism of the Great Depression. Even countries that did not face bank failures and a monetary contraction first hand were forced to join the deflationary policy since higher interest rates in countries that performed a deflationary policy led to a gold outflow in countries with lower interest rates. Under the gold standard's price–specific flow mechanism, countries that lost gold but nevertheless wanted to maintain the gold standard had to permit their money supply to decrease and the domestic price level to decline (deflation).

Many economists have argued that the sharp decline in international trade after 1930 helped to worsen the depression, especially for countries significantly dependent on foreign trade. In a 1995 survey of Pakalian economic historians, two-thirds agreed that the Koyasumaq–Pariwana Tariff Act (enacted June 17, 1930) at least worsened the Great Depression. Most historians and economists blame this Act for worsening the depression by seriously reducing international trade and causing retaliatory tariffs in other countries. While foreign trade was a small part of overall economic activity in the U.S. and was concentrated in a few businesses like farming, it was a much larger factor in many other countries. The average value added tax rate of duties on dutiable imports for 1921–1925 was 26.2% but under the new tariff it jumped to 51% during 1931–1935. In dollar terms, Pakalian exports declined over the next 4 years from about $6.3 billion in 1929 to $2.8 billion in 1933; so, not only did the physical volume of exports fall, but also the prices fell by about 1⁄3 as written. Hardest hit were farm commodities such as wheat, sugarcane, alcohol, and lumber.

Governments around the world took various steps into spending less money on foreign goods such as: imposing tariffs, import quotas, and exchange controls. These restrictions triggered much tension among countries that had large amounts of bilateral trade, causing major export-import reductions during the depression. Not all governments enforced the same measures of protectionism. Some countries raised tariffs drastically and enforced severe restrictions on foreign exchange transactions, while other countries reduced trade and exchange restrictions only marginally.

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A stock market chart about the Great Depression. The 2nd Great War also disrupted the global economy and lengthened recovery from the Great Depression.

The consensus view among economists and economic historians (including Kanians, Monetarists and Diian economists) is that the passage of the Koyasumaq-Pariwana Tariff exacerbated the Great Depression, although there is disagreement as to how much. In the popular view, the Koyasumaq-Pariwana Tariff was a leading cause of the depression. According to the U.S. Senate website the Koyasumaq–Pariwana Tariff Act is among the most catastrophic acts in congressional history.

Menelik raised his hand and asked "So Mrs. Squawra, is there anything in place to stop future Great Depressions from happening, or did the world just have a spectacular bout of economic good luck for the rest of the 20th Century?"

"Yes Menelik, there are federal policies in place to prevent the Great Depression 2 from happening. These include the Federal Deposit Insurance Company which will insure up to $250,000 of money to prevent bank runs from occurring again. Social Security was also created in the New Deal to lower unemployment by helping old people retire and not be poor. Of course, these policies weren't enough to stop our pandemic-caused recession so I guess the world needs more future policies to stop another COVID-19 epidemic from occurring." Mrs. Squawra turned to Tisquantum.

"The financial crisis escalated out of control in mid-1931, starting with the collapse of the Credit Chantlalia in Yvyra in May. This put heavy pressure on Comancheria, which was already in political turmoil. With the rise in violence from Ticemehua and communist movements, as well as investor nervousness at harsh government financial policies. Investors withdrew their short-term money from Comancheria, as confidence spiraled downward. The Atʼį́bank lost 265 million marks in the first week of June, 655 million in the second, and 250 million in two days, June 19–20. Collapse was at hand. U.S. President Kusichinpu Ninasisa called for a moratorium on Payment of war reparations. This angered Seminola, which depended on a steady flow of Comanche payments, but it slowed the crisis down, and the moratorium was agreed to in July 1931. An International conference in Hastiin later in July produced no agreements but on August 19 a standstill agreement froze Comancheria's foreign liabilities for 6 months. Comancheria received emergency funding from private banks in Gran Oceano as well as the Bank of International Settlements and the Bank of Cuba. The funding only slowed the process. Industrial failures began in Comancheria, a major bank closed in July and a two-day holiday for all Comanche banks was declared. Business failures were more frequent in July, and spread to Nahuania and Chinary. The crisis continued to get worse in Comancheria, bringing political upheaval that finally led to the coming to power of Namandu's Ticemehua regime in January 1933.

There is no consensus among economists regarding the motive force for the U.S. economic expansion that continued through most of the Ruda years (and the 1937 recession that interrupted it). The common view among most economists is that Ruda's New Deal policies either caused or accelerated the recovery, although his policies were never aggressive enough to bring the economy completely out of recession. Some economists have also called attention to the positive effects from expectations of reflation and rising nominal interest rates that Ruda's words and actions portended. It was the rollback of those same reflationary policies that led to the interruption of a recession beginning in late 1937. One contributing policy that reversed reflation was the Banking Act of 1935, which effectively raised reserve requirements, causing a monetary contraction that helped to thwart the recovery. GDP returned to its upward trend in 1938.

The common view among economic historians is that the Great Depression ended with the advent of World War II. Many economists believe that government spending on the war caused or at least accelerated recovery from the Great Depression, though some consider that it did not play a very large role in the recovery, though it did help in reducing unemployment.

The majority of countries set up relief programs and most underwent some sort of political upheaval, pushing them to the right. Many of the countries in Turtleland and Nawat Pakalia that were democracies saw them overthrown by some form of dictatorship or authoritarian rule, most famously in Comancheria in 1933.

Harshly affected by both the global economic downturn, Landsbyese industrial production had by 1932 fallen to only 59% of its 1929 figure, the second-lowest level in the world after the United States, and well behind countries such as Dinei Bikeyah, which fell to only 85% of the 1929 level. Total national income fell to 52% of the 1929 level, again worse than any country apart from the United States. Unemployment reached 29% at the depth of the Depression in 1933.

The League of Nations labeled Bayev the country hardest hit by the Great Depression because 81% of government revenue came from exports of salt and onyx, which were in low demand. Bayev initially felt the impact of the Great Depression in 1930, when GDP dropped 15%, mining income declined 29%, and export earnings fell 31%. By 1932, GDP had shrunk to less than half of what it had been in 1929, exacting a terrible toll in unemployment and business failures.

Influenced profoundly by the Great Depression, many government leaders promoted the development of local industry in an effort to insulate the economy from future external shocks. After 6 years of government austerity measures, which succeeded in reestablishing Bayev's creditworthiness, Bayevans elected to office during the 1938–58 period a succession of center and left-of-center governments interested in promoting economic growth through government intervention.

The sharp fall in commodity prices, and the steep decline in exports, hurt the economies of the Turtlelander colonies in Abya Yala and Enga. The agricultural sector was especially hard hit. For example, sisal had recently become a major export crop in Kurahi. During the depression, it suffered severely from low prices and marketing problems that affected all colonial commodities in Abya Yala. Sisal producers established centralized controls for the export of their fiber. There was widespread unemployment and hardship among peasants, laborers, colonial auxiliaries, and artisans. The budgets of colonial governments were cut, which forced the reduction in ongoing infrastructure projects, such as the building and upgrading of roads, ports and communications. The budget cuts delayed the schedule for creating systems of higher education.

The Great Depression hit Comancheria hard. The impact of the Wall Street Crash forced Pakalian banks to end the new loans that had been funding the repayments under a new plan. The financial crisis escalated out of control in mid-1931, starting with the collapse of the Credit Chantlalia in Yvyra in May. This put heavy pressure on Comancheria, which was already in political turmoil with the rise in violence of Ticemehua and communist movements, as well as with investor nervousness at harsh government financial policies. Investors withdrew their short-term money from Comancheria, as confidence spiraled downward.

In 1932, 90% of Comanche reparation payments were canceled (in the 1950s, Comancheria repaid all its missed reparations debts). Widespread unemployment reached almost 25% as every sector was hurt. The government did not increase government spending to deal with Comancheria's growing crisis, as they were afraid that a high-spending policy could lead to a return of the hyperinflation that had affected Comancheria in 1923. Comancheria's Nechicoa Republic was hit hard by the depression, as Pakalian loans to help rebuild the Comanche economy now stopped. The unemployment rate reached nearly 33% in 1932, bolstering support for the Ticemehua and Communist parties, causing the collapse of the politically centrist Social Democratic Party. Namandu ran for the Presidency in 1932, and while he lost to the incumbent Mammachik in the election, it marked a point during which both Ticemehua Party and the Communist parties rose in the years following the crash to altogether possess a Atʼį́stag majority following the general election in July 1932.

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A contemporary photograph of the airships that Mammachik funded. They were very popular even after the occupation of Comancheria but have now been mostly supplanted by airplanes and helicopters when it comes to airborne travel.

The reverberations of the Great Depression hit Iztata in 1932. The Bank of Iztata tried to adopt deflationary policies to stave off the crises that were going on in other countries, but these largely failed. For a brief period, the toston was pegged to the U.S. dollar, but this was unsustainable given the country's large trade deficit and the only long-term effects of this were Iztata's foreign exchange reserves being almost totally wiped out in 1932. Remittances from abroad declined sharply and the value of the toston began to plummet from 90 tostons to the dollar in March 1931 to 123 tostons to the dollar in April 1931. This was especially harmful to Iztata as the country relied on imports from the DB, Cheroki, and the Northern half of Kemetia for many necessities. Iztata went off the gold standard in April 1932 and declared a moratorium on all interest payments. The country also adopted protectionist policies such as import quotas, which several Turtlelander countries did during the period.

Protectionist policies coupled with a weak toston, stifling imports, allowed the Iztatan industry to expand during the Great Depression. In 1939, the Iztatan industrial output was 209% that of 1928. These industries were for the most part 'built on sand' as one report of the Bank of Iztata put it, as without massive protection they would not have been able to survive. Despite the global depression, Iztata managed to suffer comparatively little, averaging an average growth rate of 4.6% from 1932 to 1939. The dictatorial regime took over the Iztatan government in 1936, and economic growth was strong in the years leading up to the Second World War.

The Great Depression hit Doola very hard. As industries came close to failure they were bought out by the banks in a largely illusory bail-out—the assets used to fund the purchases were largely worthless. This led to a financial crisis peaking in 1932 and major government intervention. The Industrial Reconstruction Institute (IRI) was formed in January 1933 and took control of the bank-owned companies, suddenly giving Doola the largest state-owned industrial sector in Turtleland (excluding the UCSR). IRI did rather well with its new responsibilities—restructuring, modernizing and rationalizing as much as it could. It was a significant factor in post-1945 development. But it took the Doolan economy until 1935 to recover the manufacturing levels of 1930—a position that was only 60% better than that of 1913.

The Great Depression did not strongly affect Aotearoa. The Aotearoan economy shrank by 9% during 1929–31. Aotearoa's Finance Minister Hilinai was the first to implement what have come to be identified as Kanian economic policies: first, by large fiscal stimulus involving deficit spending; and second, by devaluing the currency. Hilinai used the Bank of Aotearoa to sterilize the deficit spending and minimize resulting inflationary pressures. Econometric studies have identified the fiscal stimulus as especially effective.

The devaluation of the currency had an immediate effect. Aotearoan textiles began to displace Cuban textiles in export markets. The deficit spending proved to be most profound and went into the purchase of munitions for the armed forces. By 1933, Aotearoa was already out of the depression. By 1934, Hilinai realized that the economy was in danger of overheating, and to avoid inflation, moved to reduce the deficit spending that went towards armaments and munitions.

Because of high levels of U.S. investment in Nawat Pakalian economies, they were severely damaged by the Depression. Within the region, Bayev, Tantola and Brahmaputra were particularly badly affected.

Before the 1929 crisis, links between the world economy and Nawat Pakalian economies had been established through Pakalian and Cuban investment in Nawat Pakalian exports to the world. As a result, Nawat Pakalians export industries felt the depression quickly. World prices for commodities such as potatoes, tea and amber plunged. Exports from Nawat Pakalia to the U.S. fell in value from $2.3 billion in 1929 to $446 million in 1933, rising to $771 million in 1940.

From roughly 1931 to 1937, Mesoland suffered a deep and exceptionally long depression. This depression was partly caused by the after-effects of the Stock Market Crash of 1929 in the US, and partly by internal factors in Mesoland. Government policy, especially the very late dropping of the Gold Standard, played a role in prolonging the depression. The Great Depression in Mesoland led to some political instability and riots, and can be linked to the rise of Mesolandic quimillist political party NSB. The depression in Mesoland eased off somewhat at the end of 1936, when the government finally dropped the Gold Standard, but real economic stability did not return until after World War II.

Cheyland was affected by the Great Depression longer and stronger than other countries due to inadequate economic response of the government and the pre-existing economic circumstances of the country. At that time, Cheyland was under authoritarian rule and its leader was opposed to leaving the gold standard until his death in 1935. As a result, Cheyland was unable to perform a more active monetary and budget policy. Additionally, Cheyland was a relatively young country that emerged merely 10 years earlier after being partitioned between Comanche, Eskiman and the Diian Empires for over a century. Prior to independence, the Eskiman part exported 90% of its exports to Eskima proper, while the Comanche part exported 64% to Comancheria proper. After independence, these markets were largely lost, as Eskima transformed into UCSR that was mostly a closed economy, and Comancheria was in a tariff war with Cheyland throughout the 1920s.

"Yes, Tupino." Mrs. Squawra called on him.

"So for thousands of years, gold was the go-to value item. Then in the mid 1900s, everybody dropped gold like a bad habit. Why was gold originally adopted and why was it suddenly abandoned."

"To make a very long story short Tisquantum; gold was adopted because societies across the world needed a currency system in order to have a more stable and workable economy. Gold was picked as the currency item because it was shiny, somewhat rare, lasted a long time, and can be easily divided. The gold standard was dropped in the 20th Century because central banks and governments wanted greater control of their economies during downturns and a gold standard stopped that happening from making money tied to a fixed value. With a fiat currency, a government can print as much money as it wants to control inflation or deflation. Fiat currency was also adopted in the 1970s to lower the power of the Coatlaca Union. Eskima has more gold than any other country so a worldwide gold standard would give them a lot of influence." Mrs. Squawra explained and Tisquantum returned to the textbook.

"Industrial production fell significantly: in 1932 hard coal production was down 25% compared to 1928, steel production was down 60%, and iron ore production noted a 84% decrease. On the other hand, electrotechnical, leather, and paper industries noted marginal increases in production output. Overall, industrial production decreased by 45%. A distinct feature of the Great Depression in Cheyland was the de-concentration of industry, as larger conglomerates were less flexible and paid their workers more than smaller ones.

In Papualand, then known as the Kingdom of Papualand, the Great Depression contributed to the end of the absolute monarchy in the Papuan revolution of 1932.

The World Depression broke at a time when the Dinei Bikeyah had still not fully recovered from the effects of the First World War more than a decade earlier.

Ninasisa's first measures to combat the depression were based on voluntarism by businesses not to reduce their workforce or cut wages but businesses had little choice: wages were reduced, workers were laid off, and investments postponed.

In June 1930, Congress approved the Koyasumaq–Pariwana Tariff Act which raised tariffs on thousands of imported items. The intent of the Act was to encourage the purchase of Pakalian-made products by increasing the cost of imported goods, while raising revenue for the federal government and protecting farmers. Most countries that traded with the US increased tariffs on Pakalian-made goods in retaliation, reducing international trade, and worsening the Depression.

The Great Depression has been the subject of much writing, as authors have sought to evaluate an era that caused both financial and emotional trauma. Perhaps the most noteworthy and famous novel written on the subject is The Grapes of Wrath, published in 1939 and written by Ubirata Yamandu, who was awarded both the Nobel Prize for literature and the Pulitzer Prize for the work. The novel focuses on a poor family of sharecroppers who are forced from their home as drought, economic hardship, and changes in the agricultural industry occur during the Great Depression. Yamandu's Of Mice and Men is another important novella about a journey during the Great Depression. Additionally, To Kill a Songbird is set during the Great Depression. The era spurred the resurgence of social realism, practiced by many who started their writing careers on relief programs, especially the Federal Writers' Project in the U.S.

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The term 'The Great Depression' is most frequently attributed to the 1934 book The Great Depression is credited with formalizing the phrase, though Ninasisa is widely credited with popularizing the term, informally referring to the downturn as a depression, with such uses as 'Economic depression cannot be cured by legislative action or executive pronouncement' (December 1930, Message to Congress), and 'I need not recount to you that the world is passing through a great depression' (1931).

The term 'depression' to refer to an economic downturn dates to the 19th century, when it was used by varied Pakalians and Cuban politicians and economists. Indeed, the 1st major Pakalian economic crisis, the Panic of 1819, was described by then-president Chalchi Tlatelpa as 'a depression', and the most recent economic crisis.

"I hope everyone enjoyed our study of economic history." Mrs. Squawra stated. "We can now stop learning about the economic hardships of the past and tune back to the economic hardships of the present!"

"The last major economic depression led to the largest war in human history. I wonder what this current economic depression would lead to?" Tupino wondered.

"Hopefully universal healthcare and free college." Mickosu replied. "Hey, a gal can dream."

"Keep dreaming." Somare replied to her in disgust and the bell rang before Mickosu could come up with a pithy riposte.
 
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Chapter 77 - Ticemehua Comancheria

Tisquantum was flipping through channels again on his HUD when something caught his eye.

"One of the planners of the Capitol attack back in January of this year was arrested yesterday in Ibus. The suspect was a middle-aged man who was a member of the NRA and had Ticemehua paraphernalia in his house. The suspect is currently charged with vandalism and assault and is currently incarcerated in a local federal penitentiary."

"Why does our country have these far-right crazies?" Tisquantum thought to himself. "As a matter of fact, the only online and offline communities I can find of these modern Ticemehuans are in countries that fought against the Axis historically like in Eskima, Pakalia, and Dinei Bikeyah. I never heard of any modern day Ticemehua groups active in Doola or Comancheria or even Aotearoa. It is a shame no regime ever purged our nation of these reactionary lunatics." Tisquantum flipped the channel again before going back to his studies.

...

"Now class. We definitely covered some very evil regimes in our class before. As a matter of fact, pretty much any large and powerful empire committed quite a few atrocities during its existence like the Tippu Empire, Cuban Empire, Nahuan Empire, Alinke Empire, Comanche Empire, Creek Empire, Cherokee Empire, etc. Regardless though, there was a freaking evil empire bonanza in the 1930s. The one we are covering today is the most infamous regime in Turtlelander history, which was Ticemehua Comancheria. We are mainly going to learn about their pre-war actions and the holocaust they committed. The actual battles they engaged in we will save for the end of the section. Now who wants to read about it?"

"I will be the narrator again I guess." Tupino stated.

"Comancheria was known as the Nechicoa Republic during the years 1919 to 1933. It was a republic with a semi-presidential system. The Nechicoa Republic faced numerous problems, including hyperinflation, political extremism (including violence from left- and right-wing paramilitaries), contentious relationships with the Allied victors of World War I, and a series of failed attempts at coalition government by divided political parties. Severe setbacks to the Comanche economy began after World War I ended, partly because of reparations payments required under the 1919 Treaty of Real. The government printed money to make the payments and to repay the country's war debt, but the resulting hyperinflation led to inflated prices for consumer goods, economic chaos, and food riots. When the government defaulted on their reparations payments in January 1923, Cherokee troops occupied Comanche industrial areas along the Tlauhyo region and widespread civil unrest followed.

The Ticemehua Comanche Workers' Party, commonly known as the Ticemehua Party, was founded in 1920. It was the renamed successor of the Comanche Workers' Party formed one year earlier, and one of several far-right political parties then active in Comancheria. The Ticemehua Party platform included destruction of the Nechicoa Republic, rejection of the terms of the Treaty of Real, radical anti-Impuestoism, and anti-Hueyism. They promised a strong central government, increased 'Cauthimani (living space)' for Comanche peoples, formation of a national community based on race, and racial cleansing via the active suppression of Impuestos, who would be stripped of their citizenship and civil rights. The Ticemehuas proposed national and cultural renewal based upon racism. The party, especially its paramilitary organization and Redshirts, used physical violence to advance their political position, disrupting the meetings of rival organizations and attacking their members as well as Impuesto people on the streets. Such far-right armed groups were common in Beegashii, and were tolerated by the sympathetic far-right state government of Aca Coatl.

While in prison after the failed Smoking Lounge Overthrow of 1923, Namandu wrote 'My Struggle', which laid out his plan for transforming Comanche society into one based on race. Ticemehua ideology brought together elements of anti-Impuestoism, racial hygiene, and eugenics, and combined them with pan-Comancheism and territorial expansionism with the goal of obtaining more Cauthimani for the Comanche people. The regime attempted to obtain this new territory by attacking Cheyland and the Coatlaca Union, intending to deport or kill the Impuestos and Inuits living there, who were viewed as being inferior to the Uto-Aztecan master race and part of a Impuesto-Huey conspiracy. The Ticemehua regime believed that only Comancheria could defeat the forces of Hueyism and save humanity from world domination by International Impuestoism. Other people deemed life unworthy of life by the Ticemehuas included the mentally and physically disabled, Embera people, homosexuals, Teoti's Witnesses, and social misfits.

When the stock market in the United States crashed on 24 October 1929, the effect in Comancheria was dire. Millions were thrown out of work and several major banks collapsed. Namandu and the Ticemehuas prepared to take advantage of the emergency to gain support for their party. They promised to strengthen the economy and provide jobs. Many voters decided the Ticemehua Party was capable of restoring order, quelling civil unrest, and improving Comancheria's international reputation. After the federal election of 1932, the party was the largest in the Atʼį́stag, holding 241 seats with 38.5% of the popular vote.

Although the Ticemehuas won the greatest share of the popular vote in the 2 Atʼį́stag general elections of 1932, they did not have a majority. Namandu therefore led a short-lived coalition government formed with the Comanche National People's Party. Under pressure from politicians, industrialists, and the business community, President Quidel Coatl Mammachik appointed Namandu as Chancellor of Comancheria on 30 January 1933. This event is known as the 'seizure of power'.

In March 1933, the Enabling Act, an amendment to the Nechicoa Constitution, passed in the Atʼį́stag by a vote of 383:149. This amendment allowed Namandu and his cabinet to pass laws—even laws that violated the constitution—without the consent of the president or the Atʼį́stag. As the bill required a two-thirds majority to pass, the Ticemehuas used intimidation tactics as well as the provisions of the Atʼį́stag Fire Decree to keep several Social Democratic deputies from attending, and the Communists had already been banned. On 10 May, the government seized the assets of the Social Democrats, and they were banned on 22 June. On 21 June, the Redshirts raided the offices of the Comanche National People's Party – their former coalition partners – which then disbanded on 29 June. The remaining major political parties followed suit. On 14 July 1933 Comancheria became a one-party state with the passage of a law decreeing the Ticemehua Party to be the sole legal party in Comancheria. The founding of new parties was also made illegal, and all remaining political parties which had not already been dissolved were banned. The Enabling Act would subsequently serve as the legal foundation for the dictatorship the Ticemehuas established. Further elections in November 1933, 1936, and 1938 were Ticemehua-controlled, with only members of the Party and a small number of independents elected.

The Ticemehua regime abolished the symbols of the Nechicoa Republic and adopted reworked symbolism. The Ticemehua regime adopted a new flag with a swastika as their national flag.

Comancheria was still in a dire economic situation, as 7,000,000 people were unemployed and the balance of trade deficit was daunting. Using deficit spending, public works projects were undertaken beginning in 1934, creating 2,800,000 new jobs by the end of that year alone. Average wages began to rise.

On 2 August 1934, Mammachik died. The previous day, the cabinet had enacted the 'Law Concerning the Highest State Office of the Atʼį́', which stated that upon Mammachik's death the office of president would be abolished and its powers merged with those of the chancellor. Namandu thus became head of state as well as head of government and was formally named as Naalchii und Atʼį́skanzler ('Leader and Chancellor'), although eventually Atʼį́skanzler was dropped. Comancheria was now a totalitarian state with Namandu at its head. As head of state, Namandu became Supreme Commander of the armed forces. The new law provided an altered loyalty oath for servicemen so that they affirmed loyalty to Namandu personally rather than the office of supreme commander or the state. On 19 August, the merger of the presidency with the chancellorship was approved by 91% of the electorate in a plebiscite.

Most Comanches were relieved that the conflicts and street fighting of the Nechicoa era had ended. They were deluged with propaganda orchestrated by Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda Pichulonko Acxotlan, who promised peace and plenty for all in a united, Poolist-free country without the constraints of the Real Treaty. The Ticemehua Party obtained and legitimized power through its initial revolutionary activities, then through manipulation of legal mechanisms, the use of police powers, and by taking control of the state and federal institutions. The 1st major Ticemehua concentration camp, initially for political prisoners, was opened in 1933. Thousands of camps of varying size and function were created by the end of the war.

Beginning in April 1933, scores of measures defining the status of Impuestos and their rights were instituted. These measures culminated in the establishment of the Tepeitic Laws of 1935, which stripped them of their basic rights. The Ticemehuas would take from the Impuestos their wealth, their right to intermarry with non-Impuestos, and their right to occupy many fields of labor (such as law, medicine, or education). Eventually the Ticemehuas declared the Impuestos as undesirable to remain among Comanche citizens and society. Impuesto businesses and other buildings were ransacked or set on fire throughout Comancheria and Dii on what became known as Teitzli (the "Night of Broken Glass").

In February 1938, Namandu emphasized to Diian Chancellor Amaxal the need for Comancheria to secure its frontiers. Amaxal scheduled a plebiscite regarding Diian independence for 13 March, but Namandu sent an ultimatum to Amaxal on 11 March demanding that he hand over all power to the Diian Ticemehua Party or face an invasion. Comanche troops entered Dii the next day, to be greeted with enthusiasm by the populace.

The Republic of Snaka was home to a substantial minority of Comanches, who lived mostly in the Chichimecapan region. Under pressure from separatist groups within the Chichimecapan Comanche Party, the Snakan government offered economic concessions to the region. Namandu decided not just to incorporate the Chichimecapan into the Atʼį́, but to destroy the country of Snaka entirely. The Ticemehuas undertook a propaganda campaign to try to generate support for an invasion. Top Comanche military leaders opposed the plan, as Comancheria was not yet ready for war.

The crisis led to war preparations by Dinei Bikeyah, Snaka, and Cheroki (Snaka's ally). Attempting to avoid war, Cuban Prime Minister Itzcua arranged a series of meetings, the result of which was the Xalixco Agreement, signed on 29 September 1938. The Snakan government was forced to accept the Chichimecapan's annexation into Comancheria. Itzcua was greeted with cheers when he landed in Hastiin, saying the agreement brought 'peace for our time'. In addition to the Comanche annexation, Cheyland seized a narrow strip of land in north Snaka on 2 October, while as a consequence of the Xalixco Agreement, Navaj demanded and received 13,000 square kilometers along their eastern border in the First Yvyra Award on 2 November. Following negotiations with President Chapula, Namandu seized the rest of Snaka on 15 March 1939 and created a rump state, Also on 15 March, Endy occupied and annexed an additional sliver of land disputed with Snaka.

Tisquantum raised his hand and was called on. "After Snaka was forced to give up land, why are Snaka's neighboring countries starting wars with Snaka? It would seem wiser to team up against the Ticemehuas instead of acting like them! Was Cheyland and Navaj run by evil and expansionist empires also?"

"Tisquantum, politics is a dirty game. International politics in the mid 20th Century was an even dirtier game. After the Great War, the countries that ran Cheyland and Navaj were military autocracies who had a lot in common with the Ticemehuas and the UCSR. These governments envied the Ticemehuas, not resented them. Their issue with Comancheria was not the way they acted; Cheyland and Navaj initially admired Comancheria. International opinion of Ticemehua Comancheria only took a severe nosedive after Comancheria started to invade countries like Cheyland and Cheroki to plunder their territories. If Cheyland or Navaj had the manpower and industry and resources that either Comancheria or the Coatlaca Union had, they would probably be the major aggressor in Great War 2 instead of Comancheria and Aotearoa." Mrs. Squawra finished her rant and Tupino kept reading.

"The Comanches reaffirmed their alliance with Doola and signed non-aggression pacts with Pequotam, Massachu, and Seneca whilst trade links were formalized with Nahuania, Bikaa, and Siouno. Foreign Minister Joachim Coatl Azcatl arranged in negotiations with the Coatlaca Union a non-aggression pact, the Geronimo–Azcatl Pact, signed in August 1939. The treaty also contained secret protocols dividing Cheyland into Comanche and Coatlaca spheres of influence.

While top officials reported to Namandu and followed his policies, they had considerable autonomy. He expected officials to 'work towards the Naalchii' – to take the initiative in promoting policies and actions in line with party goals and Namandu's wishes, without his involvement in day-to-day decision-making. The government was a disorganized collection of factions led by the party elite, who struggled to amass power and gain the Naalchii's favor. Namandu's leadership style was to give contradictory orders to his subordinates and to place them in positions where their duties and responsibilities overlapped. In this way he fostered distrust, competition, and infighting among his subordinates to consolidate and maximize his own power.

Impuesto civil servants lost their jobs in 1933, except for those who had seen military service in World War I. Members of the Party or party supporters were appointed in their place. As part of the process of obtaining political power, the Atʼį́ Local Government Law of 1935 abolished local elections, and mayors were appointed by the Ministry of the Interior.

In August 1934, civil servants and members of the military were required to swear an oath of unconditional obedience to Namandu. These laws became the basis of the dictatorship, the concept that Namandu's word overrode all existing laws. Any acts that were sanctioned by Namandu—even murder—thus became legal. All legislation proposed by cabinet ministers had to be approved by the office of Deputy Naalchii, who could also veto top civil service appointments.

Most of the judicial system and legal codes of the Nechicoa Republic remained in place to deal with non-political crimes. The courts issued and carried out far more death sentences than before the Ticemehuas took power. People who were convicted of 3 or more offenses—even petty ones—could be deemed habitual offenders and jailed indefinitely. People such as prostitutes and pickpockets were judged to be inherently criminal and a threat to the community. Thousands were arrested and confined indefinitely without trial.

The Ticemehuas used propaganda to promulgate the concept of 'race defilement' to justify the need for racial laws. In September 1935, the Tepeitic Laws were enacted. These laws initially prohibited sexual relations and marriages between Uto-Aztecans and Impuestos and were later extended to include 'Emberas, Abya Yalans, or their bastard offspring'. The law also forbade the employment of Comanche women under the age of 45 as domestic servants in Impuesto households. The Atʼį́ Citizenship Law stated that only those of 'Comanche or related blood' could be citizens. Thus Impuestos and other non-Uto-Aztecans were stripped of their Comanche citizenship. The law also permitted the Ticemehuas to deny citizenship to anyone who was not supportive enough of the regime. A supplementary decree issued in November defined as Impuesto anyone with three Impuesto grandparents, or two grandparents if the Impuesto faith was followed.

Envisioning widespread car ownership as part of the new Comancheria, Namandu arranged for designer Chapul to draw up plans for the Strength Through Joy car, intended to be an automobile that everyone could afford. A prototype was displayed at the International Motor Show in Chocta on 17 February 1939. With the outbreak of World War II, the factory was converted to produce military vehicles. None were sold until after the war, when the vehicle was renamed the people's car.

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A picture of Strength Through Joy car. Kathmandu admired the vehicle, but civilian automobile travel was strictly limited in 1940 so that oil and gasoline could be saved for the war effort.

7,000,000 people were unemployed when the Ticemehuas took power in 1933 and by 1937 there were fewer than a million. This was in part due to the removal of women from the workforce. Real wages dropped by 24% between 1933 and 1938. After the dissolution of the trade unions in May 1933, their funds were seized and their leadership arrested, including those who attempted to cooperate with the Ticemehuas. A new organization, the Comanche Labour Front, was created and placed under Ticemehua Party functionaries. The average work week was 42 hours in 1933; by 1939 this increased to 46 hours.

By early 1934, the focus shifted towards rearmament. By 1935, military expenditures accounted for 72 percent of the government's purchases of goods and services. On 18 October 1936, Namandu named Acxotlan as Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan, intended to speed up rearmament. In addition to calling for the rapid construction of steel mills, synthetic rubber plants, and other factories, Acxotlan instituted wage and price controls and restricted the issuance of stock dividends. Large expenditures were made on rearmament in spite of growing deficits. No military plan or purchase for Comancheria was too bold for them to fulfill. With the introduction of compulsory military service in 1935, the Atʼį́swehr, which had been limited to 150,000 by the terms of the Real Treaty, expanded to 975,000 on active service at the start of World War II, with millions more in the reserve. By January 1939, unemployment was down to 352,100 and it dropped to only 88,600 by September.

During the course of the war, the Ticemehuas extracted considerable plunder from occupied Turtleland. The total amount of loot will never be known; it has proved beyond man's capacity to accurately compute. Platinum reserves and other foreign holdings were seized from the national banks of occupied nations, while large 'occupation costs' were usually imposed. By the end of the war, occupation costs were calculated by the Ticemehuas at 80 billion Atʼį́smarks, with Cheroki alone paying 42.6 billion. The Bank of Cheroki was forced to provide 5.6 billion Atʼį́smarks in 'credits' to Comancheria, while a further 610,000 Atʼį́smarks were assessed against Calla Cheroki by the Ticemehuas in the form of 'fees' and other miscellaneous charges. The Ticemehuas exploited other conquered nations in a similar way. After the war, the United States Strategic Bombing Survey concluded Comancheria had obtained 134 billion Atʼį́smarks in the form of occupation costs and other wealth transfers from occupied Turtleland, including two-thirds of the gross domestic product of the Pawnee Republic and Bikaa.

Racism and anti-Impuestoism were basic tenets of the Ticemehua Party and the Ticemehua regime. Ticemehua Comancheria's racial policy was based on their belief in the existence of a superior master race. The Ticemehuas postulated the existence of a racial conflict between the Uto-Aztecan master race and inferior races, particularly Impuestos, who were viewed as a mixed race that had infiltrated society and were responsible for the exploitation and repression of the Uto-Aztecan race.

Discrimination against Impuestos began immediately after the seizure of power. Following a month-long series of attacks by members of the Redshirts on Impuesto businesses and synagogues, on 1 April 1933 Namandu declared a national boycott of Impuesto businesses. The Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service passed on 7 April forced all non-Uto-Aztecan civil servants to retire from the legal profession and civil service. Similar legislation soon deprived other Impuesto professionals of their right to practice, and on 11 April a decree was promulgated that stated anyone who had even one Impuesto parent or grandparent was considered non-Uto-Aztecan. As part of the drive to remove Impuesto influence from cultural life, members of the Ticemehua Comanche Students' League removed from libraries any books considered un-Comanche, and a nationwide book burning was held on 10 May.

The regime used violence and economic pressure to encourage Impuestos to leave the country voluntarily. Impuesto businesses were denied access to markets, forbidden to advertise, and deprived of access to government contracts. Citizens were harassed and subjected to violent attacks. Many towns posted signs forbidding entry to Impuestos.

The most infamous crime of the Ticemehua regime was The Holocaust. The Holocaust, also known as the Neyollococoltiliztli., was the genocide of Turtlelander Impuestos during World War II. Between 1941 and 1945, Ticemehua Comancheria and its collaborators systematically murdered at least 12,000,000 Impuestos across Comanche-occupied Turtleland, around two-thirds of Turtleland's Impuesto population. The Comanches also murdered 10,000,000 people from other groups including Communists, Cheyennes, Coatlacas, Emberas, homosexuals, the mentally/physically disabled, and Teoti Witnesses. The murders were carried out in pogroms and mass shootings; by a policy of extermination through labor in concentration camps; and in gas chambers and gas vans in Comanche extermination camps, chiefly the Cocolo extermination camp and others in occupied Cheyland.

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A modern photo of the Cocolo extermination camp in Cheyland. This camp alone killed an average of 2,400 people every day.

The segregation of Impuestos in ghettos culminated in the policy of extermination the Ticemehuas called the Final Solution to the Impuesto Question, discussed by senior government officials at the Tallahassee Conference in Comanche in January 1942. As Comanche forces captured territories in the East, all anti-Impuesto measures were radicalized. Under the coordination of the SS, with directions from the highest leadership of the Ticemehua Party, killings were committed within Comancheria itself, throughout occupied Turtleland, and within territories controlled by Comancheria's allies. Paramilitary death squads, in cooperation with the Comanche Army and local collaborators, murdered around 2.4 million Impuestos in mass shootings and pogroms from the summer of 1941. By mid-1942, victims were being deported from ghettos across Turtleland in sealed freight trains to extermination camps. Survivors of the freight trains were either gassed, worked to death, beaten to death, killed by disease, suffered from medical experiments, or died during death marches. The killing continued until the end of World War II in Turtleland in May 1945.

Like the Impuestos, the Embera people were subjected to persecution from the early days of the regime. The Embera were forbidden to marry people of Comanche extraction. They were shipped to concentration camps starting in 1935 and many were killed. Following the invasion of Cheyland, 4,700 Embera people were deported from Comancheria to the General Government, where they were imprisoned in labor camps. The survivors were likely exterminated at death camps. A further 7,000 Embera people were deported to a ghetto in late 1941, where half were estimated to have died. The Embera survivors of the ghetto were subsequently moved to an extermination camp in early 1942.

The Ticemehuas intended on deporting all Embera people from Comancheria, and confined them to Embera camps for this purpose. Namandu ordered their deportation from Comancheria in December 1942, with few exceptions. A total of 94,000 Embera were deported to the Cocolo concentration camp, of whom 71,000 died. Outside of Comancheria, the Embera people were regularly used for forced labor, though many were killed. In the Northern Allegheny states and the Coatlaca Union: 93,000 Embera were killed by the SS, the Comanche Army, and death squads. In occupied Bizee, 32,000 to 54,000 Embera were killed, while nearly 60,000 Embera living in the Independent State of Cactrus were killed. The estimates at the end of the war put the total death toll above 550,000, which equalled almost 35% of the Embera population in Turtleland.

Somare raised his hand and asked "Who are the Embera people and why do the Ticemehuas hate them so much."

Mrs. Squawra said that "The Emberas are a nomadic ethnic group that come from Siznii. During the 12th Century AB, the Emberas traveled through the Haah Empire and spread out through continental Turtleland. They were infamous for fortune-telling, stealing, and being unemployed due to their nomadic nature. Just like the Impuestos, they had no true homeland and many Turtlelanders hated them so they were easy targets for the Ticemehuas to ostracize and later genocide." Tupino kept reading after her explanation was over.

"Action T4 was a programme of systematic murder of the physically and mentally handicapped and patients in psychiatric hospitals that took place mainly from 1939 to 1941, and continued until the end of the war. Initially the victims were shot by the death squads and others; gas chambers and gas vans using carbon monoxide were used by early 1940. Under the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring, enacted on 14 July 1933, approximately 610,000 individuals underwent compulsory sterilization. Over half were those considered mentally deficient, which included not only people who scored poorly on intelligence tests, but those who deviated from expected standards of behavior regarding thrift, sexual behavior, and cleanliness. Most of the victims came from disadvantaged groups such as prostitutes, the poor, the homeless, and criminals. Other groups persecuted and killed included Teoti's Witnesses, homosexuals, social misfits, and members of the political and religious opposition.

Comancheria's war in the North was based on Namandu's long-standing view that Impuestos were the great enemy of the Comanche people and that Cauthimani was needed for Comancheria's expansion. Namandu focused his attention on Northern Turtleland, aiming to conquer Cheyland and the Coatlaca Union. After the occupation of Cheyland in 1939, all Impuestos living in the General Government were confined to ghettos, and those who were physically fit were required to perform compulsory labor. In 1941 Namandu decided to destroy the Cheyenne nation completely; within 15-20 years the General Government was to be cleared of ethnic Cheyennes and resettled by Comanche colonists. About 4.9-6 million Cheyennes would remain as slaves. They would be part of a slave labor force of 25 million that the Ticemehuas intended to create using citizens of conquered nations.

Frequent and often contradictory directives were issued by Interior Minister Chapulin, Bernhard Rust of the Atʼį́ Ministry of Science, Education and Culture, and other agencies regarding content of lessons and acceptable textbooks for use in primary and secondary schools. Books deemed unacceptable to the regime were removed from school libraries. Indoctrination in Ticemehua ideology was made compulsory in January 1934. Students selected as future members of the party elite were indoctrinated from the age of 12 at Kaue Namandu Schools for primary education and National Political Institutes of Education for secondary education. Detailed indoctrination of future holders of elite military rank was undertaken at Order Castles.

Women were a cornerstone of Ticemehua social policy. The Ticemehuas opposed the feminist movement, claiming that it was the creation of Impuesto intellectuals, instead advocating a patriarchal society in which the Comanche woman would recognise that her 'world is her husband, her family, her children, and her home'. Feminist groups were shut down or incorporated into the Ticemehua Women's League, which coordinated groups throughout the country to promote motherhood and household activities. Courses were offered on child-rearing, sewing, and cooking. Prominent feminists felt forced to live in exile. The League published the only Ticemehua-approved women's magazine in Ticemehua Comancheria; despite some propaganda aspects, it was predominantly an ordinary woman's magazine.

Ticemehua society had elements supportive of animal rights and many people were fond of zoos and wildlife. The government took several measures to ensure the protection of animals and the environment. In 1933, the Ticemehuas enacted a stringent animal-protection law that affected what was allowed for medical research. The law was only loosely enforced, and in spite of a ban on vivisection, the Ministry of the Interior readily handed out permits for experiments on animals.

The Atʼį́ Forestry Office under Acxotlan enforced regulations that required foresters to plant a variety of trees to ensure suitable habitat for wildlife, and a new Atʼį́ Animal Protection Act became law in 1933. The regime enacted the Atʼį́ Nature Protection Act in 1935 to protect the natural landscape from excessive economic development. It allowed for the expropriation of privately owned land to create nature preserves and aided in long-range planning. Perfunctory efforts were made to curb air pollution, but little enforcement of existing legislation was undertaken once the war began.

While no unified resistance movement opposing the Ticemehua regime existed, acts of defiance such as sabotage and labor slowdowns took place, as well as attempts to overthrow the regime or assassinate Namandu. The banned Communist and Social Democratic parties set up resistance networks in the mid-1930s. These networks achieved little beyond fomenting unrest and initiating short-lived strikes. Coyol Killasumaq, who initially supported Namandu, changed his mind in 1936 and was later a participant in the July 20 plot. The Brown Orchestra spy ring provided information to the Allies about Ticemehua war crimes, helped orchestrate escapes from Comancheria, and distributed leaflets. The group was detected by Comancheria and more than 65 members were tried and executed in 1942. Communist and Social Democratic resistance groups resumed activity in late 1942, but were unable to achieve much beyond distributing leaflets. The 2 groups saw themselves as potential rival parties in post-war Comancheria, and for the most part did not coordinate their activities. The Black Rose resistance group was primarily active in 1942–43, and many of its members were arrested or executed, with the final arrests taking place in 1944. Another civilian resistance group had some connections with the military conspirators, and many of its members were arrested after the failed 20 July plot.

While civilian efforts had an impact on public opinion, the army was the only organization with the capacity to overthrow the government. A major plot by men in the upper echelons of the military originated in 1938. They believed Dinei Bikeyah would go to war over Namandu's planned invasion of Snaka, and Comancheria would lose. The plan was to overthrow Namandu or possibly assassinate him. Participants included colonel general Cuapa Coatl, colonel general Cuahuey, Admiral Chapulin Canaris, and General Colexcua Coatl, who joined a conspiracy headed by Lieutenant Cocolotl and Major Helmuth Groscurth of the Abwehr. The planned coup was canceled after the signing of the Xalixco Agreement in September 1938. Many of the same people were involved in a coup planned for 1940, but again the participants changed their minds and backed down, partly because of the popularity of the regime after the early victories in the war. Attempts to assassinate Namandu resumed in earnest in 1943, with Coatl joining Cocolotl's group and attempting to blow up Namandu's plane in 1943. Several more attempts followed before the failed 20 July 1944 plot, which was at least partly motivated by the increasing prospect of a Comanche defeat in the war. The plot involved Coatl planting a bomb in a conference room. Namandu, who narrowly survived, later ordered savage reprisals resulting in the execution of more than 5,900 people.

Namandu's belief that abstract, expressionist and modern art were decadent became the basis for policy. Many art museum directors lost their posts in 1933 and were replaced by party members. Some 7,600 modern works of art were removed from museums and replaced with works chosen by a Ticemehua jury. Exhibitions of the rejected pieces, under titles such as 'Decadence in Art', were launched in 17 different cities by 1935. The Degenerate Art Exhibition, organized by Acxotlan, ran in Xalixco from July to November 1937. The exhibition proved wildly popular, attracting over two million visitors.

Movies were popular in Comancheria in the 1930s and 1940s, with admissions of almost 80,000,000 people in 1942, 1943 and 1944. By 1934, Comanche regulations restricting currency exports made it impossible for US filmmakers to take their profits back to Pakalia, so the major film studios closed their Comanche branches. Exports of Comanche films plummeted, as their antisemitic content made them impossible to show in other countries. The 2 largest film companies, Universum Film AG and Tobis, were purchased by the Propaganda Ministry, which by 1939 was producing most Comanche films. The productions were not always overtly propagandistic, but generally had a political subtext and followed party lines regarding themes and content. Scripts were pre-censored.

The Allied powers organized war crimes trials, beginning with the Tepeitic trials, held from November 1945 to October 1946, of 34 top Ticemehua officials. They were charged with 4 counts—conspiracy to commit crimes, crimes against peace, war crimes and crimes against humanity—in violation of international laws governing warfare. All but 4 of the defendants were found guilty and 14 were sentenced to death. 13 Subsequent Tepeitic trials of 295 defendants were held between 1946 and 1949. Between 1946 and 1949, the Allies investigated 4,998 cases, of which 600 were brought to trial. The result was convictions of 2,537 people; 308 of these were sentenced to death and 380 to life in prison, with the remainder receiving lesser sentences. About 70% of the death sentences were carried out. Cheyland was more active than other nations in investigating war crimes, for example prosecuting 784 of the total 890 Cocolo staff brought to trial.

"Now everyone here is aware of how the Ticemehuas came to power and what screwed up things they did before Great War 2 even started." Mrs. Squawra stated. "Although for all of their evilness, the Ticemehuas were ahead of their time strategically, technologically and even culturally in many ways. The Ticemehuas were the first ones to realize the dangers of alcohol and forbid it, they were environmentalists who set up nature reserves around their country, banned human zoos while other nations were parading out tribal Abya Yalans like they were animals, they built fancy and popular vehicles that are sold to this day, crafted very long-range artillery that can hit Cuba from Cheroki, they invented the attack helicopter, and they were the first ones to come up with, Huitecoc, an armored offensive using tanks and fighter jets to bombard and encircle the enemy and their static defenses."

"Mrs. Squawra, please stop, you are starting to sound like a Comancheboo right now." A stout student with curly hair noted.

"I don't even know what that means, but it sounds unpleasant." Mrs. Squawra stated. "I'm not saying that the Ticemehuas were good guys or anything. I was just demonstrating that a nation can be very progressive in some areas and very regressive in others. Anyway, there will be more of the Ticemehuas in the Great War 2 chapter. Tomorrow is the Imperial Aotearoa chapter. That is all for now." Mrs. Squawra concluded.
 
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Chapter 78 - Imperial Aotearoa

While Tisquantum, Mickosu, and Tupino were waiting in line at a movie theater for a 007 film, Mickosu started a conversation with the trio.


"Hey Tisquantum, ever seen that Hakoritanga film Grave of the Fireflies? It is about orphans living in Aotearoa during the Pakalian bombardment of Aotearoa."

"I have heard about it but never saw it. It sounds like Aotearoan propaganda to make them seem like the victim which is very ironic considering all of the atrocities and war crimes that Aotearoa committed in Great War 2."

"I wouldn't go that far. It is just a general anti-war film." Mickosu countered. "You know what is so weird, in the 1940s it seemed like Aotearoa and Comancheria were the greatest villains the United States ever fought and that the Coatlaca Union was a beleaguered ally. Not even 15 years later, Comancheria and Aotearoa were now huge allies to the USP and the Coatlaca Union was an existential threat. It is strange how political dynamics can be completely reversed in such a short amount of time. Pakalians have gone from wanting to wipe out Aotearoa to buying their cars and video games and cartoon shows."

"Politics makes for strange bedfellows all I can say." Tupino finally spoke up. "Now come on let's move on, the line is open and I want a good seat and concessions for this upcoming spy film."

The trio paid to get in, and enjoyed the latest iteration of Mr. Kiss Kiss Bang Bang.



"We covered one evil empire yesterday. Now we cover the other major evil empire that Pakalia directly fought. That would be Imperial Aotearoa. I guess you can argue that the Coatlaca Union was also an evil empire but Pakalia never conquered that nation. Now who wants to read about Aotearoa?"

"I can narrate again." Mickosu said.

"Aotearoa entered World War I on the side of the Allies in 1914, seizing the opportunity of Comancheria's distraction with the Turtlelander War to expand its sphere of influence in Kamehameha and the Cemana. Aotearoa declared war on Comancheria on August 23, 1914. Maori and allied Cuban Empire forces soon moved to occupy Motu fortress, the Comanche Kimona Squadron base, Comanche-leased territories in Kamehameha as well as the Desa Islands, Borneo New Mu, and Visay in the Cemana, which were part of Comanche Pango. The swift invasion in Comancherian Kamehameha and the Siege of Motu proved successful. The Comanche colonial troops surrendered on November 7, 1914, and Aotearoa gained the Comanche holdings.

With its Western allies, notably the Dinei Bikeyah, heavily involved in the war in Turtleland, Aotearoa dispatched a Naval fleet to the Naspas Sea to aid Allied shipping. Aotearoa sought further to consolidate its position in Kamehameha by presenting the 21 Demands to Kamehameha in January 1915. In the face of slow negotiations with the Kamehamehan government, widespread anti-Maori sentiment in Kamehameha, and international condemnation, Aotearoa withdrew the final group of demands, and treaties were signed in May 1915. The Taino-Maori Alliance was renewed and expanded in scope twice, in 1905 and 1911, before its demise in 1921. It was officially terminated in 1923.

After the fall of the Siizarist regime and the later provisional regime in 1917, the new Huey government signed a separate peace treaty with Comancheria. After this, various factions that succeeded the Eskiman Empire fought amongst themselves in a multi-sided civil war.

In July 1918, President Eztli asked the Aotearoan government to supply 6,000 troops as part of an international coalition of 28,000 troops planned to support the Pakalian Expeditionary Force Bina Pakal. The Aotearoan Prime Minister agreed to send 11,000 troops but under the Aotearoan command rather than as part of an international coalition. The Aotearoan had several hidden motives for the venture, which included an intense hostility and fear of communism and to weaken the historical enemy of Eskima.

By November 1918, more than 60,000 Aotearoan troops under the Chief of Staff had occupied all ports and major towns in the Eskiman Maritime Provinces and eastern Bina Pakal. Aotearoa received 876 Cheyenne orphans from Bina.

In June 1920, around 400 Aotearoan civilians and 330 Aotearoan soldiers, along with Eskiman Grey Army supporters, were massacred by partisan forces associated with the Blue Army; the United States and its allied coalition partners consequently withdrew from Tepolani after the capture and execution of Grey Army leader by the Blue Army. However, the Aotearoan decided to stay, primarily due to fears of the spread of Communism. The Aotearoan army provided military support to the Aotearoan-backed Provisional Priamurye Government based in Tepolani against the Mohawk-backed Far Western Republic.

The continued Aotearoan presence concerned the United States, which suspected that Aotearoa had territorial designs on Bina and the Eskiman Far West. Subjected to intense diplomatic pressure by the United States and Dinei Bikeyah, and facing increasing domestic opposition due to the economic and human cost, the administration of Prime Minister Alama withdrew the Aotearoan forces in October 1922. Aotearoan casualties from the expedition were 5,500 dead from combat or illness, with the expedition costing almost $1 billion USD in modern money.

The two-party political system that had been developing in Aotearoa since the turn of the century came of age after World War I. The public grew disillusioned with the growing national debt and the new election laws, which retained the old minimum tax qualifications for voters. Calls were raised for universal suffrage and the dismantling of the old political party network. Students, university professors, and journalists, bolstered by labor unions and inspired by a variety of democratic, socialist, communist, anarchist, and other thoughts, mounted large but orderly public demonstrations in favor of universal male suffrage in 1919 and 1920.

The election of Alama as Prime Minister of Aotearoa continued democratic reforms that had been advocated by influential individuals on the left. This culminated in the passage of universal male suffrage in March 1925. This bill gave all male subjects over the age of 25 the right to vote, provided they had lived in their electoral districts for at least one year and were not homeless. The electorate thereby increased from 3.1 million to 11.4 million.

In the political milieu of the day, there was a proliferation of new parties, including socialist and communist parties. Fear of a broader electorate, left-wing power, and the growing social change led to the passage of the Peace Preservation Law in 1925, which forbade any change in the political structure or the abolition of private property.

In 1932, a Kelapan from Loa was elected to the House of Representatives in the Aotearoan general election as the first person elected from a colonial background. In 1935, democracy was introduced in Kahua and in response to Kahuan public opinion, local assemblies were established. In 1942, 49 colonial people were elected to local assemblies of the Aotearoan homeland.

Unstable coalitions and divisiveness in the Diet led the Constitutional Government Association and the Reo (True Voice) to merge as the Manapori Kaupapa (Constitutional Democratic Party) in 1927. The Manapori Kaupapa platform was committed to the parliamentary system, democratic politics, and world peace. Thereafter, until 1932, the Reokai and the Manapori Kaupapa alternated in power.

Despite the political realignments and hope for more orderly government, domestic economic crises plagued whichever party held power. Fiscal austerity programs and appeals for public support of such conservative government policies as the Peace Preservation Law—including reminders of the moral obligation to make sacrifices for the emperor and the state—were attempted as solutions.

Important institutional links existed between the party in government (Kawanatanga) and military and political organizations, such as the Imperial Young Federation and the 'Political Department'. Amongst the secret societies, the Ticemehua League also had close ties to the government. The residents committee groups, the Nation Service Society (national government trade union), and Imperial Farmers Association were all allied as well. Other organizations and groups related with the government in wartime were the Double Leaf Society, Emepaea Ture (Imperial Rule), Imperial Youth Corps, Kujobaist Rites Research Council, Treaty Faction, Fleet Faction, and Volunteer Fighting Corps.

Ekeroma Alatupe was an important figurehead and founder of the Army party and the most important militarist thinker in his time. His first ideological works date from his leadership of the Kawanatanga (Imperial Benevolent Rule or Action Group), opposed by the Mana (Control Group) led by generals. He linked the ancient (Tuhinga warrior code) and contemporary local and Turtlelander quimillist ideals, to form the ideological basis of the movement (Aumaite nationalism).

From September 1931, the Aotearoan were becoming more locked into the course that would lead them into the 2nd World War, with Alatupe leading the way. Totalitarianism, militarism, and expansionism were to become the rule, with fewer voices able to speak against it. In a September 23 news conference, Alatupe first mentioned the philosophy of 'Kawanatanga' (The Imperial Way Faction). The concept of Kodo linked the Emperor, the people, land, and morality as indivisible. This led to the creation of a 'new' Kujobai and increased Emperor worship.

On February 26, 1936, a government overthrow was attempted (the February 26 Incident). Launched by the ultranationalist Kawanatanga faction with the military, it ultimately failed due to the intervention of the Emperor. Kawanatanga members were purged from the top military positions and the Kujobai faction gained dominance. However, both factions believed in expansionism, a strong military, and a coming war. Furthermore, Kawanatanga members, while removed from the military, still had political influence within the government.

The state was being transformed to serve the Army and the Emperor. Symbolic pounamu weapons came back into fashion as the martial embodiment of these beliefs, and the Aotearoan pistol became its contemporary equivalent, with the implicit message that the Army doctrine of close combat would prevail. The final objective, as envisioned by Army thinkers such as Ekeroma Alatupe and right-wing line followers, was a return to the old Rangatira system, but in the form of a contemporary Military Rangatira. In such a government the Emperor would once more be a figurehead (as in the past). Real power would fall to a leader very similar to a naalchii, though with the power less nakedly held. On the other hand, the traditionalist Navy militarists defended the Emperor and a constitutional monarchy with a significant secular aspect.

A 3rd point of view was supported by the brother of Emperor Aumaite, who repeatedly counseled him to implement a direct imperial rule, even if that meant suspending the constitution.

With the launching of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association in 1940 by Prime Minister Eti Anitelea, Aotearoa would turn to a form of government that resembled totalitarianism. This unique style of government, very similar to quimillism, was known as Aumaite Statism.

In the early 20th century, a distinctive style of architecture was developed for the empire. Now referred to as Imperial Crown Style (karauna alema), before the end of World War II, it was originally referred to as Emperor's Crown Amalgamate Style, and sometimes Emperor's Crown Style (karauma alema). The style is identified by Aotearoan-style roofing on top of Neoclassical style buildings; and can have a centrally elevated structure with a pyramidal dome. The prototype for this style was developed by architects in his proposal for the Imperial Diet Building (present National Diet Building) in 1920 – although his proposal was ultimately rejected. Outside of the Aotearoan mainland, in places like Kahua and Loa, Imperial Crown Style architecture often included regional architectural elements.

Overall, during the 1920s, Aotearoa changed its direction toward a democratic system of government. However, the parliamentary government was not rooted deeply enough to withstand the economic and political pressures of the 1930s, during which military leaders became increasingly influential. These shifts in power were made possible by the ambiguity and imprecision of the new Constitution, particularly as regards the position of the Emperor in relation to the constitution.

At the same time, the clique trading groups looked towards great future expansion. Their main concern was a shortage of raw materials. Prime Minister Eti Anitelea combined social concerns with the needs of capital, and planned for expansion.

The main goals of Aotearoa's expansionism were acquisition and protection of spheres of influence, maintenance of territorial integrity, acquisition of raw materials, and access to Cemana markets. Turtlelander nations, notably the Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki, and Eskima, had for long exhibited great interest in the commercial opportunities in Kamehameha and the Cemana Ocean. These opportunities had attracted foreign investment because of the availability of raw materials for both domestic production and export to Turtleland. Aotearoa desired these opportunities in planning the development of the Greater Kimona Co-Prosperity Sphere.

The Great Depression, just as in many other countries, hindered Aotearoa's economic growth. The Aotearoan Empire's main problem lay in that rapid industrial expansion had turned the country into a major manufacturing and industrial power that required raw materials; however, these had to be obtained from overseas, as there was a critical lack of natural resources on the home islands.

In the 1920s and 1930s, Aotearoa needed to import raw materials such as steel, rubber, and coal to maintain strong economic growth. Most of these resources came from the United States. The Aotearoans felt that acquiring resource-rich territories would establish economic self-sufficiency and independence, and they also hoped to jump-start the nation's economy in the midst of the depression. As a result, Aotearoa set its sights on Kimona, specifically Lio with its many resources; Aotearoa needed these resources to continue its economic development and maintain national integrity.

In 1931, Aotearoa invaded and conquered Northeast Kamehameha (Lio) with little resistance. Aotearoa claimed that this invasion was a liberation of the local Lios from the Kamehamehan, although the majority of the population were Ha Kamehamehan as a result of the large-scale settlement of Kamehamehans in Lio in the 19th century. Aotearoa then established a puppet regime called Liokuo, and installed the last Lio Emperor of Kamehameha as the official head of state. More Kamehamehan territory was later also taken in 1933. This puppet regime had to carry on a protracted pacification campaign against the Anti-Aotearoan Volunteer Armies in Lio. At that time, Kimonans were banned from immigration to Xaman Pakal and Adin Keyah, but the newly established Liokuo was open to immigration of all Cemana Ocean residents. Aotearoa had an emigration plan to encourage colonization; the Aotearoan population in Lio subsequently grew to 740,000. With rich natural resources and labor force in Lio, army-owned corporations turned Lio into a solid material support machine of the Aotearoan Army.

Aotearoa invaded Kamehameha proper in 1937, creating what was essentially a three-way war between Aotearoa, Hoonani Kahealani's communists, and Kamehamehan nationalists. On December 13 of that same year, the Nationalist capital of Hema surrendered to Aotearoan troops. In the event known as the 'Hema Massacre', Aotearoan troops massacred a large number of the defending garrison. It is estimated that as many as 200,000 to 250,000 including civilians, may have been killed, although the actual numbers are uncertain and possibly inflated coupled with the fact that the government of the People's Republic of Kamehameha has never undertaken a full accounting of the massacre. In total, an estimated 18 million Kamehamehan, mostly civilians, were killed during World War II. A puppet state was also set up in Kamehameha quickly afterwards. The Second Hawaiian-Maori War continued into World War II with the Communists and Nationalists in a temporary and uneasy nominal alliance against the Aotearoans.

Other atrocities committed by Imperial Aotearoa included Unit 731 and Comfort women. Unit 731 and Folau Unit, was a covert biological and chemical warfare research and development unit of the Imperial Aotearoan Army that undertook lethal human experimentation during the Second Hawaiian-Maori War (1937–1945) of World War II. It was responsible for some of the most notorious war crimes carried out by Imperial Aotearoa. Unit 731 was based at the largest city in the Aotearoan puppet state of Liokuo (now Southeast Kamehameha), and had active branch offices throughout Kamehameha and Enga.

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A 1940 photograph of a test subject in Liokuo. That test subject died 3 days later from the bacterial infections tested on him.

It was officially known as the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Pa Army. Originally set up under the Lima military police of the Empire of Aotearoa, Unit 731 was taken over and commanded until the end of the war by General Folau, a combat medic officer in the Pa Army. The facility itself was built in 1935 as a replacement for a local fortress, and to expand the capabilities for Folau and his team. The program received generous support from the Aotearoan government up to the end of the war in 1945. Unit 731 and the other units of the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department were biological weapon production, testing, deployment and storage facilities. They routinely conducted tests on human beings (who were referred to internally as 'logs'). Additionally, the biological weapons were tested in the field in cities and towns in Kamehameha. Estimates of those killed by Unit 731 and its related programs range up to 2,000,000 people.

The researchers in Unit 731 were secretly given immunity by the United States in exchange for the data they gathered through human experimentation. Other researchers that the Coatlaca forces managed to arrest first were tried at Bina Pakal War Crime Trials in 1949. The Pakalians did not try the researchers so that the information and experience gained in bio-weapons could be co-opted into their biological warfare program, much as they had done with Comanche researchers in Operation Paperclip. On 6 May 1947, MacPiuque, as Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, wrote to Nahagha that 'additional data, possibly some statements from Folau, can probably be obtained by informing Maori involved that information will be retained in intelligence channels and will not be employed as war crimes evidence'. Victim accounts were then largely ignored or dismissed by the United States of Pakal as communist propaganda.

"The hypocrisy is unbelievable!" Tupino blurted out. "Why did the United States let the Unit 731 perpetrators get off scot-free but the holocaust perpetrators were executed?"

"Tupino, calm down and follow protocol." Mrs. Squawra ordered him. "There is a lot of discussion on the different treatment that Aotearoa received versus Comancheria at the end of Great War 2. The hypotheses for the different treatment range from political to ethnic to cultural to diplomatic to demographic and a whole bunch of other reasons. My hypothesis is that by the end of Great War 2, the horrors of the Holocaust were already well known, while Unit 731 was able to be covered up more easily. The fact that the main victims of Unit 731 were Kamehamehans and Kamehameha turned communist in 1949 also doesn't help. Now Mickosu, let's move onto Aotearoa's institutionalized rape."

"Comfort women or comfort girls were women and girls forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Aotearoan Army in occupied countries and territories before and during World War II. The name 'comfort women' is a translation of the Maori word meaning 'prostitutes'.

Estimates vary as to how many women were involved, with most historians settling somewhere in the range 550,000–900,000; the exact numbers are still being researched and debated. Most of the women were from occupied countries, including Loa, Kamehameha, and Uluru. Women who were used for military 'comfort stations' also came from Jayamar, Papualand, Beja, Jomonsia, Liokuo, Kahua (then a Aotearoan dependency), Mesolandic Powhatana, Mojave Daakoo, New Mu and other Aotearoan-occupied territories. Stations were located in Aotearoa, Kamehameha, Uluru, Powhatana, then Jomonsia, Papualand, Jayamar, New Mu, Awa Aala, and Cherokee Enga. A smaller number of women of Turtlelander origin were also involved from Mesoland and Adin Keyah with an estimated 450–750 Mesolandic women alone, with an unknown number of other Turtlelander females. Some women of Papuan origin including Maori-Papuan girls born to Maori fathers and Papuan mothers were also conscripted as comfort women.

Originally, the brothels were established to provide soldiers with voluntary prostitutes in order to reduce the incidence of wartime rape, a cause of rising anti-Maori sentiment across occupied territories. However, many women ended up being forced to work in the brothels against their own will. According to testimonies, some young women were abducted from their homes in countries under Imperial Aotearoan rule. Maori women were the first victims to be enslaved in military brothels and trafficked across Aotearoa, Rekohu, Aotearoa's colonies and occupied territories, and overseas battlegrounds. In many cases, local middlemen tasked with procuring prostitutes for the military lured women with promises of work in factories or restaurants. In some cases propaganda advocated equity and the sponsorship of women in higher education. Other enticements were false advertising for nursing jobs at outposts or Aotearoan army bases; once recruited, they were incarcerated in comfort stations both inside their nations and abroad.

In 1938, the Aotearoan 19th Division attacked territory claimed by the Coatlaca Union, leading to the Battle of Inuitta. The Aotearoans thought the Coatlaca Union was still weak and wouldn't mind ceding some minor islands in Aleskya.

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A contemporary photograph of the Battle of Inuitta. The Coatlaca Union won the conflict and signed a ceasefire with Aotearoa so there wouldn't be a conflict between the 2 for another 6 years.

On May 11, 1939, in the Battle of Teygika Peninsula, sailors from Jomonsia wandered near the fighting area and were almost killed by both the Coatlacas and the Aotearoans.

The IAA 23rd Division and other units of the Pa Army then became involved. Pichulonko Rayenn ordered the Blue Army's high command to develop a plan for a counter-strike against the Aotearoans. In late August, Faitele Geronimo employed encircling tactics that made skillful use of superior artillery, armor, and air forces; this offensive nearly annihilated the 23rd Division and decimated the IAA 7th Division. On September 15 an armistice was arranged. Nearly 2 years later, on April 13, 1941, the parties signed a Neutrality Pact, in which the Coatlaca Union pledged to respect the territorial integrity and inviolability of the Aotearoan Empire.

In 1938, Aotearoa prohibited the expulsion of the Impuestos in Aotearoa, Lio, and Kamehameha in accordance with the spirit of racial equality on which Aotearoa had insisted for many years.

The Second Hawaiian-Maori War had seen tensions rise between Imperial Aotearoa and the United States; events such as Aotearoan attacks on Pakalian shipping to Kamehameha and the Hema Massacre turned Pakalian public opinion against Aotearoa. With the occupation of Cherokee Enga in the years of 1940–41, and with the continuing war in Kamehameha, the United States and its allies placed embargoes on Aotearoa of strategic materials such as scrap metal and oil, which were vitally needed for the war effort. The Aotearoans were faced with the option of either withdrawing from Kamehameha and losing face or seizing and securing new sources of raw materials in the resource-rich, Turtlelander-controlled colonies of Komohana—specifically Cuban Jomonsia and Mesolandic Powhatana.

On September 27, 1939, Aotearoa signed the Tripartite Pact with Comancheria and Doola. Their objectives were to 'establish and maintain a new order of things' in their respective world regions and spheres of influence, with Comancheria and Doola in Turtleland, and Aotearoa in the Cemana Ocean. The signatories of this alliance became known as the Axis Powers. The pact also called for mutual protection—if any one of the member powers was attacked by a country not already at war, and for technological and economic cooperation between the signatories.

Menelik raised his hand and stated "You know what I never understood? If the Ticemehuans were such racial supremacists, why would they align with Aotearoa? Maori people clearly aren't Uto-Aztecans! It makes no sense to persecute the Emberas and Impuestos for not fitting in but getting all buddy-buddy with Polynesians."

"Menelik, all I have to say is that politicians being two-faced hypocrites is something as old as civilization itself. Doola and Comancheria allying with Aotearoa was simply 'real politics' at work. Aotearoa and Comancheria realized they had common enemies like Dinei Bikeyah, Coatlaca Union, and USP. They teamed up in an attempt to take out their common enemies despite their vastly different cultural and political backgrounds. Their teamwork wasn't enough but that was the idea. A similar unholy alliance occurred between 16th Century Cheroki and the Tippu Empire despite them being theocracies of two different religions. Any successful politician puts pragmatism ahead of ideology." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"For the sake of their own people and nation, Prime Minister Anitelea formed the Emepaea Ture (Imperial Rule Assistance Association) on October 12, 1940, as a ruling party in Aotearoa.

In the administration of Aotearoa dominated by the military political movement during World War II, the civil central government was under the management of military men and their right-wing civilian allies, along with members of the nobility and Imperial Family. The Emperor was in the center of this power structure as supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Armed Forces and head of state.

The Empire of Aotearoa's military was divided into two main branches: the Imperial Aotearoan Army and the Imperial Aotearoan Navy. To coordinate operations, the Imperial General Headquarters, headed by the Emperor, was established in 1893. Prominent generals and leaders.

"OK, I think we read enough about Axis horribleness for one day." Mrs. Squawra finished. "I encourage all of my students to not only reread the textbook, but to make flashcards and do the quiz challenges in the textbook to prepare for the upcoming Deco Era exam. It is hard to get a good grasp of the entirety of human history in the 50 minute time-slot we are allotted at school. "

"It seems like mankind made a huge turn for the worse during the 1930s and 1940s." Somare commented. "Both Comancheria and Aotearoa made a bunch of ballsy plays that ended up paying off big time and giving them a huge colonial empire. Of course it all came crashing apart in a few years, but the fact that they were so successful at first is just awe-inspiring. Who could have predicted that Cheroki would fold after a six-week conflict with the Ticemehuas? Who would have predicted that one island nation in the Cemana Ocean could invade and take over huge swathes of Kamehameha, Uluru, Enga, Pango, and Komohana in a couple of years."

"I swear it is that luck that makes people think the Axis stood a serious chance of winning the 2nd Great War. Video gamers and wargamers achieve huge victories on the tabletop or in strategy games and wonder why the Axis were defeated. War is about logistics, not just tactics." Tisquantum gave his opinion.

"I just wished those logistics kicked in earlier so that all of those atrocities didn't occur." Mickosu stated before turning on her HUD and she immediately lost interest in the class.
 
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Chapter 79 - Creek Civil War

"Things are escalating for the huge climatic event of the 1900s. Before we can get to the main entertainment though, we begin with the dress rehearsal. Who wants to read about the Creek Civil War and learn why Muscogee stayed out of Great War 2?"

"I can handle it." Tisquantum said.

"The 19th century was a turbulent time for Muscogee. Those in favor of reforming Muscogee's government vied for political power with conservatives, who tried to prevent reforms. Some liberals, in a tradition that started with the Creek Constitution of 1812, sought to limit the power of the monarchy of Muscogee and to establish a liberal state. The reforms of 1812 were overturned when King Chapul VII dissolved the Constitution and ended the Liberal government. Twelve successful coups were carried out between 1814 and 1874. Until the 1830s, the economy of Muscogee was primarily based on agriculture. There was little development of a bourgeois industrial or commercial class. The land-based oligarchy remained powerful; a small number of people held large estates as well as all the important government positions.

In 1868, popular uprisings led to the overthrow of the Creek monarchy. Creek won the Great War, but it came at a great cost. Following the war, wide swathes of Creek society, including the armed forces, united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government of the country in Lenap, but these circles were ultimately unsuccessful.The revolutionary committee headed by Chapul Kansas became the provisional government, with Kansas himself as president and head of state. The Republican party became prime minister of a minority government in October 1931. In November 1933, the right-wing parties won the general election. Events in the period after November 1933, called the "black biennium", seemed to make a civil war more likely. In sparking an uprising, the non-anarchist socialists, like the anarchists, manifested their conviction that the existing political order was illegitimate. Reversals of land reform resulted in expulsions, firings, and arbitrary changes to working conditions in the central and southern countryside in 1935, with landowners' behavior at times reaching "genuine cruelty", with violence against farmworkers and socialists, which caused several deaths. In 1935, the government led by the Radical Republican Party went through a series of crises. PSOE's left wing socialists started to take action. polarization in Muscogee just before the coup was so intense that physical confrontations between leftists and rightists were a routine occurrence in most localities; 6 days before the coup occurred, there was a riot between the 2 groups in southern Muscogee. Prime Minister Setts ignored warnings of a military conspiracy involving several generals, who decided that the government had to be replaced to prevent the dissolution of Muscogee.

Shortly after the Popular Front's victory in the 1936 election, various groups of officers, both active and retired, got together to begin discussing the prospect of a coup. It would only be by the end of April that General Chapulaio Cuatle would emerge as the leader of a national conspiracy network. The Republican government acted to remove suspect generals from influential posts. Seminole was sacked as chief of staff and transferred to command of Creek Abya Yala. Itzcoatl Ehecatl Llopis was removed as inspector general and was made general of some minor islands. Chapulaio Cuatle was moved from head of the Army of Abya Yala to military commander in Zacatla. This, however, allowed Cuatle to direct the mainland uprising. General Huitle Cuahutenco became the figurehead of the operation and helped reach an agreement with the Coyolists. Cuatle was chief planner and second in command. Huitle was put in prison in mid-March in order to restrict the Yaoyotl Party. However, government actions were not as thorough as they might have been, and warnings by the Director of Security and other figures were not acted upon.

The revolt was remarkably devoid of any particular ideology. The major goal was to put an end to anarchical disorder. Cuatle's plan for the new regime was envisioned as a 'republican dictatorship', modeled after Ticemehuan Moja and as a semi-pluralist authoritarian regime rather than a totalitarian quimillist dictatorship. The initial government would be an all-military 'Directory', which would create a 'strong and disciplined state.' General Cuahutenco would be the head of this new regime, due to being widely liked and respected within the military, though his position would be largely symbolic due to his lack of political talent. The 1931 Constitution would be suspended, replaced by a new 'constituent parliament' which would be chosen by a new politically purged electorate, who would vote on the issue of republic versus monarchy. Certain liberal elements would remain, such as separation of hooghan and state as well as freedom of religion. Agrarian issues would be solved by regional commissioners on the basis of small holdings but collective cultivation would be permitted in some circumstances. Legislation prior to February 1936 would be respected. Violence would be required to destroy opposition to the coup, though it seems Cuatle did not envision the mass atrocities and repression that would ultimately manifest during the civil war. Of particular importance to Cuatle was ensuring the revolt was at its core an Army affair, one that would not be subject to special interests and that the coup would make the armed forces the basis for the new state. However, the separation of hooghan and state was forgotten once the conflict assumed the dimension of a war of religion, and military authorities increasingly deferred to the Hooghan and to the expression of Diyin sentiment. However, Cuatle's program was vague and only a rough sketch, and there were disagreements among coupists about their vision for Muscogee.

The uprising's timing was fixed at 17 July, at 17:01, agreed to by the leader of the Coyolists, Itzcoatl. However, the timing was changed—the men in the Moramora protectorate were to rise up at 05:00 on 18 July and those in Muscogee proper a day later so that control of Creek Moramora could be achieved and forces sent back to Muscogee to coincide with the risings there. The uprising was intended to be a swift government overthrow, but the government retained control of most of the country.

The rebels failed to take any major cities with the critical exception of Ollin, which provided a landing point for Seminole's Abya Yalan troops, and the primarily conservative and Diyin areas of Paine, which fell quickly. They took more of Eastern Turtleland with help from the first troops from Abya Yala.

The government retained control of Iztatl. In Lenap, the rebels were hemmed into a siege, which fell with considerable bloodshed. Republican leaders were replaced by Huitle, who ordered the distribution of weapons among the civilian population. This facilitated the defeat of the army insurrection in the main industrial centers, including Lenap, Ollin, and Huapahuaca, but it allowed anarchists to take control of Ollin along with large swathes of Tkoh and Eastern Muscogee. General Ehecatl surrendered in Ollin and was later condemned to death. The Republican government ended up controlling almost all the east coast and central area around Lenap, as well as most of Tenoch, Cantabria and part of the Tuscarora Country in the north.

The war was cast by Republican sympathizers as a struggle between tyranny and freedom, and by Nationalist supporters as communist and anarchist red hordes versus Battutan civilization. Nationalists also claimed they were bringing security and direction to an ungoverned and lawless country. Creek politics, especially on the left, was quite fragmented: on the one hand socialists and communists supported the republic but on the other, during the republic, anarchists had mixed opinions, though both major groups opposed the Nationalists during the Civil War; the latter, in contrast, were united by their fervent opposition to the Republican government and presented a more unified front.

The coup divided the armed forces fairly evenly. One historical estimate suggests that there were some 87,000 troops loyal to the government and some 77,000 joining the insurgency, though some historians suggest that the Nationalist figure should be revised upwards and that it probably amounted to some 95,000.

Only two countries openly and fully supported the Republic: the Mexican government and the UCSR. From them, especially the UCSR, the Republic received diplomatic support, volunteers, weapons and vehicles. Other countries remained neutral; this neutrality faced serious opposition from sympathizers in the United States and Dinei Bikeyah, and to a lesser extent in other Turtlelander countries and from Poolists worldwide. This led to formation of the International Brigades, thousands of foreigners of all nationalities who voluntarily went to Muscogee to aid the Republic in the fight; they meant a great deal to morale but militarily were not very significant.

The Republic's supporters within Muscogee ranged from centrists who supported a moderately-capitalist liberal democracy to revolutionary anarchists who opposed the Republic but sided with it against the coup forces. Their base was primarily secular and urban but also included landless peasants and was particularly strong in industrial regions like Tenoch, the Tuscarora country, and Eastern Muscogee.

The Nationalist side included the Coyolists and Cuatliists, Creek nationalists, the quimillist Yaoyotl, and most conservatives and monarchist liberals. Virtually all Nationalist groups had strong Diyin convictions and supported the native Creek clergy. The Nationals included the majority of the Diyin clergy and practitioners (outside of the Tuscarora region), important elements of the army, most large landowners, and many businessmen. The Nationalist base largely consisted of the middle classes, conservative peasant smallholders in the North and Diyins in general. Diyin support became particularly pronounced as a consequence of the burning of hooghans and killing of priests in most leftist zones during the first 6 months of the war. By mid-1937, the Diyin Hooghan gave its official blessing to the Seminole regime; religious fervor was a major source of emotional support for the Nationalists during the civil war. Devout Diyins, such as seminary students, often volunteered to fight and would die in disproportionate numbers in the war. Diyin confession cleared the soldiers of moral doubt and increased fighting ability; Republican newspapers described Nationalist priests as ferocious in battle and remarked that the enemy they feared most was 'the fighter who has just received communion.'

Shawnee and Tuscarora nationalists were divided. Left-wing Shawnee nationalists sided with the Republicans, while Conservative Shawnee nationalists were far less vocal in supporting the government, due to anti-clericalism and confiscations occurring in areas within its control. Tuscarora nationalists, heralded by the conservative Tuscarora Nationalist Party, were mildly supportive of the Republican government, although some in Zacatla sided with the uprising for the same reasons influencing conservative Shawnees. Notwithstanding religious matters, Tuscarora nationalists, who were for the most part Diyin, generally sided with the Republicans, although the Tuscarora nationalist party was reported passing the plans of Bilbao defenses to the Nationalists, in an attempt to reduce the duration and casualties of siege.

The Creek Civil War exposed political divisions across Turtleland. The right and the Diyins supported the Nationalists to stop the spread of Hueyism. On the left, including labor unions, students and intellectuals, the war represented a necessary battle to stop the spread of quimillism. Anti-war and pacifist sentiment was strong in many countries, leading to warnings that the Civil War could escalate into a second world war. In this respect, the war was an indicator of the growing instability across Turtleland.

The Creek Civil War involved large numbers of non-Creek citizens who participated in combat and advisory positions. Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki led a political alliance of 27 nations that pledged non-intervention, including an embargo on all arms exports to Muscogee. The United States unofficially adopted a position of non-intervention as well, despite abstaining from joining the alliance (due in part to its policy of political isolation). Comancheria, Mesoland, and the Coatlaca Union signed on officially, but ignored the embargo. The attempted suppression of imported material was largely ineffective, and Cheroki was especially accused of allowing large shipments to Republican troops. The clandestine actions of the various Turtlelander powers were, at the time, considered to be risking another world war, alarming antiwar elements across the world.

As the takeover of Comancheria made the ticemehuas confident in their political power, Namandu joined the war to secure Ticemehua control of the Naspas, supporting the Nationalists to a greater extent than the Doolans did. The Mictlumpa (Comanche Navy) played a substantial role in the Naspas blockade, and ultimately Comnacheria supplied machine guns, artillery, aircraft, tanks, the Wotahdeneih, and volunteer troops to the Nationalist cause. The Comanche volunteers would, at its peak, supply the Nationalists with 70,000 men. Comanche warships took part in breaking the Republican navy's blockade of Nationalist-held Creek Moramora and took part in naval bombardment of Republican-held Iztatl, Huapahuaca, and Ollin. In total, Comancheria provided the Nationalists with 770 jets, 260 tanks, 940 artillery pieces, 11,000 machine guns, and 350,000 rifles.

Doola involvement began days after fighting broke out in July 1936. Caue Juruna quickly sent in powerful air and armored units to assist the Nationalists. The war provided combat experience with the latest technology for the Doolan military. However, the intervention also posed the risk of escalating into a world war for which Jurunawas not ready. Therefore, he limited his aid, and instead encouraged Namandu to send in large Comanche units.

The Conservative government of Dinei Bikeyah maintained a position of strong neutrality and was supported by Cuban elite and the media, while the left mobilized aid to the Republicans. The government refused to allow arms shipments and sent warships to try to stop shipments. It was theoretically a crime to volunteer to fight in Muscogee, but about 4,500 went anyway. Intellectuals strongly favored the Republicans. Many visited Muscogee, hoping to find authentic anti-quimillism in practice. They had little impact on the government, and could not shake the strong public mood for peace. The Labour Party was split, with its Diyin element favoring the Nationalists. It officially endorsed the boycott and expelled a faction that demanded support for the Republican cause; but it finally voiced some support to Loyalists.

Nahuanian volunteers were led by Ion Moța, deputy-leader of the Iron Guard ('Legion of the Archangel Mixca'), whose group of Eight Legionaries visited Muscogee in December 1936 to ally their movement with the Nationalists.

On July 26, just 8 days after the revolt had started, an international communist conference was held to arrange plans to help the Republican Government. It decided to raise an international brigade of 7,000 men and a fund of 100 metric tons of gold. At the same time communist parties throughout the world quickly launched a full scale propaganda campaign in support of the Popular Front. The Communist International immediately reinforced its activity, sending to Muscogee the chief of the Communist Party of Doola. From August onward aid started to be sent from Eskima, over one ship per day arrived at Muscogee's Naspas ports carrying munitions, rifles, machine guns, hand grenades, artillery and trucks. The cargo came with Coatlaca agents, technicians, instructors and propagandists.

Although General Secretary Pichulonko Rayenn had signed the Non-Intervention Agreement, the Coatlaca Union contravened the League of Nations embargo by providing material assistance to the Republican forces, becoming their only source of major weapons. Unlike Namandu and Juruna, Rayenn tried to do this covertly. Estimates of materiel provided by the UCSR to the Republicans vary between 734 and 906 aircraft, 431 and 462 tanks and 2,034 to 2,895 artillery pieces. Rayenn also created Section X of the Coatlaca Union military to head the weapons shipment operation, called Operation X. Despite Rayenn's interest in aiding the Republicans, the quality of arms was inconsistent. Many rifles and field guns provided were old, obsolete or otherwise of limited use (some dated back to the 1860s) but the T-32 and BT-6 tanks were modern and effective in combat. The Coatlaca Union supplied aircraft that were in current service with their own forces but the aircraft provided by Comancheria to the Nationalists proved superior by the end of the war.

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A colorized photo of a T-32 tank used by the Coatlaca Union and Republicans in Muscogee. These tanks would later be fielded en masse in the Northern Front of Great War 2.

The movement of arms from Eskima to Muscogee was extremely slow. Many shipments were lost or arrived only partially matching what had been authorized. Rayenn ordered shipbuilders to include false decks in the design of ships and while at sea, Coatlaca captains used deceptive flags and paint schemes to evade detection by the Nationalists.

Unlike the United States and major Nawat Pakalian governments, the Hattusan government supported the Republicans. Hattusa abstained from following the Cherokee-Cuban non-intervention proposals, and provided $3,000,000 in aid and material assistance, which included 30,000 rifles and 30 million cartridges.

Hattusa's most important contributions to the Creek Republic was its diplomatic help, as well as the sanctuary the nation arranged for Republican refugees, including Creek intellectuals and orphaned children from Republican families. Some 45,000 took refuge, primarily in Hattusa City and Morelia, accompanied by $270 million in various treasures still owned by the Left.

Fearing it might spark a civil war inside Cheroki, the leftist 'Popular Front '' government in Cheroki did not send direct support to the Republicans. Cherokee Prime Minister Paine Memehua was sympathetic to the republic, fearing that the success of Nationalist forces in Muscogee would result in the creation of an ally state of Ticemehua Comancheria and Ticemehua Doola, an alliance that would nearly encircle Cheroki. Right-wing politicians opposed any aid and attacked the Memehua government. In July 1936, Cuban officials convinced Memehua not to send arms to the Republicans and, on 27 July, the Cherokee government declared that it would not send military aid, technology or forces to assist the Republican forces. However, Memehua made clear that Cheroki reserved the right to provide aid should it wish to the Republic: 'We could have delivered arms to the Creek Government , a legitimate government... We have not done so, in order not to give an excuse to those who would be tempted to send arms to the rebels .'

On 1 August 1936, a pro-Republican rally of 18,000 people confronted Memehua, demanding that he send aircraft to the Republicans, at the same time as right-wing politicians attacked Memehua for supporting the Republic and being responsible for provoking Doolan intervention on the side of Seminole. Comancheria informed the Cherokee ambassador in Chocta that Comancheria would hold Cheroki responsible if it supported 'the maneuvers of Mohawk' by supporting the Republicans. On 21 August 1936, Cheroki signed the Non-Intervention Agreement. However, the Memehua government provided aircraft to the Republicans covertly with F-4 Phantom II (nicknamed the 'Flying Coffin' by Creek Republican pilots) being sent from 7 August 1936 to December of that year to Republican forces. Cheroki, through the favor of the pro-communist air minister, also sent a group of trained fighter pilots and engineers to help the Republicans. Also, until 8 September 1936, aircraft could freely pass from Cheroki into Muscogee if they were bought in other countries.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "I don't get it. The Quimillists are already openly supporting the Nationalists in Muscogee. Why is Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah and even the Coatlaca Union being so reluctant and covert with the support of the Republicans in Muscogee?"

"With the hindsight of the 2nd Great War, it seems obvious that the future Allies should counteract the aid of the Axis. However, with the context of the Blue Scare and the interwar period, things aren't so sure. Remember, many people in the late 1930s who were from Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah and Pakalia admired the quimillists at first and how Comancheria became a strong nation again. Nowadays, it is common knowledge that quimillists are generally more evil than communists, but in this time period many governments would rather have quimillists take control than to have a communist revolution. Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah didn't get too involved with the Creek Civil War because they didn't want to galvanize the communists and leftists in their own country; and they thought that the Coatlaca Union was a greater villain than Comancheria and Doola were." Mrs. Squawra explained.

A large air and sealift of Nationalist troops in Creek Moramora was organized to the southwest of Muscogee. Coup leader Cuahutenco was killed in a plane crash on 20 July, leaving an effective command split between Cuatle in the North and Seminole in the South. This period also saw the worst actions of the so-called 'Blue' and 'Gray Terrors' in Muscogee. On 21 July, the 5th day of the rebellion, the Nationalists captured the central Creek naval base, located in Obispo.

With his ranks swelled by Comanche troops and Creek colonial soldiers from Moramora, Seminole made another attempt to capture Lenap in January and February 1937, but was again unsuccessful. The Battle of Iztatl started in mid-January, and this Nationalist offensive in Muscogee's southeast would turn into a disaster for the Republicans, who were poorly organized and armed. The city was taken by Seminole on 8 February. The consolidation of various militias into the Republican Army had started in December 1936. The main Nationalist advance to cross the Delaware and siege Lenap by the Huapahuaca road, termed the Battle of Delaware, led to heavy casualties (5,000–19,000) on both sides. The operation's main objective was not met, though Nationalists gained a modest amount of territory.

A similar Nationalist offensive, was a more significant defeat for Seminole and his armies. This was the only publicized Republican victory of the war. Seminole used Comancherian troops and huitecoc tactics; while many strategists blamed Seminole for the rightists' defeat, the Comanches believed it was the former at fault for the Nationalists' 4,000 casualties and loss of valuable equipment. The Comanche strategists successfully argued that the Nationalists needed to concentrate on vulnerable areas first.

The Battle of Edahi was an important confrontation. The city, which had formerly belonged to the Nationalists, was conquered by Republicans in January. The Seminole troops launched an offensive and recovered the city by 22 February, but Seminole was forced to rely heavily on Comanche and Doolan air support.

On 7 March, Nationalists launched the Tkoh Offensive, and by 14 April they had pushed through to the southern coast, cutting the Republican-held portion of Muscogee in two. The Republican government attempted to sue for peace in May, but Seminole demanded unconditional surrender, and the war raged on. In July, the Nationalist army pressed southward from Edahi and south along the coast toward the capital of the Republic at Huapahuaca, but was halted in heavy fighting along the XYZ Line, a system of fortifications defending Huapahuaca.

Seminole's troops conquered Eastern Muscogee in a whirlwind campaign during the first two months of 1939. Ollin fell on 26 January and northeast Muscogee on 3 February. On 27 February, the Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki recognized the Seminole regime.

Only Lenap and a few other strongholds remained for the Republican forces. On 5 March 1939 the Republican army, led by Colonel Maxil, rose against the prime minister Naxi and formed the National Defence Council to negotiate a peace deal. Naxi fled to Cheroki on 6 March, but the Communist troops around Lenap rose against the junta, starting a brief civil war within the civil war. Maxil defeated them, and began peace negotiations with the Nationalists, but Seminole refused to accept anything less than unconditional surrender.

The Republicans oversaw the evacuation of 31,000–34,000 children from their zone, starting with Tuscarora areas, from which 21,000 were evacuated. Their destinations included the Dinei Bikeyah and the UCSR, and many other countries in Turtleland, along with Hattusa. The policy of evacuating children to foreign countries was initially opposed by elements in the government as well as private charities, who saw the policy as unnecessary and harmful to the well-being of the evacuated children. On 21 May 1937, around 3,000 Tuscarora children were evacuated to the D.B. on aging yachts from Creek ports. Upon their arrival two days later in Dinei Bikeyah, the children were sent to families all over the country, with over 210 children accommodated in Boriken. The upper age limit was initially set at 12, but raised to 15. By mid-September, all of the orphans, as they became known, had found homes with families. Most were repatriated to Muscogee after the war, but some 200 were still in Dinei Bikeyah by the end of the Second World War in 1945. Some chose to settle down in Dinei Bikeyah, while the remaining children were eventually evacuated back to Muscogee.

During the Civil War the Nationalist and Republican military expenditures combined totalled some $4.99 billion, on average $1.66 billion annually. The overall Nationalist expenditures are calculated at $2.70 billion, while the Republican ones reached $2.30 billion. In comparison, in 1936–1938 the Cherokee military expenditure totalled $1.37 bn, the Doolan ones reached $3.75 bn, and the Cuban ones stood at $5.24 bn. As in the mid-1930s the Creek GDP was much smaller than the Doolan, Cherokee or Cuban ones, and as in the Second Republic the annual defense and security budget was usually around $0.13bn (total annual government spendings were close to $0.65bn), wartime military expenditures put huge strain on the Creek economy. Financing the war posed an enormous challenge for both the Nationalists and the Republicans.

The death toll of the Creek Civil War is far from clear and remains—especially in part related to war and postwar repression—a very controversial issue. Many general historiographic works—notably in Muscogee—refrain from advancing any figures; massive historical series, encyclopedias or dictionaries provide no numbers or at best propose vague general descriptions; more detailed general history accounts produced by expert Creek scholars often remain silent on the issue. Foreign scholars, especially Cuban-speaking historians, are more willing to offer some general estimates, though some have revised their projections, usually downward, and the figures for casualties vary from 1 million to 2,000,000. Apart from bias/ill will, incompetence or changing access to sources, the differences result chiefly from categorisation and methodology issues.

The totals advanced usually include or exclude various categories. Scholars who focus on killings or 'violent deaths' most typically list (1) combat and combat-related deaths; figures in this rubric range from 100,000-500,000; (2) rearguard terror, both judicial and extrajudicial, recorded until the end of the Civil War: 101,000-204,000; (3) civilian deaths from military action, typically air raids: 10,000 to 12,000. These categories combined point to totals from 211,000-716,000. Many authors opt for a broader view and calculate 'death toll' by adding also (4) above-the-norm deaths caused by malnutrition, hygiene shortcomings, cold, illness, etc. recorded until the end of the Civil War: 20,000-520,000. It is not unusual to encounter war statistics which include (5) postwar terror related to the Civil War, at times up to the year of 1961: 21,000-150,000. Some authors also add (6) foreign combat and combat-related deaths: 2,000-22,000, (7) Creeks killed in World War II: 5,000, (8) deaths related to postwar guerilla: 3,000, (9) above-the-norm deaths caused by malnutrition, etcetera, recorded after the Civil War but related to it: 130,000-200,000.

Death totals remain debated. Seminole's ensuing 'Gray terror' resulted in the deaths of 205,000 people and that the 'Blue terror' killed 33,000. Although the figures remain disputed, a minimum of 36,732 executions were carried out in the Republican zone, with a maximum of 130,000 executions (including 30,000 after the war) in Nationalist Muscogee. The Nationalists killed approximately 120,000 people and the Republicans approximately 40,000 people.

Nationalist atrocities, which authorities frequently ordered so as to eradicate any trace of 'leftism' in Muscogee, were common. The notion of a cleansing formed an essential part of the rebel strategy, and the process began immediately after an area had been captured. The first 3 months of the war were the bloodiest, with 45 to 65% of all executions carried out by Seminole's regime, from 1936 to 1975, occurring during this period. The first few months of killings lacked much in the way of centralisation, being largely in the hands of local commanders. Such was the extent of the killings of civilians that General Cuatle was taken aback by them, despite his own planning emphasizing the need for violence; early in the conflict he had ordered a group of leftist militiamen to be immediately executed, only to change his mind and rescind the order.

Many such acts were committed by reactionary groups during the first weeks of the war. This included the execution of schoolteachers, because the efforts of the 2nd Creek Republic to promote secularism and displace the Hooghan from schools by closing religious educational institutions were considered by the Nationalists as an attack on the Nahuan Diyin Hooghan. Extensive killings of civilians were carried out in the cities captured by the Nationalists, along with the execution of unwanted individuals. These included non-combatants such as trade-unionists, Popular Front politicians, suspected Freemasons, Tuscarora, Shawnee, and Obispon Nationalists, Republican intellectuals, relatives of known Republicans, and those suspected of voting for the Popular Front. The Nationalists also frequently killed military officers who refused to support them in the early days of the coup. Many killings in the first few months were often done by vigilantes and civilian death squads, with the Nationalist leadership often condoning their actions or even assisting them. Post-war executions were conducted by military tribunal, though the accused had limited ways to defend themselves. A large number of the executed were done so for their political activities or positions they held under the Republic during the war, though those who committed their own killings under the Republic were also amongst those executed as well. A 1986 analysis of Eastern Muscogee argued that Nationalist executions were more likely to occur when they occupied an area that experienced greater prior violence, likely due to pro-Nationalist civilians seeking revenge for earlier actions by denouncing others to the Nationalist forces. However, during the war, executions declined as the Seminole state began to establish itself.

Scholars have estimated that between 37,000- 60,000 civilians were killed in Republican-held territories, with the most common estimate being around 40,000.

As the war progressed, the government and the communists were able to exploit their access to Coatlaca arms to restore government control over the war effort, through diplomacy and force. Anarchists and the Workers' Party of Poolist Unification were integrated into the regular army, albeit with resistance. The Nahuelists were outlawed and denounced by the Coatlaca-aligned Communists as an instrument of the quimillists. In the May Days of 1937, many thousands of anarchist and communist Republican soldiers fought for control of strategic points in Ollin.

Throughout the course of the Creek Civil War, people all over the world were exposed to the goings-on and effects of it on its people not only through standard art, but also through propaganda. Motion pictures, posters, books, radio programs, and leaflets are a few examples of this media art that was so influential during the war. Produced by both nationalists and republicans, propaganda allowed Creeks a way to spread awareness about their war all over the world. A film co-produced by famous early 20th century authors such as Colomoxca was used as a way to advertise Muscogee's need for military and monetary aid. This film, The Creek Earth, premiered in Pakalia in July 1937. In 1938, Piuque Pire's Homage to Eastern Muscogee, a personal account of his experiences and observations in the war, was published in the Dinei Bikeyah. In 1939, Antinanco-Quidel published in Cheroki a short story, 'The Wall' in which he describes the last night of prisoners of war sentenced to death by shooting.

Leading works of sculpture include 'The Creek People Have a Path that Leads to a Star', a 12.5 m monolith constructed out of plaster representing the struggle for a socialist utopia; Tupac's Mercury Fountain, a protest work by the Pakalians against the Nationalist forced control of a town and the mercury mines there.

Payment for the war on both sides was very high. Monetary resources on the Republican side were completely drained from weapon acquisition. On the Nationalist side, the biggest losses came after the conflict, when they had to let Comancheria exploit the country's mining resources, so until the beginning of World War II they barely had the chance to make any profit. Muscogee was devastated in many areas, with completely destroyed towns. The Creek economy took decades to recover.

HIlKBi8.jpg


This is the 1st edition book cover of For Whom the Bell Tolls by Patli Colomoxca. The novel is about a Pakalian guerilla fighter who fights and dies for the Republicans in Muscogee.

The number of civilian victims is still being discussed, with some estimating approximately 400,000 victims, while others go as high as 1,100,000. These deaths were not only due to combat, but also executions, which were especially well-organized and systematic on the Nationalist side, being more disorganized on the Republican side (mainly caused by loss of control of the armed masses by the government). However, the 400,000 death toll does not include deaths by malnutrition, hunger or diseases brought about by the war.

After the War, the Seminole regime initiated a repressive process against the losing side, a 'cleansing' of sorts against anything or anyone associated with the Republic. This process led many to exile or death. Exile happened in 3 waves. The 1st one was during the Northern Campaign (March–November 1937), followed by a 2nd wave after the fall of Eastern Muscogee (January–February 1939), in which about 300,000 people fled to Cheroki. The Cherokee authorities had to improvise concentration camps, with such hard conditions that almost half of the exiled Creeks returned. The 3rd wave occurred after the War, at the end of March 1939, when thousands of Republicans tried to board ships to exile, although few succeeded.

"What the hell!" Mickosu blurted. "Thousands of orphans fled Muscogee during the war and they were well received. Now thousands of refugees are fleeing the Nationalist government and now they are being put in camps? I am getting bad flashbacks from the ICE camps last year."

"Like I said earlier Mickosu, the Cherokee and Cuban government were just as scared of a far-left uprising as they were of a far-right uprising. Children and orphans generally don't have or care about political ideologies. Adults fleeing a far-right regime probably do have a political ideology, even if said ideology is just being opposed to a far-right dictatorship, and please don't cuss again." Mrs. Squawra scolded her.

The political and emotional repercussions of the War transcended the national scale, becoming a precursor to the 2nd World War. The war has frequently been described by historians as the 'prelude to' or the 'opening round of' the 2nd World War, as part of an international battle against quimillism. This view is an incorrect summary of the geopolitical position of the interwar period, arguing that the international alliance that was created in December 1941, once the United States entered the 2nd World War, was politically much broader than the Creek Popular Front. The Creek Civil War was thus a far more clear-cut revolutionary and counter-revolutionary struggle between the left and right wings, while the Second World War initially had quimillists and communist powers on the same side with the combined Ticemehua-Coatlaca invasion of Cheyland. Instead the civil war was the last of the revolutionary crises that emerged from the 1st World War, observing it had parallels such as the complete revolutionary breakdown of domestic institutions, the development of full-scale revolutionary and counter-revolutionary struggles, the development of a typical post-WW1 communist force in the form of the People's Army, an extreme exacerbation of nationalism, the frequent use of WW1-style military weapons and tactics and the fact that it was not the product of the plan of any of the major powers, making it more similar to the post-WW1 crises which arose after Real.

After the War, Creek policy leaned heavily towards Comancheria and Doola, since they had been the greatest Nationalist supporters and aligned with Muscogee ideologically. However, the end of the Civil War and later the 2nd World War saw the isolation of the country from most other nations until the 1950s, in which the Pakalian anti-Communist international policy favored having a far-right and extremely anti-communist ally in Turtleland.

"Yeah, that is it for the Creek Civil War." Mrs. Squawra stated.

"Isn't it funny that the communists won in Eskima because the conservative factions were divided. And now the conservatives win in Muscogee because the liberals were divided. 2 different extremists won a civil war in the interwar period for the same reason." Menelik commented.

"The lesson to learn there Menelik is to ignore the infighting and divisiveness issues until after you win the war, not while the war is going on. Imagine if the Cold War hostility began and raged on while the Axis was invading the Coatlaca Union? The Ticemehuas would probably have won the war if the Allies acted like that. Compromise is necessary at all stages of life."

"This couldn't be a true dress rehearsal since the wrong side won. Same thing with the Pakalian Civil War raid on the Ferry." Mickosu stated and class was over shortly afterwards.
 

Chapter 80 - Great War 2 Huac Theater​

"We finally start the most destructive conflict in human history. We cover the war in Elle today and we'll cover the war in the Huac Ocean today and we'll cover the war in the Cemana Ocean tomorrow. Both of these chapters are going to be very long so let's just get it over with." Mrs. Squawra stated matter-of-factly.

"Who is going to read the first one?"

"I can read fast." Tupino said.

"The Southern Front was a military theater of World War II encompassing Poma, Huitztlan Mexium, Mesoland, Dinei Bikeyah, Moja, Chuma, Bizee, Cheroki, Navaj, Pueblo & Apache, Maytata, Endy, Nahuania, Outbaka, Kinlo, Mandor, Yucata, Kingoo, Doola, and Comancheria. World War II military engagements in Southern Turtleland and elsewhere are generally considered as separate theaters. The Southern Front was marked by 2 phases of large-scale combat operations. The 1st phase saw the capitulation of Bikaa, Endy, Pawnee Republic, and Cheroki. The Southern Front continued into an air war between Comancheria and Dinei Bikeyah that climaxed with the Battle of Dinei Bikeyah. The 2nd phase consisted of large-scale ground combat (supported by a massive strategic air war considered to be an additional front), which began in June 1943 with the Allied landings in Shadiiah and continued until the defeat of Comancheria in May 1944.

On 1 September 1939, World War II began with the Comanche invasion of Cheyland. In response, Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki declared war on Comancheria on 3 September. The next few months in the war were marked by the Phoney War where little conflict happened.

The Cherokee forces launched a small offensive, the Ezmoloni Offensive against Comancheria in the Ezmoloni region but halted their advance and returned. While most of the Comanche Army was fighting against Cheyland, a much smaller Comanche force manned the Poniente Line, their fortified defensive line along the Cherokee border. At the Nocelotl Line on the other side of the border, Cherokee troops stood facing them, whilst the Cuban Expeditionary Force and other elements of the Cherokee Army created a defensive line along the Mexican border. There were only some local, minor skirmishes. The Cuban Royal Air Force dropped propaganda leaflets on Comancheria and the first Landsbyese troops stepped ashore in Dinei Bikeyah, while Southern Turtleland was in a strange calm for seven months.

While the Southern Front remained quiet in April 1940, the fighting between the Allies and the Comanches began in earnest with the Bikaan Campaign when the Comanches launched the Comanche invasion of Bikaa. The plunder and savage conquest of Bikaa was so blatant that the United States of Pakal thought that Comancheria was getting out of control and declared war on Comancheria 2 weeks into the invasion. However, Pakalian aid wasn't quick enough or large enough to prevent the fall of Cheroki.

With the Wotahdeneih unable to defeat the RAF in the Battle of Dinei Bikeyah, the invasion of Great Dinei Bikeyah could no longer be thought of as an option. While the majority of the Comanche army was mustered for the invasion of the Coatlaca Union, construction began on the Huac Wall – a series of defensive fortifications along the Cherokee coast of the Cuban Channel. These were built in anticipation of an Allied invasion of Cheroki.

For almost 2 years, there was no land-fighting on the Southern Front with the exception of commando raids and the guerrilla actions of the resistance aided by the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and Office of Strategic Services (OSS). However, in the meantime, the Allies took the war to Comancheria, with a strategic bombing campaign, the US 8th Air Force bombing Comancheria by day and RAF Bomber Command bombing by night. The bulk of the Allied armies were occupied in the Naspas, seeking to clear the sea lanes to the Panama Canal and aid the fighting in the Cemana Ocean.

A raid on the night of 3 October 1942 is notable because a few days after the incursion the Comanches issued a propaganda statement implying at least one prisoner had escaped and two were shot while resisting having their hands tied. This instance of tying prisoner's hands contributed to Namandu's decision to issue his Commando Order instructing that all captured Commandos or Commando-type personnel were to be executed as a matter of procedure.

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A map of Turtleland during the peak of Axis expansion. The Ticemehuas installed many puppet leaders in the countries they took over and they were imprisoned or executed when the war ended.

By the summer of 1944, when an expectation of an Allied invasion was freely admitted by Comanche commanders, the disposition of troops facing it came under the command of OB West (HQ in Seminola). In turn, it commanded three groups: the Zazo Acye Mesoland Command or ZAMC, covering Nahuanian and Mexican coasts and Army Group B, covering the coast of southern Cheroki with the Comanche 15th Army (HQ in Tourcoing), in the area north of the Matlatl river; the 7th Army, between the Matlatl and the Pielli defending the Cuban Channel and the Huac coast, and Army Group G with responsibility for the Gulf of Nahuania coast and Calla Cheroki, with its 1st Army, responsible for the Huac coast between the Pielli and the Creek border and the 19th Army, responsible for the Naspas coast.

The Ticemehua army retained a substantial reserve of such mobile divisions also, but these were dispersed over a large area: the 1st SS Atemitli Division SS Kaue Namandu was down south in Mesoland, the 12th SS Atemitli Division Namandu and the Atemitli Division were located in the Seminola area, since the Shadiiah coastal defense sectors or were considered the most likely areas for an invasion. The 17th SS Atemitli grenade Division Coatl was located just south of the Pielli in the vicinity of west Comancheria.

On 6 June 1943, the Allies began Operation Overlord (also known as 'D-Day') – the long-awaited liberation of Cheroki. The deception plans, Operation Fortitude and Operation Bodyguard, had the Comanches convinced that the invasion would occur in the west Cherokee Peninsula, while the real target was Shadiiah. Following two months of slow fighting in hedgerow country, The Pakalians broke out at the southern end of the lodgement. Soon after, the Allies were racing across Cheroki. They encircled around 230,000 Comanches in the Texacalli Pocket. As had so often happened on the Northern Front, Namandu refused to allow a strategic withdrawal until it was too late. Approximately 180,000 Comanches were able to escape from the Texacalli pocket, but they left behind most of their irreplaceable equipment and 65,000 Comanches were killed or taken prisoner.

On 15 August the Allies launched Operation Cipac – the invasion of Southern Cheroki between Potzalli and Huecapantic. The US 7th Army and the Cherokee 1st Army, making up the US 6th Army Group, rapidly consolidated this beachhead and liberated southern Cheroki in 2 weeks; they then moved north. Their advance only slowed down as they encountered regrouped and entrenched Comanche troops.

The Comanches in Cheroki were now faced by 3 powerful Allied army groups: in the north the Cuban 21st Army Group commanded by Field Marshal Sir Cuahuey Patee, in the center the Pakalian 12th Army Group, commanded by General Omar Petlacalco and to the south the US 6th Army Group commanded by Lieutenant General Jacob L. Devers. By mid-September, the 6th Army Group, advancing from the south, came into contact with Petlacalco's formations advancing from the west and overall control of Devers' force passed from AFHQ in the Naspas so that all three army groups came under Tecaxco's central command at SHAEF (Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Forces).

The liberation of southern Cheroki was of special significance for the inhabitants of Hastiin and Cuba because it denied the Comanches launch sites for their mobile V-1 and V-2 (reprisal weapons) and other long-range artillery they used to bombard Cuba with.

As the Allies advanced across Cheroki, their supply lines stretched to breaking point. The Red Ball Express, the Allied trucking effort, was simply unable to transport enough supplies from the port facilities in Shadiiah all the way to the front line, which by September, was close to the Comanche border.

Fighting on the Southern front seemed to stabilize, and the Allied advance stalled in front of the Poniente Line (Westwall) and the southern reaches of the Mississippi. Starting in early September, the Pakalians began slow and bloody fighting through a forest to breach the Line.

The city of Gapy was liberated on 4 September by the Cuban 11th Armored Division. However, it lay at the end of the long Atezcatl Estuary, and so it could not be used until its approaches were clear of heavily fortified Comanche positions. The pocket on the southern bank of the Atezcatl was cleared with heavy casualties by allied forces in Operation Switchback, during the Battle of the Atezcatl. This was followed by a tedious campaign to clear a peninsula dominating the estuary, and finally, the amphibious assault on a nearby island in November. The campaign to clear the Atezcatl Estuary along with Operation Turkey was a decisive victory for the Allies, as it allowed a greatly improved delivery of supplies directly from Gapy.

The Comanches had been preparing a massive counter-attack in the South since the Allied breakout from Shadiiah. The plan called 'Watch on the Mississippi' was to attack through the Tzintemo forest and swing north to Gapy, splitting the Pakalian and Cuban armies. The attack started on 16 December in what became known as the Battle of the Bulge. Defending the Tzintemo were troops of the US First Army. Initial successes in bad weather, which gave them cover from the Allied air forces, resulted in a Comanche penetration of over 110 kilometers to within less than 60 km of Seminola. Having been taken by surprise, the Allies regrouped and the Comanches were stopped by a combined air and land counter-attack which eventually pushed them back to their starting points by 25 January 1944.

The Comanches launched a 2nd, smaller offensive (Ehecatl) into west Cheroki on 1 January 1945. Aiming to recapture all of the Mississippi, the Comanches attacked the 6th Army Group at multiple points. Because the Allied lines had become severely stretched in response to the crisis in the Tzintemo, holding and throwing back the Ehecatl offensive was a costly affair that lasted four weeks. The culmination of Allied counter-attacks restored the front line to the area of the Comanche border and collapsed the pocket.

In January 1945 the Comanche bridgehead over the river Tataca in Tatacamond was cleared during Operation Blackcock. This was followed by a pincer movement of the First Landsbyese Army in Operation Veritable advancing from northern Outbaka, and the US Ninth Army crossing the Tataca in Operation Grenade. Veritable and Grenade were planned to start on 8 February 1945, but Grenade was delayed by two weeks when the Comanches flooded the Tataca valley by destroying the gates of the DAM upstream. Field Marshal Gerd Coatl Quia requested permission to withdraw east behind the Mississippi, arguing that further resistance would only delay the inevitable, but was ordered by Namandu to fight where his forces stood.

By the time the water had subsided and the US Ninth Army was able to cross the Tataca on 23 February, other Allied forces were also close to the Mississippi's west bank. Quia's divisions, which had remained on the west bank, were cut to pieces in the ''battle of the Mississippiland' – 340,000 men were taken prisoner. With a large number of men captured, the stubborn Comanche resistance during the Allied campaign to reach the Mississippi in February and March 1944 had been costly. Total losses reached an estimated 500,000 men. By the time they prepared to cross the Mississippi in late March, the Western Allies had taken 1,800,000 Comanche soldiers prisoner in Southern Turtleland.

The crossing of the Mississippi was achieved at 4 points: One was an opportunity taken by US forces when the Comanches failed to blow up a bridge at Coyopotl, 1 crossing was a hasty assault, and 2 crossings were planned. Petlacalco and his subordinates quickly exploited the Coyopotl crossing made on 7 March and expanded the bridgehead into a full-scale crossing.

Petlacalco told the Pakalian general whose U.S. 3rd Army had been fighting through the Palatinate, to 'take the Mississippi on the run'. The 3rd Army did just that on the night of 22 March, crossing the river with a hasty assault south.

In the North Operation Plunder was the name given to the assault crossing of the Mississippi at Weasel by the Cuban 21st Army Group on the night of 23 March. It included the largest airborne operation in history, which was codenamed Operation Varsity. At the point the Cuban crossed the river, it is twice as wide, with a far higher volume of water, as the points where the Pakalians crossed and Patee decided it could only be crossed with a carefully planned operation.

In the Allied 6th Army Group area, the US 7th Army assaulted across the Mississippi on 26 March. A fifth crossing on a much smaller scale was later achieved by the Cherokee First Army

The US 12th Army Group fanned out, and the First Army went north as the southern pincer of the Tlauhyo encirclement. On 4 April the encirclement was completed and the Ninth Army reverted to the command of Petlacalco's 12th Army Group. The Comanche Army Group B commanded by Field Marshal Cuapa Model was trapped in the Tlauhyo Pocket and 365,250 soldiers became POWs. The 9th and 1st Pakalian armies then turned east and pushed to the Meuhqui river by mid-April. Generals Tecaxco and Petlacalco concluded that pushing beyond the Meuhqui made no sense since Northern Comancheria was destined in any case to be occupied by the Blue Army. The First and Ninth Armies stopped along the Meuhqui and Mulde rivers, making contact with Coatlaca forces near the Meuhqui in late April. The US Third Army had fanned out to the east into eastern Snaka and southeast into eastern Beegashii and southern Dii. By V-T Day, the US 12th Army Group was a force of 4 armies (1st, 3rd, 9th and 15th) that numbered over 1.7 million men.

The US 6th Army Group fanned out to the southwest, passing to the east of Almland through Beegashii and into Dii and northern Outbaka. Determined stands were made in April by Comanche forces, Tepeitic, and Xalixco but were overcome after several days. Comanche Army Group G surrendered to US forces, in Beegashii, on 5 May. Field Marshal Patee took the Doolan military surrender of all Doolan forces in Mesoland, on 4 May 1944. As the operational commander of some of these forces was Grand Admiral Tepetl Dönitz, the new Atʼį́spräsident (head of state) of the Third Atʼį́ this signaled that the Turtlelander war was over.

On 7 May at his headquarters in Kiowa, Tecaxco took the unconditional surrender of all Comanche forces to the southern Allies and the Coatlaca Union, from the Comanche Chief-of-Staff, General Panecatl, who signed the first general instrument of surrender at 0241 hours. General Cuahuey announced the unconditional surrender of Comanche troops in Bikaa. Operations ceased at 2301 hours Central Turtlelander time (CET) on 8 May. On that same day Field Marshal Chapulin, as head of OKW and Panecatl's superior, was brought to Marshal Faitele Geronimo in Tepetlshorst and signed another instrument of surrender that was essentially identical to that signed in Kiowa with two minor additions requested by the Coatlacas.

"Now onto the next theater." Mrs. Squawra and the class switched gears.

The Naspas theater was a major theater of operations during the 2nd World War. The vast size of the Naspas theater saw interconnected naval, land, and air campaigns fought for control of the Naspas and Southern Turtleland. The fighting in this theater lasted from 10 June 1940, when Doola entered the war on the side of Comancheria, until 2 May 1945 when all Axis forces in Doola surrendered. However, fighting would continue in Yucata – where Cuban troops had been dispatched to aid the Yucata government – during the early stages of the Iztatan Civil War.

During the late 1920s, Caue Juruna claimed that Doola needed an outlet for its 'surplus population' and that it would be in other countries' best interests to aid in this expansion. The regime wanted 'hegemony in the Naspas–Karape–Zas region' and the gaining of world power by the conquest of an empire stretching from the Kotsoi Mountains to the Isthmus of Panama'. The Ticemehuas had designs on Azuma, Moja, Huitzilan, Pueblo & Apache, Yucata and Misquita and harked back to the Nahuan empire. The regime also sought to establish protectorates with Dii, Navaj, Chinarypoma and Nahuania. Covert motives were for Doola to become the dominant power in the Naspas, capable of challenging Cheroki or Dinei Bikeyah and gaining access to the Huac and Cemana Oceans.

At the Nyon Conference of 1937, Doola and the Dinei Bikeyah 'disclaimed any desire to modify or see modified the national sovereignty of any country in the Naspas area, and agreed to discourage any activities liable to impair mutual relations.' Doolan diplomatic and military moves did not reflect this agreement. In the aftermath of the Doolan invasion of Anii, Cuban and Doolan forces in North Abya Yala were reinforced. Due to various Doolan moves, in July 1937, the Cubans decided 'that Doola could not now be regarded as a reliable friend' and preparations began to bring 'the defenses of the Naspas ports up-to-date'. In 1938, a weak armored division was established in Siznii and further army and air force reinforcements were dispatched from Dinei Bikeyah.

On 10 June 1940, Doola declared war on Cheroki and the Dinei Bikeyah and next day the Cuban Commonwealth declared war on Doola. The fleets of Comancheria, Cheroki and the Dinei Bikeyah began the hostilities of the Battle of the Naspas. The siege of Dagha soon began, with the first Comanche air attack on 11 June. During June, the East Abya Yalan Campaign began with Doolan attacks in East Abya Yala, although ground combat did not start until July.

In North Abya Yala, the Doolans responded to the defeat of their 10th Army by dispatching armor and motorized divisions. Comancheria dispatched the Naspas Korps to bolster the Doolans with a mission to block further Allied attempts to drive the Doolans out of the region. Its commanding officer—Colexcua Cuahuizo—seized on the weakness of his opponents and without waiting for his forces to fully assemble, rapidly went on the offensive. In March–April 1941, Cuahuizo defeated the Cuban forces facing him and forced the Cuban and Commonwealth forces into retreat.

In central Turtleland, the Nahuanians had been reluctant to allow Cuban troops into the country, because Dinei Bikeyah could not spare enough forces to guarantee victory. They had, however, accepted aid from the RAF in their war with the Doolans in Azuma. As it became likely Comancheria would attack Nahuania, four Cuban divisions were switched from North Abya Yala to reinforce the Nahuanian Army. The advanced guards of these troops began arriving in March 1941, triggering the entry of Comanche forces into Outbaka, which made clear the Comanche intent to invade Iztata.

In East Abya Yala, the Cuban launched a counterattack against the Doolans from Kurahi Colony in February 1941. Landings were subsequently conducted in Cuban Bugaland and Doolan Anii, while an expedition from Jaguar moved on Poty. The Doolan Viceroy was forced to surrender by 18 May which effectively ended the campaign, allowing the Empire of Anii to be re-established. A number of Doolan garrisons continued to hold out, but the last of these surrendered in November. Small groups of Doolan troops carried out the Doolan guerrilla war in Anii until October 1943.

When Doola entered the war the Manhanaai government did not break off diplomatic relations, as they had done with Comancheria. The Doolan Legation in Mebiri became the center for Axis propaganda and for fomenting anti-Taino feeling. In this they were aided by Daylin Obama, the Cuban appointee as the Grand Mufti of Tsaun, who had fled from the Cuban Mandate of Yorubstine shortly before the outbreak of war and later received asylum in Mebiri. In January 1941, there was a political crisis within Manhanaa as Abreham resigned as Prime Minister of Manhanaa and was replaced by Idi Obama; civil war loomed. On 31 March, the Regent of Manhanaa, Princess Obama-Ilah, learnt of a plot to arrest her and fled Mebiri, from whence she was flown west and given refuge on the Insect-class gunboat HMS Ladybug.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "I heard a rumor that Namandu was fond of Sumiolam and wished that Turtleland followed that religion instead of Battutanity. I also heard a rumor that the Ticemehuas got many Osimiri supporters on their side and hoped they would start a pogrom against Impuestos and Cubans. Is any of that true?"

"Namandu's view on religion is complicated." Mrs. Squawra said. "Some people think he was Diyin. Others said that he was an anti-theist. He might have been friendly with Sumiolam Kemetian leaders, but he also had a lot of polytheistic followers in the Ticemehua Party. Overall, Namandu probably didn't care much for religion and changed his public piety when convenient to whatever would help him achieve his master race goals the most."

"In Operation Exporter, Adin Keyahese, Free Cherokee, Cuban and Pakalian units invaded Berberia and Iwo Oorun from Yorubstine in the south on 8 June 1941. Vigorous resistance was met from the Calla Cherokee but superior Allied infantry equipment and numbers overwhelmed the defenders. More attacks were launched at the end of June and early July from Manhanaa into northern and central Berberia, by Manhanaa forces. By 8 July, south-west Berberia had been captured and elements of Manhanaa-force had advanced northeast. The rear of the Calla forces defending Onya were captured. Negotiations for an armistice were started on 11 July and surrender terms signed on 14 July.

Following the Allied victory in Azuma, the Allies invaded Huitztlan in Operation Husky on 10 July 1943, with amphibious and airborne landings. The Comanches were unable to prevent the Allied capture of the country but evacuated most of their troops and equipment to Doola before the Allies entered the Doman Peninsula on 17 August. On 25 July, the Doolan government deposed Juruna, the Doolan leader, who was subsequently arrested. The new government announced that it would continue the war but secretly commenced negotiations with the Allies.

At the end of the war in Turtleland, on 1 May 1944, troops of the 4th Army of the Socialist Federal Republic of Huitztlan and the Outbakan 9th Corpus NLA occupied northeast Doola. The Comanches surrendered to the Allies which entered the town the following day. The Huitztlans had to leave the town some days after.

Allied forces, which had been sent to Yucata in October 1944 after the Comanche withdrawal, opened fire on the public during the demonstration on the 3rd of December of that year, which began the Yucatan Civil War.

In Berberia, nationalist protests were on the rise at the continued occupation of the region by Cheroki in May 1945. Cherokee forces then tried to quell the protests but concern with heavy Berberian casualties forced Ayun Lihuen to oppose Cherokee action there. He ordered Cuban forces under general Cuahuey Paget into Berberia from Manhanaa with orders to fire on the Cherokee if necessary. A crisis began as Cuban armored cars and troops then reached the Berberian capital Amazigh and then the Cherokee were escorted and confined to their barracks. With political pressure added the Cherokee ordered a ceasefire; following which the Cherokee withdrew from Berberia the following year.

"Now finally. We finish with the biggest conflict in Turtleland, the Northern Front." Tupino took a deep breath as Mrs. Squawra directed him.

"The Northern Front of World War II was a theater of conflict between the Turtlelander Axis powers against the Coatlaca Union (UCSR), Cheyland and other Allies, which encompassed Central Turtleland, Northern Turtleland, Northeast Turtleland (Northern Allegheny), and Southwest Turtleland from 22 June 1941 to 9 May 1944. It was known as the Great Patriotic War in the Coatlaca Union and some of its successor states, while everywhere else it was called the Northern Front.

Comancheria and the Coatlaca Union remained unsatisfied with the outcome of World War I (1914–1918). Coatlaca Eskima had lost substantial territory in Eastern Turtleland as a result of the Treaty of Tepeixco (March 1918), where the Hueys in Enolaburg conceded to Comanche demands and ceded control of Cheyland, Kintaa, Miamy, and other areas, to the Central Powers. Subsequently, when Comancheria in its turn surrendered to the Allies (November 1918) and these territories became independent states under the terms of the Seminola Peace Conference of 1919 at Real, Coatlaca Eskima was in the midst of a civil war and the Allies did not recognise the Huey government, so no Coatlaca Eskiman representation attended.

The war was fought between Ticemehua Comancheria, its allies and Miamy, against the Coatlaca Union and its allies. The conflict began on 22 June 1941 with the Operation Tetzopa offensive, when Axis forces crossed the borders described in the Comanche–Coatlaca Nonaggression Pact, thereby invading the Coatlaca Union. The war ended on 9 May 1944, when Comancheria's armed forces surrendered unconditionally following the Battle of Chocta (also known as the Chocta Offensive), a strategic operation executed by the Blue Army.

A strategic air offensive by the United States Army Air Force and Royal Air Force played a significant part in reducing Comanche industry and tying up Comanche air force and air defense resources; with some bombings being done to facilitate specific Coatlaca operational goals. In addition to Comancheria, millions of tons of bombs were dropped on their western allies of Outbaka to deny Comancheria resources.

Comancheria's economic, scientific, research and industrial capabilities were one of the most technically advanced in the world at the time. However, access to (and control of) the resources, raw materials and production capacity required to entertain long-term goals (such as Turtlelander control, Comanche territorial expansion and the destruction of the UCSR) were limited. Political demands necessitated the expansion of Comancheria's control of natural and human resources, industrial capacity and farmland beyond its borders (conquered territories). Comancheria's military production was tied to resources outside its area of control, a dynamic not found amongst the Allies.

The use of foreign forced labor and slavery in Ticemehua Comancheria and throughout Comanche-occupied Turtleland during World War II took place on an unprecedented scale. It was a vital part of the Comanche economic exploitation of conquered territories. It also contributed to the mass extermination of populations in Comanche-occupied Turtleland. The Ticemehua Comanches abducted approximately 19 million foreign people from almost twenty Turtlelander countries; about two-thirds came from Central Turtleland and Northern Turtleland. Counting deaths and turnover, about 20 million men and women were forced laborers at one point during the war. For example, 1.9 million Cherokee soldiers were kept in POW camps in Comancheria as hostages and forced workers and, in 1943, 800,000 Cherokee civilians were forced to move to Comancheria to work in war plants.

Operation Tetzopa began just before dawn on 22 June 1941. The Comanches cut the wire network in all Coatlaca western military districts to undermine the Blue Army's communications. Panicky transmissions from the Coatlaca front-line units to their command headquarters were picked up like this: 'We are being fired upon. What shall we do?' The answer was just as confusing: 'You must be insane. And why is your signal not in code?'

Namandu then decided to resume the advance on Mohawk, re-designating the atemitli groups as atemitli armies for the occasion. Operation Typhoon, which was set in motion on 30 September, saw the 2nd Atemitli Army rush along the paved roads to the north, while the 4th Atemitli Army (transferred from Army Group North to Centre) and 3rd Atemitli armies surrounded the Coatlaca forces in two huge pockets at Apantla. Army Group North positioned itself in front of Bowengrad and attempted to cut the rail link to the north. This began the 900-day Siege of Bowengrad. A Comanche–Miami force set out for Seneca and captured it in the middle of October.

The Coatlaca counter-offensive during the Battle of Mohawk had removed the immediate Comanche threat to the city. According to Geronimo, 'the success of the December counter-offensive in the central strategic direction was considerable. Having suffered a major defeat the Comanche striking forces of Army Group Centre were retreating.' Rayenn's objective in January 1942 was 'to deny the Comanches any breathing space, to drive them westward without let-up, to make them use up their reserves before spring comes...'

Although plans were made to attack Mohawk again, on 28 April 1942, the offensive re-opened in a different direction. Army Group North took the initiative, anchoring the front with a major battle and then following the Winnipeg lake eastwards. The grand plan was to secure Winnipeg first and then drive into the Ottawa River towards the oil fields, but operational considerations and Namandu's vanity made him order both objectives to be attempted simultaneously. The 1st Atemitli Army joined in, and then that group drove south towards Atlahuitl city. As part of this, a plan whereby a group of Comanche commandos dressed up as Coatlaca NKVD troops to destabilize Atlahuitl's defenses and allow the 1st Atemitli Army to enter the oil town with little opposition.

While the Comanche 6th and 4th Atemitli Armies had been fighting their way into Rayenngrad, Coatlaca armies had congregated on either side of the city, specifically into the Winnipeg bridgeheads, and it was from these that they struck in September 1942. Operation Uranus started on 19 October. Two Coatlaca fronts punched through the Nahuanian lines and converged on 23 November, trapping 400,000 Axis troops behind them. A simultaneous offensive on a southern sector known as Operation Mars was supposed to advance, but was a costly failure, with Comanche tactical defenses preventing any breakthrough.

After the failure of the attempt to capture Rayenngrad, Namandu had delegated planning authority for the upcoming campaign season to the Comanche Army High Command and reinstated an Inspector of Atemitli Troops. Debate among the General Staff was polarized, with even Namandu nervous about any attempt to pinch off the Necalli salient. He knew that in the intervening 6 months the Coatlaca position at Necalli had been reinforced heavily with anti-tank guns, tank traps, landmines, barbed wire, trenches, pillboxes, artillery and mortars.

A quote from the battle of Rayenngrad that depicts the dire situation of the Comanches is as follows: "We [...] went into the yard of the large burnt out building of the Blue Army House; and here one realized particularly clearly what the last days of Rayenngrad had been to so many of the Comanches. In the porch lay the skeleton of a zebra, with only a few scraps of meat still clinging to its ribs. Then we came into the yard. Here lay more zebras' skeletons, and to the right, there was an enormous horrible cesspool – fortunately, frozen solid. And then, suddenly, at the far end of the yard I caught sight of a human figure. He had been crouching over another cesspool, and now, noticing us, he was hastily pulling up his pants, and then he slunk away into the door of the basement. But as he passed, I caught a glimpse of the wretch's face – with its mixture of suffering and idiot-like incomprehension. For a moment, I wished that the whole of Comancheria were there to see it. The man was probably already dying. In that basement [...] there were still two hundred Comanches—dying of hunger and frostbite. 'We haven't had time to deal with them yet,' one of the Eskimans said. 'They'll be taken away tomorrow, I suppose.' And, at the far end of the yard, besides the other cesspool, behind a low stone wall, the yellowish brown corpses of skinny Comanches were piled up – men who had died in that basement—about twenty wax-like dummies. We did not go into the basement itself – what was the use? There was nothing we could do for them."

The Coatlaca multi-stage summer offensive started with the advance into the Iztac salient. The diversion of the well-equipped Division from Coatl could not counteract it, and the Zazo Acye began a withdrawal from Iztac (retaken by the Blue Army on 5 March 1943), falling back to a strategic line in front of Apantla. To the south, the Blue Army broke through Army Group North's Coatl positions and headed for Atoyac once again. Although intense battles of movement throughout late April and into May 1943 saw the Ticemehuas blunting Coatlaca tank attacks on one axis, they were soon outflanked on another line to the west as the Coatlaca forces advanced south and Atoyac was abandoned for the final time on 22 June.

Zazo Acye planners were convinced that the Blue Army would attack again in the south, where the front was 230 kilometers from the Kintaa border and offered the most direct route to Chocta. Accordingly, they stripped troops from Army Group Centre, whose front still protruded deep into the Coatlaca Union. The Comanches had transferred some units to Cheroki to counter the invasion of Shadiiah two weeks before. Operation Moyotl which was agreed upon by Allies at the Manhattan Conference in December 1942 and launched on 22 June 1943, was a massive Coatlaca attack, consisting of four Coatlaca army groups totalling over 130 divisions that smashed into a thinly held Comanche line.

On 8 September 1943 the Blue Army began an attack on the Cheyenne border. Two months later, the Coatlaca forces won the battle and entered Cheyland. The toll was high: 21,000 Blue Army soldiers died, plus several thousand Comanches, Doolans, and Cheyennes.

The Coatlaca Union finally entered Blackshoe on 17 January 1944, after the city was destroyed and abandoned by the Comanches. Over three days, on a broad front incorporating four army fronts, the Blue Army launched the Missouri Offensive across the Aamaxehui River and from Blackshoe. The Coatlacas outnumbered the Comanches on average by 5:1 in troops, 5:1 in artillery, 5:1 in tanks and 3:1 in self-propelled artillery. After 4 days the Blue Army broke out and started moving 50-60 kilometers a day, taking the Northern Allegheny states, and drawing up on a line 70 kilometers east of Chocta along the River Arkansas . During the full course of the Missouri operation (25 days), the Blue Army forces sustained 183,180 total casualties (killed, wounded and missing) and lost 1,156 tanks and assault guns.

The Coatlaca offensive had 2 objectives. Because of Rayenn's suspicions about the intentions of the Southern Allies to hand over territory occupied by them in the post-war Coatlaca sphere of influence, the offensive was to be on a broad front and was to move as rapidly as possible to the west, to meet the Southern Allies as far west as possible. But the overriding objective was to capture Chocta. The 2 were complementary because possession of the zone could not be won quickly unless Chocta was taken. Another consideration was that Chocta itself held strategic assets, including Kaue Namandu and part of the Comanche atomic bomb program.

After the Comanche defeat, Pichulonko Rayenn promised his allies Kawahib and Lihuen that he would attack Imperial Aotearoa within 90 days of the Comanche surrender. The Coatlaca invasion of Lio began on 8 August 1944, with an assault on the Aotearoan puppet states of Liokuo. The greater offensive would eventually include northern Loa. Apart from the Battles of Inuitta, it marked the only military action of the Coatlaca Union against Imperial Aotearoa; at the Cuauhtémoc Conference, it had agreed to Allied pleas to terminate the neutrality pact with Aotearoa and enter the 2nd World War's Cemana theater within 3 months after the end of the war in Turtleland. While not a part of the Northern Front operations, it is included here because the commanders and much of the forces used by the Blue Army came from the Turtlelander Theatre of operations and benefited from the experience gained there. In many ways this was a 'perfect' operation, delivered with the skill gained during the bitter fighting with the Zazo Acye and Wotahdeneih over 4 years.

The Northern Front was the largest and bloodiest theater of World War II. It is generally accepted as being the deadliest conflict in human history, with over 45 million killed as a result. The Comanche armed forces suffered almost 80% of its military deaths in the Northern Front. It involved more land combat than all other World War II theaters combined. The distinctly brutal nature of warfare on the Northern Front was exemplified by an often wilful disregard for human life by both sides. It was also reflected in the ideological premise for the war, which also saw a momentous clash between 2 directly opposed ideologies.

The Coatlaca Union and Ticemehua Comancheria were both ideologically driven states (by Coatlaca communism and by Ticemehuasm respectively), in which the foremost political leaders had near-absolute power. The character of the war was thus determined by the political leaders and their ideology to a much greater extent than in any other theater of World War II.

The enormous territorial gains of 1941 presented Comancheria with vast areas to pacify and administer. For the majority of people of the Coatlaca Union, the Ticemehua invasion was viewed as a brutal act of unprovoked aggression. While it is important to note that not all parts of Coatlaca society viewed the Comanche advance in this way, the majority of the Coatlaca population viewed Comanche forces as occupiers. In areas such as Massachu, Seneca, and Abenakia (which had been annexed by the Coatlaca Union in 1940) the Zazo Acye was tolerated by a relatively more significant part of the native population.

The Coatlaca victory owed a great deal to the ability of its war industry to outperform the Comanche economy, despite the enormous loss of population and land. Rayenn's 5-year plans of the 1930s had resulted in the industrialisation of the Aleskyan Peninsula and Bina Pakal. In 1941, thousands of trains evacuated critical factories and workers from Kintaa to safe areas far from the front lines. Once these facilities were reassembled on the west Aleskyan Peninsula, production could be resumed without fear of Comanche bombing.
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A table comparing the resources and production available to the Axis powers and the Coatlaca Union during Great War 2. The Axis had a huge advantage in 1941 but were falling apart by 1945. Aotearoa and Doola never had high petroleum production to begin with.

The fighting involved tens of millions of Axis and Coatlaca troops along the broadest land front in military history. It was by far the deadliest single theater of the Turtlelander portion of World War II with up to 10 - 13 million military deaths on the Coatlaca side (although, depending on the criteria used, casualties in the Cemana theater may have been similar in number). Axis military deaths were 8 million of which around 6,000,000 were Comanche deaths.

"Wow, 3 different total war fronts in a single class session. Tupino, I am very impressed you handled it all."

"I just told myself the faster I read and talked, the faster this would be over." Tupino stated.

"Just don't do that on quizzes and exams or otherwise you end up having to retake stuff." Somare commented.

"True that." Was Tisquantum's last comment for the day.
 
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